Place making in Hellenistic Athens: beyond decline and foreign patronage

The study of cities is integral to the study of the Hellenistic Age, the period bounded by the deaths of two legendary rulers: Alexander in 323 BC and Kleopatra in 30 BC. Modern scholarship has followed in the footsteps of Johann-Gustav Droysen, who coined the term 'Hellenistic' in the nineteenth century and associated it with the diffusion of Greek culture through the founding of new cities in the East by Alexander and his successors. Hellenistic Athens, traditionally discussed under the rubric of its Classical legacy and/or in contrast with thriving cities, such as Pergamon, has been presented as a backwater exemplifying the demise of the 'polis'. My objective in this paper is to criticise these negative sentiments by exploring how the built environment of Hellenistic Athens could potentially become an indicator of city vitality.

Republicanism, rights and democratic Athens

Cartledge and Edge (2010) argue that the modern republican tradition offers a useful framework for understanding the Athenian concept of freedom; and that within this framework the Athenians protected their freedoms without reference to any concept of rights. This paper agrees with both of these conclusions but identifies and corrects three assumptions behind Cartledge and Edge’s argument: that the only purpose of rights is to protect individual freedoms against the state; that rights have no place at all in the republican tradition; and that the ancient Greeks did not understand rights. In fact the Athenians did have an understanding of rights but they did not use rights to protect freedoms. The reason for this is that the protected freedom is a very modern and particularly sophisticated application of the concept of rights.

Vertical distribution and radiative effects of mineral dust and biomass burning aerosol over West Africa during DABEX

This paper presents measurements of the vertical distribution of aerosol extinction coefficient over West Africa during the Dust and Biomass-burning Aerosol Experiment (DABEX)/African Monsoon Multidisciplinary Analysis dry season Special Observing Period Zero (AMMA-SOP0). In situ aircraft measurements from the UK FAAM aircraft have been compared with two ground-based lidars (POLIS and ARM MPL) and an airborne lidar on an ultralight aircraft. In general, mineral dust was observed at low altitudes (up to 2 km), and a mixture of biomass burning aerosol and dust was observed at altitudes of 2–5 km. The study exposes difficulties associated with spatial and temporal variability when intercomparing aircraft and ground measurements. Averaging over many profiles provided a better means of assessing consistent errors and biases associated with in situ sampling instruments and retrievals of lidar ratios. Shortwave radiative transfer calculations and a 3-year simulation with the HadGEM2-A climate model show that the radiative effect of biomass burning aerosol was somewhat sensitive to the vertical distribution of aerosol. In particular, when the observed low-level dust layer was included in the model, the absorption of solar radiation by the biomass burning aerosols increased by 10%. We conclude that this absorption enhancement was caused by the dust reflecting solar radiation up into the biomass burning aerosol layer. This result illustrates that the radiative forcing of anthropogenic absorbing aerosol can be sensitive to the presence of natural aerosol species.

Aiming for world peace by promoting 'violence' in education

In order to contribute towards UNESCO’s goal of pursuing world peace, aims of education must transcend the limited scope of national self-interest which has dominated schooling systems in the West for the last two centuries and further back when the survival of each polis in Ancient Greece was of paramount importance. Aims must therefore become different and the environment that is thought best for this to occur is a democratic one. The case is made that such a democratic environment should involve opportunities to evaluate the value of current aims of education and to explore others in light of the pressing need to pursue peace on a global scale. In order to promote such a democratic environment of discussion and debate the notion of ‘violence’ is considered as a potential framework for such a re-evaluation. The sort of ‘violence’ that is called for is in reference to its use by Emmanual Levinas who employed it emotively to misinterpret Kierkegaard. The use of this misapplied term ‘violence’ may nevertheless be of use in initiating the sort of inquiry of a Deweyean type regarded here to be necessary to improve aims of education democratically in order to pursue world peace.

The Assyrians

This chapter seeks to extend earlier works on Mesopotamian democracy to a civilisation that is not only typically excluded from such discussions of democracy in the ancient Near East, but generally considered to be among the region’s most bloodthirsty and bellicose: the Assyrians. On the one hand it cannot be denied that the Assyrians went through periods of aggressive expansion, that they were cruel to at least some of their enemies and that the more militant Assyrian kings struck fear into the hearts of men and women across the region (I:106-110, 113; II:1, 54-6 in: Grayson 1991: 201). On the other hand, however, it is peculiar that the intermittent war-mongering of the Assyrians is seen not only as ‘a modern myth exaggerated beyond all proportion’ (Parpola 2003: 1060), but also seen to exclude them from practicing any form of democracy. This is starkly inconsistent with the contemporary assessment of other societies of the ancient world, such as the Greeks or Romans who were both belligerent and at least nominally democratic. To give one example of this double standard, Jana Pecirkova argues that while the Greek polis enabled the birth of science, philosophy and the rule of law, the Assyrians were not able to distinguish ‘between the rational and the irrational, between reality and illusion’ (Pecirkova 1985: 155). The reason for this, according to Pecrikova, is simple: their ‘only alternative to monarchy … was anarchy … Political decisions were arbitrary in character and not governed by any laws or generally acknowledged and accepted rules’ and the ‘people were the passive subjects of political decision-making’ (Pecirkova 1985: 166-8). This chapter, while cautious not to over-state the democratic tendencies of the Assyrians, takes Pecirkova’s argument to task by examining the complex functioning of power and politics, the checks and balances on monarchical authority, the rule of law and the sophisticated intellectual scene of the three key epochs of ancient Assyrian civilisation.

Pommy media causing a stir in Australia

Two British newspapers - The Guardian and The Mail - have recently begun publishing in Australia. What does this mean and are they being welcomed by the Australian media?

The Assyrians

This chapter seeks to extend earlier works on Mesopotamian democracy to a civilisation that is not only typically excluded from such discussions of democracy in the ancient Near East, but generally considered to be among the region’s most bloodthirsty and bellicose: the Assyrians. On the one hand it cannot be denied that the Assyrians went through periods of aggressive expansion, that they were cruel to at least some of their enemies and that the more militant Assyrian kings struck fear into the hearts of men and women across the region (I:106-110, 113; II:1, 54-6 in: Grayson 1991: 201). On the other hand, however, it is peculiar that the intermittent war-mongering of the Assyrians is seen not only as ‘a modern myth exaggerated beyond all proportion’ (Parpola 2003: 1060), but also seen to exclude them from practicing any form of democracy. This is starkly inconsistent with the contemporary assessment of other societies of the ancient world, such as the Greeks or Romans who were both belligerent and at least nominally democratic. To give one example of this double standard, Jana Pecirkova argues that while the Greek polis enabled the birth of science, philosophy and the rule of law, the Assyrians were not able to distinguish ‘between the rational and the irrational, between reality and illusion’ (Pecirkova 1985: 155). The reason for this, according to Pecrikova, is simple: their ‘only alternative to monarchy … was anarchy … Political decisions were arbitrary in character and not governed by any laws or generally acknowledged and accepted rules’ and the ‘people were the passive subjects of political decision-making’ (Pecirkova 1985: 166-8). This chapter, while cautious not to over-state the democratic tendencies of the Assyrians, takes Pecirkova’s argument to task by examining the complex functioning of power and politics, the checks and balances on monarchical authority, the rule of law and the sophisticated intellectual scene of the three key epochs of ancient Assyrian civilisation.

Espelhos partidos : leituras e releituras da lenda heróica dos atridas

O trabalho foi desenvolvido analisando-se a lenda heróica da família dos Atridas, através da trilogia grega Orestéia, de Ésquilo, relacionando-a com Les mouches, de Sartre, e com Électre, de Giraudoux, comparando-as também com as duas Electra, a de Sófocles e a de Eurípides, partindo da análise do “texto como produtividade”, segundo Roland Barthes, que trabalha a reescritura do texto realizada pelo leitor. Os textos escolhidos foram produzidos e encenados em momentos de guerra ou de sua iminência e, através do estudo dos ordenamentos jurídicos vigentes em cada época, foi possível comprovar que, na Atenas do século V, ocorre a construção do conceito de responsabilidade individual, superando-se a imposição da punição aos familiares e à descendência do criminoso, enquanto que na França ocupada pelo exército nazista ocorre o inverso: a responsabilidade pelos assassinatos cometidos pela Resistência é atribuída a toda a comunidade. Confrontamos as relações de poder engendradas e expostas nos textos, refletindo as que estavam ocorrendo no contexto histórico-político, concluindo que a tragédia grega se inseriu como mediadora da realidade político-social da polis, ao contrário das releituras francesas, que tinham uma inserção periférica na sociedade francesa de 1937 a 1944. É em busca de um sentimento de continuidade e de transcendência que ocorre o retorno às tragédias gregas e às suas releituras, visto que narram lendas heróicas que relembram, mesmo ao homem do século XXI, sua mortalidade e sua incapacidade de prever os desdobramentos de suas ações.

Ensina-se a virtude? : conexões do Mênon de Platão com o ensino de valores na escola

A questão da possibilidade ou não de se ensinar a virtude é um dos problemas mais antigos em ética. Mesmo que não surja de forma sempre explícita, já as epopéias homéricas tratam da questão. Platão, ao ocupar-se do tema, é devedor de uma longa tradição. Nesse sentido, esta pesquisa de cunho teórico, busca, inicialmente, investigar como o conceito grego de aretê e sua possibilidade de ensino, ocorrem na anterioridade platônica em Homero e Hesíodo, passando pelos poetas líricos, trágicos, cômicos, filósofos pré-socráticos, sofistas e Sócrates, indo até Platão no diálogo Mênon que contém a abordagem mais direta do tema da ensinabilidade da virtude. O mestre da Academia, apesar de considerar a aretê o cerne da polis ideal, reluta em afirmar categoricamente que a mesma pode ser ensinada, pois essa posição estava na raiz da controvérsia dos sofistas com seu mestre Sócrates. A partir do século XIX, quando a antiga unidade de um bem a todos não mais se sustenta, o termo “virtude” é substituído por “valor”. É com ensino de valores, portanto, que a escola passa a ocupar-se, e ainda hoje é proposição importante na prática e no debate pedagógico. A pesquisa procura mostrar as conexões possíveis entre o ensino da aretê e o ensino de valores. Sugere que, apesar da enorme distância entre a nossa cultura e a cultura grega, a dimensão própria da aretê permanece na escola, presentificada pela impossibilidade de educar sem apelo aquilo que hoje denominamos valores. A Dissertação não pretende constituir, enfim, uma crítica ao ensino de valores na atualidade, mas mostrar a tensão entre o que é intrínseco à prática escolar e seus limites de consecução.

Educação, escola e participação

O objetivo da pesquisa é fazer um levantamento dos sentidos de educação e escola dentre os alunos do 2o Grau, Formação Geral, do município do Rio de Janeiro. O corpus do trabalho constitui-se de entrevistas com alunos do Colégio Estadual José Accioli em Marechal Hermes, zona oeste do município. A metodologia de análise dos depoimentos é aquela fornecida pela escola francesa de Análise de Discurso na linha de Michel Pêcheux. Nessa perspectiva, o que se busca não é o sentido que estes jovens dão à educacão e escola, mas os vários sentidos que convivem sob estes temas. A pesquisa, entretanto, não se esgota nessa abordagem e procura elucidar as condições históricas e ideológicas de produção dos sentidos apontados. Paralelamente à investigação dos sentidos de escola e educação, a pesquisa propõe-se, também, a examinar os sentidos atribuídos à noção de participação. A inclusão deste terceiro elemento não é gratuita e procura inserir a discussão acerca da educacão no contexto mais geral da questão democrática.A participação, então, não é entendida como o engajamento episódico e localizado à uma associação ou agremiação qualquer, mas como o principio (utópico, por certo) organizador de toda e qualquer relação social. Assim, apesar de não se adotar uma postura teórica que "julga" os sentidos apreendidos a partir de uma concepção de educação e participação estabelecidas a priori, também não se pode negar que a simples inclusão do terceiro elemento já pressupõe , pelo menos, uma filiação a um determinado sentido. De fato, esta pesquisa alinha-se com o pensamento de Dumerval Trigueiro, que em seus trabalhos sempre ressaltou a íntima relação entre os conceitos de educação e participação. O educador atribui ao pensamento liberal, principalmente à tecnocracia, a responsabilidade do alijamento do povo (pelo poder e pelo saber) da construção da polis. Entretanto, é essa mesma população desestimulada a participar ativamente da vida política que será convocada a fazê-lo com a inclusão do principio de gestão democrática do ensino na nova Lei de Diretrizes e Bases. Por isso, a questão da participação ganhou relevo neste trabalho e ampliou-se no sentido de investigar como os sujeitos situam-se frente às relacões de poder na nossa sociedade e como a educação e a escola afetam e são afetadas por essas relações.

Vinicius de Moraes e Shelley: um exercício de desleitura .

Using Harold Bloom s methodology known as dialectical revisionism we undertake the task of misreading of Vinícius de Moraes (1913- 1980) poems Poética (1950), Operário em construção (1955), Poética II (1960) against Percy Bysshe Shelley (1792-1822) and his poem A Song: Men of England, suggesting that the Brazilian poet trammeled a battle with his poetic triad, in which Operário em Construção is Vinicius s main weapon. It is suggested here that each one of Vinícius´poem represents a step of what Bloom calls anxiety of influence . The misreading proposed confronts the themes and the imagery of the poems, arguing that Shelley and Vinícius are similar when they approach exploitation and working class consciousness according to the Dialectic Marxism pattern, and that Vinícius´s poem was not only inspired by Shelley s, but using one of the strategies suggested by Bloom, he corrects the ideological flaws of Shelley s poem. It is also discussed the possibility that both poems are inspired by Plato´s (428-7 a 348-7 a.C.) allegory of the cave, his concept of justice and the moral construction of the polis defended in A República. Thus, considering the process of misreading, these five poems constitute what Bloom calls a family romance , which is characterizes the phenomenon of melancholy of creativity