997 resultados para Spanish Democratic Transition


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El feminismo de la Transición contribuyó de manera decisiva a la extensión de los principios igualitarios en la sociedad española, replanteó el concepto de política para integrar en ella a las mujeres como sujetos activos y nuevos derechos vinculados a lo personal, y se movilizó en campañas muy influyentes en demanda de reformas legales que consolidaron la naturaleza democrática del Estado. En este texto se propone partir de la paradoja de la igualdad y la diferencia para reflexionar sobre las relaciones entre feminismo y política en la Transición, abordando tanto el debate de la doble y la única militancia, como las principales interpretaciones sobre el alcance de los logros del feminismo en la configuración del Estado democrático.

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This paper examines the performance of the European Parliament in EU AFSJ law and policy-making from the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty until the end of the first half of 2013. The paper situates the EP in the new post-Lisbon institutional setting, documenting its transition to ‘AFSJ decision-maker’, and its new powers to shape and make policy covering the EU’s internal and external security agenda. While the paper finds that the EP has become an active co-owner of the EU AFSJ post-Lisbon, with the Parliament demonstrating a dynamic adjustment to its new post-Lisbon role and powers, the authors identify a set of new developments and challenges that have arisen in the conduct of democratic accountability by the EP in the AFSJ since 2009, which call for critical reflection ahead of the new parliamentary term 2014-2019 and the post-2014 phase of the EU’s AFSJ.

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Using data for the period 1989 – 2002, we examine the determinants of income inequality in post-communist economies. We find a strong positive association between equality and tax collection but note that this relationship is significantly stronger under authoritarian regimes than under democracies. We also discover that countries introducing sustainable democratic institutions early are characterised by lower inequality. We also confirm that education fosters equality and find that larger countries are prone to higher levels of inequality.

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The accession of the East-Central European (ECE) countries carried a promise of enhancing and enriching the EU’s Eastern policy. The new member states had the strongest interests among EU member states to ensure that countries in the East are prosperous, stable and democratic. Yet, EU’s Eastern policy has been largely criticised for its ineffectiveness. So why have they not been able to address the shortcomings in the EU’s Eastern policies? The article argues that the ECE countries supported the way the EU’s Eastern policies were conceived and implemented because they saw it as a potent vehicle to promote their own transition experience not only in the region but also within the EU. We argue that the ECE states have experienced three types of challenges when promoting their transition experience. First, uploading to the EU level remained largely at a rhetorical level. Second, there are conceptual and practical difficulties in defining what constitutes transition experience and harnessing it, as well as coordinating its transfer between the ECE states. Finally, while using transition experience as the basis for their development assistance strategies, the ECE countries actually insufficiently conceptualised the ‘development’ aspect in these policies. Being so driven by their own experience, they have not drawn the lessons from enlargement to use in a non-accession context, especially by incorporating the broader lessons with regard to development.

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Up to January 2011 authoritarian political regimes in the Middle East had widely been considered stable due to the armed forces, the underdeveloped political institutions, the economic embeddedness of the regimes, the neo-patrimonial structure of the Arab societies and, eventually the characteristics of Islam. Middle Eastern political systems are often considered to belong to a special sub-group of non-democratic regimes called “liberalized autocracies”. The 2011 events show that there is a new, as yet non-defined political structure emerging. Although there are different interpretations of the developments, there is a consensus on the determinant role of the Islamist organizations in the development of the new political structure. The results of the Egyptian and Tunisian parliamentary elections show that the secular political parties could not attract the public, while in Tunisia the long forbidden Hizb an-Nahda could form a government. In Egypt Hizb al-Hurriya established by the Muslim Brotherhood in 2011 won almost half of the parliamentary mandates, and to a great surprise, the Salafi Hizb an-Nour also received 24.3% of the votes. On the basis of the above developments the thesis of the Islamist re-organization of the Middle East, i.e. of a new wave of Islamism was elaborated, according to which the main political winners of the revolts in the Arab countries are the Islamist organizations, which could step in and fill in the political vacuum. While some speak of an Islamist autumn or Islamist winter as the result of the Arab Spring, others prefer the term Islamic revolutions.

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El artículo ofrece un análisis de la función cumplida por Dolores Ibárruri, Pasionaria, durante la Transición a la democracia en España. Se centra en dos acontecimientos en los que la líder comunista tuvo un papel relevante: su retorno del exilio el 13 de mayo de 1977 y su presencia en la sesión inaugural de las primeras Cortes democráticas el 13 de julio de ese mismo año. A través del análisis del tratamiento de los medios de estos actos, se defenderá la idea del reciclaje del carisma, observando cómo un liderazgo carismático construido en un periodo histórico (la Guerra Civil) fue reutilizado en otro: la transición a la democracia. En este caso, con el fin de legitimar el proceso e instalar la idea de reconciliación en el relato de la Transición.

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In this paper the characteristics of the cyclical political polarization of the Spanish media system are defined. From this study, a prospective analysis raises doubts about this scenario remains unchanged because of the political and economic crisis. It seeks to define the role played by political and media actors in polarization focusing on the two legislatures where the tension reached higher levels (1993-1996 and 2004-2008) and compares it with the developments faced by them in the current economical and political context of crisis. To achieve these aims, it has been performed an analysis of media content (since 1993) and looked through primary sociological sources and the scientific literature about polarization. This is an exploratory, critical and descriptive case analysis.

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According to Tilly, two laws shaped the process of transformation undergone by Western European societies since the Peace of Westphalia until the end of the 20th century: their increasing inner homogenisation and their growing heterogeneity between them. Cultural inner homogenisation affected, fi rst, those ethnic groups living within the territories of the said states. The second phase of homogenisation impinged on those groups that immigrated after World War II. This process followed different models according to the country considered, but the 1973 oil crisis revealed their general lack of success. During the last quarter of the 20th century and onwards, these European societies have been altered by two progressive and contradictory global logics: a process of cultural homogenisation at the world level (rather than society level) and a process of cultural re-creation led by those groups with an immigrant background, who have reacted against their integration shortcomings by searching for new sources of social and personal esteem in their respective cultural and religious traditions. This paper seeks to clarify these processes from a social differentiation and political representation theory perspective. The latter becomes indispensable, as the said processes have happened in a context in which the structure of relations (i.e. communication) between civil society and the democratic political sphere have experienced a radical crisis. In this way, the complex relations that exist between civil society, culture, religion and politics in these Western European societies are depicted.

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This work studies the creation, development and evolution of the Spanish midshipmen, through their requirements, from the early 18th century to the second third of the 19th century. The aims are: to know deeply an essential post in the Navy –naval cadet- that still requires an exhaustive review; and, primarily, to link the transformations of the candidates’ requirements to the social debates which were proposed in Spain during this two centuries. The so-called transition from the estates society to the class society, or the step from a society of inheriting criteria to a society based on achieving variables, did not occur linearly; changes and inertia went hand in hand with contradictions and conflicts, thus in this paper the Spanish midshipmen are analysed by several relationally variables.

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El conflicto armado en Guatemala se originó por el abuso de poder, la desigualdad, la exclusión y la profunda discriminación, sobre todo hacia la población indígena, a la que se le han desconocido históricamente sus derechos y que fue la más afligida durante el conflicto. Lo que desembocó en el nacimiento de grupos al margen de la ley, cuyo propósito fue reivindicar los derechos de la población, así como la equidad y justicia social. El conflicto se caracterizó por la formación de grupos paramilitares, la violación al Derecho Internacional Humanitario, el elevado número de víctimas del conflicto, mayoritariamente indígenas y porque más del 85% de las violaciones a los derechos humanos fueron perpetradas por el Estado. Gracias a la voluntad política, al respaldo de la comunidad internacional, especialmente de la Organización de Naciones Unidas -ONU, y a los buenos oficios de la Comisión Nacional de Reconciliación – CNR, se lograron firmar los Acuerdos de Paz y dar fin a este cruento conflicto de más de 36 años. Las partes firmantes vieron la necesidad de que un ente autónomo e imparcial de Naciones Unidas, verificara el cumplimiento de La Misión de Naciones Unidas en Guatemala - MINUGUA contribuyó a la promoción, defensa y garantía de los derechos de la población indígena guatemalteca. Específicamente, incidió en el cumplimiento de los compromisos contenidos en el Acuerdo sobre Identidad y Derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas guatemaltecos –AIDPI, que fue suscrito el 31 de marzo de 1995, asimismo, contribuyó a la garantía del derecho a la justicia de la población indígena, lo que se evidenció en las acciones y el papel que desempeñó en los componentes de verdad, justicia y reparación.

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Previous results provided evidence that Cratylia mollis seed lectin (Cramoll 1,4) promotes Trypanosoma cruzi epimastigotes death by necrosis via a mechanism involving plasma membrane permeabilization to Ca(2+) and mitochondrial dysfunction due to matrix Ca(2+) overload. In order to investigate the mechanism of Ca(2+) -induced mitochondrial impairment, experiments were performed analyzing the effects of this lectin on T. cruzi mitochondrial fraction and in isolated rat liver mitochondria (RLM), as a control. Confocal microscopy of T. cruzi whole cell revealed that Cramoll 1,4 binding to the plasma membrane glycoconjugates is followed by its internalization and binding to the mitochondrion. Electrical membrane potential (∆Ψm ) of T. cruzi mitochondrial fraction suspended in a reaction medium containing 10 μM Ca(2+) was significantly decreased by 50 μg/ml Cramoll 1,4 via a mechanism insensitive to cyclosporine A (CsA, membrane permeability transition (MPT) inhibitor), but sensitive to catalase or 125 mM glucose. In RLM suspended in a medium containing 10 μM Ca(2+) this lectin, at 50 μg/ml, induced increase in the rate of hydrogen peroxide release, mitochondrial swelling, and ∆Ψm disruption. All these mitochondrial alterations were sensitive to CsA, catalase, and EGTA. These results indicate that Cramoll 1, 4 leads to inner mitochondrial membrane permeabilization through Ca(2+) dependent mechanisms in both mitochondria. The sensitivity to CsA in RLM characterizes this lectin as a MPT inducer and the lack of CsA effect identifies a CsA-insensitive MPT in T. cruzi mitochondria.

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Beta cell destruction in type 1 diabetes (TID) is associated with cellular oxidative stress and mitochondrial pathway of cell death. The aim of this study was to determine whether oxidative stress and mitochondrial dysfunction are present in T1D model (non-obese diabetic mouse, NOD) and if they are related to the stages of disease development. NOD mice were studied at three stages: non-diabetic, pre-diabetic, and diabetic and compared with age-matched Balb/c mice. Mitochondria respiration rates measured at phosphorylating and resting states in liver and soleus biopsies and in isolated liver mitochondria were similar in NOD and Balb/c mice at the three disease stages. However, NOD liver mitochondria were more susceptible to calcium-induced mitochondrial permeability transition as determined by cyclosporine-A-sensitive swelling and by decreased calcium retention capacity in all three stages of diabetes development. Mitochondria H2O2 production rate was higher in non-diabetic, but unaltered in pre-diabetic and diabetic NOD mice. The global cell reactive oxygen species (ROS), but not specific mitochondria ROS production, was significantly increased in NOD lymphomononuclear and stem cells in all disease stages. In addition, marked elevated rates of 2',7'-dichlorodihydrofluorescein (H2DCF) oxidation were observed in pancreatic islets from non-diabetic NOD mice. Using matrix-assisted laser desorption/ionization (MALDI) mass spectrometry (MS) and lipidomic approach, we identified oxidized lipid markers in NOD liver mitochondria for each disease stage, most of them being derivatives of diacylglycerols and phospholipids. These results suggest that the cellular oxidative stress precedes the establishment of diabetes and may be the cause of mitochondrial dysfunction that is involved in beta cell death.

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Several medical and dental schools have described their experience in the transition from conventional to digital microscopy in the teaching of general pathology and histology disciplines; however, this transitional process has scarcely been reported in the teaching of oral pathology. Therefore, the objective of the current study is to report the transition from conventional glass slide to virtual microscopy in oral pathology teaching, a unique experience in Latin America. An Aperio ScanScope® scanner was used to digitalize histological slides used in practical lectures of oral pathology. The challenges and benefits observed by the group of Professors from the Piracicaba Dental School (Brazil) are described and a questionnaire to evaluate the students' compliance to this new methodology was applied. An improvement in the classes was described by the Professors who mainly dealt with questions related to pathological changes instead of technical problems; also, a higher interaction with the students was described. The simplicity of the software used and the high quality of the virtual slides, requiring a smaller time to identify microscopic structures, were considered important for a better teaching process. Virtual microscopy used to teach oral pathology represents a useful educational methodology, with an excellent compliance of the dental students.

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Cancer is a multistep process that begins with the transformation of normal epithelial cells and continues with tumor growth, stromal invasion and metastasis. The remodeling of the peritumoral environment is decisive for the onset of tumor invasiveness. This event is dependent on epithelial-stromal interactions, degradation of extracellular matrix components and reorganization of fibrillar components. Our research group has studied in a new proposed rodent model the participation of cellular and molecular components in the prostate microenvironment that contributes to cancer progression. Our group adopted the gerbil Meriones unguiculatus as an alternative experimental model for prostate cancer study. This model has presented significant responses to hormonal treatments and to development of spontaneous and induced neoplasias. The data obtained indicate reorganization of type I collagen fibers and reticular fibers, synthesis of new components such as tenascin and proteoglycans, degradation of basement membrane components and elastic fibers and increased expression of metalloproteinases. Fibroblasts that border the region, apparently participate in the stromal reaction. The roles of each of these events, as well as some signaling molecules, participants of neoplastic progression and factors that promote genetic reprogramming during epithelial-stromal transition are also discussed.

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