165 resultados para pessimistic


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The violence staged by young people has often been subjected to scientific analysis. The way youths speak, in their role as aggressors or as victims, is examined to determine how they experience violence in a number of different spheres. Repeated group interviews are used to analyze how violence is explained and depicted within the family, at school and in the neighbourhood by two groups of young people (14-17 years old) attending the same school on the outskirts of Rio Claro, Sao Paulo, Brazil. One of the groups involved is identified by the school as violent, and the other, as non-violent. Discourse analysis leads to two conclusions. First, the different contexts of violence infuse a mistrust of institutions, the environment and personal relationships into the subjects' experience, forming a fabric that clouds future prospects. Second, the group of youths identified as violent have a more simplistic, pessimistic view of reality: They see the world in black and white, and they lay no stock in the possibility that violence can be avoided. Consequently, they use violence and understand violence as a defensive strategy that gives one identity. On the other hand, the group identified as nonviolent feels it possible to intervene in situations with nonviolent tools like words. For the young subjects, violence is a context that they assume; it cancels their ability to identify rules and institutions, but it does not generate an effective interaction strategy. Violence causes their social microcontext (in which action prevails over meaning or meaning equals action) to assume overblown dimensions. Any intervention strategy must take into account this indissoluble unity between meaning and action.

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The modernist poet Emílio Moura (1902-1971) incorporates a strictly modern language regarding the imagistic suggesting a mainly poetry metalinguistic. That way, from the works Canto da hora amarga (1932) and Cancioneiro (1944) we attest, through the poetic analysis, that modernity Moura’s poetry takes place in confluences with ideas ranging from biblical tradition and come to the depersonalization of the modern I and questing. We objectify, therefore, demonstrate and explore the metalinguistic and intertextual character that results in the personification of poetry, as clarified muse. To achieve this, this same poetry undergoes a dualistic and pessimistic sentiment, baroque, the I that is divided into life and death, light and shadow; goes through a romantic feeling of anguish and desolation and reaches the multiplicity of the poetic speaker, which promotes a constant struggle with the language. More than draw a correlation between classical and modern ideas (in the sense that the poet creates depersonalization and appropriates of free, short prose or verse, typical of modernism), intend to supply, at least in part, the dearth of studies on the miner poet who has found fertile ground to question and analyze internally the role of poetry in the multiplicity of man and modern society to therefore conclude that universalism the Emílio Moura becomes distinctive and mature. Thus, we will check how poetic inflows corroborate both works for reevaluation and critical insertion of poetic the Emílio Moura in the context of modern/Modernist Brazilian literature

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Pós-graduação em Letras - IBILCE

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The availability of the electrical energy, in sufficient quantities and in competitive prices is a crucial factor to the economic development. The trade-in of the excess electrical energy produced in a system of cogeneration can be seen as an alternative to the creation of an additional source of revenues for ethanol power plants sector, besides contributing to the complementation of the Brazilian electrical headquarter with renewable sources. The objective of this study was to evaluate the economic feasibility of the implementation of a cogeneration electrical central using the excess of sugar cane bagasse and selling the excess of electrical energy with prices of the market. An ethanol power plant located in the state of Sao Paulo was used to this study. It was used the case study methodology, evaluating the potential of the investment under the viewpoint of the Net Present Value (NPV), Payback and Internal Rate of Return (IRR), and complementing the results of the Accounting Results (AC). It was created three alternative scenarios to reflect the level of the risk of every studied situation: the most likely, an optimistic and a pessimistic, each one with its assumptions. The Monte Carlo Simulations was used to insert the elements of risk to each scenario. The results showed that the project is feasible in all NPV scenarios. And the Payback and IRR analysis confirmed these evidences. The valuation with the AR showed that the project is most risky at the pessimistic scenario, but is feasibly in the most likely and the optimistic scenarios. It was concluded that the project is economic viable. However, the economic viability shown in the results is based on the maintenance of the future prices on the levels of the historical prices used in the analysis.

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Native bees are important providers of pollination services, but there are cumulative evidences of their decline. Global changes such as habitat losses, invasions of exotic species and climate change have been suggested as the main causes of the decline of pollinators. In this study, the influence of climate change on the distribution of 10 species of Brazilian bees was estimated with species distribution modelling. We used Maxent algorithm (maximum entropy) and two different scenarios, an optimistic and a pessimistic, to the years 2050 and 2080. We also evaluated the percentage reduction of species habitat based on the future scenarios of climate change through Geographic Information System (GIS). Results showed that the total area of suitable habitats decreased for all species but one under the different future scenarios. The greatest reductions in habitat area were found for Melipona bicolor bicolor and Melipona scutellaris, which occur predominantly in areas related originally to Atlantic Moist Forest. The species analysed have been reported to be pollinators of some regional crops and the consequence of their decrease for these crops needs further clarification. (C) 2012 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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L’ermeneutica filosofica di Hans-Georg Gadamer – indubbiamente uno dei capisaldi del pensiero novecentesco – rappresenta una filosofia molto composita, sfaccettata e articolata, per così dire formata da una molteplicità di dimensioni diverse che si intrecciano l’una con l’altra. Ciò risulta evidente già da un semplice sguardo alla composizione interna della sua opera principale, Wahrheit und Methode (1960), nella quale si presenta una teoria del comprendere che prende in esame tre differenti dimensioni dell’esperienza umana – arte, storia e linguaggio – ovviamente concepite come fondamentalmente correlate tra loro. Ma questo quadro d’insieme si complica notevolmente non appena si prendano in esame perlomeno alcuni dei numerosi contributi che Gadamer ha scritto e pubblicato prima e dopo il suo opus magnum: contributi che testimoniano l’importante presenza nel suo pensiero di altre tematiche. Di tale complessità, però, non sempre gli interpreti di Gadamer hanno tenuto pienamente conto, visto che una gran parte dei contributi esegetici sul suo pensiero risultano essenzialmente incentrati sul capolavoro del 1960 (ed in particolare sui problemi della legittimazione delle Geisteswissenschaften), dedicando invece minore attenzione agli altri percorsi che egli ha seguito e, in particolare, alla dimensione propriamente etica e politica della sua filosofia ermeneutica. Inoltre, mi sembra che non sempre si sia prestata la giusta attenzione alla fondamentale unitarietà – da non confondere con una presunta “sistematicità”, da Gadamer esplicitamente respinta – che a dispetto dell’indubbia molteplicità ed eterogeneità del pensiero gadameriano comunque vige al suo interno. La mia tesi, dunque, è che estetica e scienze umane, filosofia del linguaggio e filosofia morale, dialogo con i Greci e confronto critico col pensiero moderno, considerazioni su problematiche antropologiche e riflessioni sulla nostra attualità sociopolitica e tecnoscientifica, rappresentino le diverse dimensioni di un solo pensiero, le quali in qualche modo vengono a convergere verso un unico centro. Un centro “unificante” che, a mio avviso, va individuato in quello che potremmo chiamare il disagio della modernità. In altre parole, mi sembra cioè che tutta la riflessione filosofica di Gadamer, in fondo, scaturisca dalla presa d’atto di una situazione di crisi o disagio nella quale si troverebbero oggi il nostro mondo e la nostra civiltà. Una crisi che, data la sua profondità e complessità, si è per così dire “ramificata” in molteplici direzioni, andando ad investire svariati ambiti dell’esistenza umana. Ambiti che pertanto vengono analizzati e indagati da Gadamer con occhio critico, cercando di far emergere i principali nodi problematici e, alla luce di ciò, di avanzare proposte alternative, rimedi, “correttivi” e possibili soluzioni. A partire da una tale comprensione di fondo, la mia ricerca si articola allora in tre grandi sezioni dedicate rispettivamente alla pars destruens dell’ermeneutica gadameriana (prima e seconda sezione) ed alla sua pars costruens (terza sezione). Nella prima sezione – intitolata Una fenomenologia della modernità: i molteplici sintomi della crisi – dopo aver evidenziato come buona parte della filosofia del Novecento sia stata dominata dall’idea di una crisi in cui verserebbe attualmente la civiltà occidentale, e come anche l’ermeneutica di Gadamer possa essere fatta rientrare in questo discorso filosofico di fondo, cerco di illustrare uno per volta quelli che, agli occhi del filosofo di Verità e metodo, rappresentano i principali sintomi della crisi attuale. Tali sintomi includono: le patologie socioeconomiche del nostro mondo “amministrato” e burocratizzato; l’indiscriminata espansione planetaria dello stile di vita occidentale a danno di altre culture; la crisi dei valori e delle certezze, con la concomitante diffusione di relativismo, scetticismo e nichilismo; la crescente incapacità a relazionarsi in maniera adeguata e significativa all’arte, alla poesia e alla cultura, sempre più degradate a mero entertainment; infine, le problematiche legate alla diffusione di armi di distruzione di massa, alla concreta possibilità di una catastrofe ecologica ed alle inquietanti prospettive dischiuse da alcune recenti scoperte scientifiche (soprattutto nell’ambito della genetica). Una volta delineato il profilo generale che Gadamer fornisce della nostra epoca, nella seconda sezione – intitolata Una diagnosi del disagio della modernità: il dilagare della razionalità strumentale tecnico-scientifica – cerco di mostrare come alla base di tutti questi fenomeni egli scorga fondamentalmente un’unica radice, coincidente peraltro a suo giudizio con l’origine stessa della modernità. Ossia, la nascita della scienza moderna ed il suo intrinseco legame con la tecnica e con una specifica forma di razionalità che Gadamer – facendo evidentemente riferimento a categorie interpretative elaborate da Max Weber, Martin Heidegger e dalla Scuola di Francoforte – definisce anche «razionalità strumentale» o «pensiero calcolante». A partire da una tale visione di fondo, cerco quindi di fornire un’analisi della concezione gadameriana della tecnoscienza, evidenziando al contempo alcuni aspetti, e cioè: primo, come l’ermeneutica filosofica di Gadamer non vada interpretata come una filosofia unilateralmente antiscientifica, bensì piuttosto come una filosofia antiscientista (il che naturalmente è qualcosa di ben diverso); secondo, come la sua ricostruzione della crisi della modernità non sfoci mai in una critica “totalizzante” della ragione, né in una filosofia della storia pessimistico-negativa incentrata sull’idea di un corso ineluttabile degli eventi guidato da una razionalità “irrazionale” e contaminata dalla brama di potere e di dominio; terzo, infine, come la filosofia di Gadamer – a dispetto delle inveterate interpretazioni che sono solite scorgervi un pensiero tradizionalista, autoritario e radicalmente anti-illuminista – non intenda affatto respingere l’illuminismo scientifico moderno tout court, né rinnegarne le più importanti conquiste, ma più semplicemente “correggerne” alcune tendenze e recuperare una nozione più ampia e comprensiva di ragione, in grado di render conto anche di quegli aspetti dell’esperienza umana che, agli occhi di una razionalità “limitata” come quella scientista, non possono che apparire come meri residui di irrazionalità. Dopo aver così esaminato nelle prime due sezioni quella che possiamo definire la pars destruens della filosofia di Gadamer, nella terza ed ultima sezione – intitolata Una terapia per la crisi della modernità: la riscoperta dell’esperienza e del sapere pratico – passo quindi ad esaminare la sua pars costruens, consistente a mio giudizio in un recupero critico di quello che egli chiama «un altro tipo di sapere». Ossia, in un tentativo di riabilitazione di tutte quelle forme pre- ed extra-scientifiche di sapere e di esperienza che Gadamer considera costitutive della «dimensione ermeneutica» dell’esistenza umana. La mia analisi della concezione gadameriana del Verstehen e dell’Erfahrung – in quanto forme di un «sapere pratico (praktisches Wissen)» differente in linea di principio da quello teorico e tecnico – conduce quindi ad un’interpretazione complessiva dell’ermeneutica filosofica come vera e propria filosofia pratica. Cioè, come uno sforzo di chiarificazione filosofica di quel sapere prescientifico, intersoggettivo e “di senso comune” effettivamente vigente nella sfera della nostra Lebenswelt e della nostra esistenza pratica. Ciò, infine, conduce anche inevitabilmente ad un’accentuazione dei risvolti etico-politici dell’ermeneutica di Gadamer. In particolare, cerco di esaminare la concezione gadameriana dell’etica – tenendo conto dei suoi rapporti con le dottrine morali di Platone, Aristotele, Kant e Hegel – e di delineare alla fine un profilo della sua ermeneutica filosofica come filosofia del dialogo, della solidarietà e della libertà.

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La ricognizione delle opere composte da Filippo Tommaso Marinetti tra il 1909 e il 1912 è sostenuta da una tesi paradossale: il futurismo di Marinetti non sarebbe un'espressione della modernità, bensì una reazione anti-moderna, che dietro a una superficiale ed entusiastica adesione ad alcune parole d'ordine della seconda rivoluzione industriale nasconderebbe un pessimismo di fondo nei confronti dell'uomo e della storia. In questo senso il futurismo diventa un emblema del ritardo culturale e del gattopardismo italiano, e anticipa l’analoga operazione svolta in politica da Mussolini: dietro un’adesione formale ad alcune istanze della modernità, la preservazione dello Status Quo. Marinetti è descritto come un corpo estraneo rispetto alla cultura scientifica del Novecento: un futurista senza futuro (rarissime in Marinetti sono le proiezioni fantascientifiche). Questo aspetto è particolarmente evidente nelle opere prodotte del triennio 1908-1911, che non solo sono molto diverse dalle opere futuriste successive, ma per alcuni aspetti rappresentano una vera e propria antitesi di ciò che diventerà il futurismo letterario a partire dal 1912, con la pubblicazione del Manifesto tecnico della letteratura futurista e l'invenzione delle parole in libertà. Nelle opere precedenti, a un sostanziale disinteresse per il progressismo tecnologico corrispondeva un'attenzione ossessiva per la corporeità e un ricorso continuo all'allegoria, con effetti particolarmente grotteschi (soprattutto nel romanzo Mafarka le futuriste) nei quali si rilevano tracce di una concezione del mondo di sapore ancora medioevo-rinascimentale. Questa componente regressiva del futurismo marinettiano viene platealmente abbandonata a partire dal 1912, con Zang Tumb Tumb, salvo riaffiorare ciclicamente, come una corrente sotterranea, in altre fasi della sua carriera: nel 1922, ad esempio, con la pubblicazione de Gli indomabili (un’altra opera allegorica, ricca di reminiscenze letterarie). Quella del 1912 è una vera e propria frattura, che nel primo capitolo è indagata sia da un punto di vista storico (attraverso la documentazione epistolare e giornalistica vengono portate alla luce le tensioni che portarono gran parte dei poeti futuristi ad abbandonare il movimento proprio in quell'anno) che da un punto di vista linguistico: sono sottolineate le differenze sostanziali tra la produzione parolibera e quella precedente, e si arrischia anche una spiegazione psicologica della brusca svolta impressa da Marinetti al suo movimento. Nel secondo capitolo viene proposta un'analisi formale e contenutistica della ‘funzione grottesca’ nelle opere di Marinetti. Nel terzo capitolo un'analisi comparata delle incarnazioni della macchine ritratte nelle opere di Marinetti ci svela che quasi sempre in questo autore la macchina è associata al pensiero della morte e a una pulsione masochistica (dominante, quest'ultima, ne Gli indomabili); il che porta ad arrischiare l'ipotesi che l'esperienza futurista, e in particolare il futurismo parolibero posteriore al 1912, sia la rielaborazione di un trauma. Esso può essere interpretato metaforicamente come lo choc del giovane Marinetti, balzato in pochi anni dalle sabbie d'Alessandria d'Egitto alle brume industriali di Milano, ma anche come una reale esperienza traumatica (l'incidente automobilistico del 1908, “mitologizzato” nel primo manifesto, ma che in realtà fu vissuto dall'autore come esperienza realmente perturbante).

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This project set out to investigate the effects of the recent massive social transitions in Eastern Europe on the everyday social lives of the inhabitants of three very different nations: Georgia, Russia and Hungary. It focused in particular on the availability and nature of the support networks available to three different segments of each of the societies (manual workers, students and entrepreneurs) and the impact of network participation on psychological and physical well-being. The group set four specific questions to investigate: the part played by individual psychological beliefs in the formation and maintenance of social networks and the consequent formation of trusting relations; the implication of the size and quality of these networks for mental health; the nature of the social groups inhabited by the respondents and the implication of their work schedule and daily routines on the maintenance of a social and family life; and an analysis of how cultures vary in their social networks and intimacy. Three different methods were used to examine social support and its implications: structured questionnaires, semi-structured short interviews and a media analysis of newspaper materials. The questionnaires were administered to 150 participants in each country, equally divided between students studying full time, manual workers employed in factories, and business people (small kiosk owners, whose work and life style differs considerably from that of the manual workers). The questionnaires investigated various predictors of social support including the locus of control, relationship beliefs, individualism-collectivism and egalitarianism, demographic variables (age, gender and occupation), social support, both in general and in relation to significant events that have occurred since the transition from communism. Those with an internal locus of control were more likely to report a higher level of social support, as were collectivists, while age too was a significant predictor, with younger respondents enjoying higher levels of support, regardless of the measures of support employed. Respondents across the cultures referred to a decline of social support and the group also found a direct correlation between social support and mental health outcomes. All 450 respondents were interviewed on their general responses to changes in their lives since the fall of communism and the effects of their work lives on their social lives and the home environment. The interviews revealed considerable variations in the way in which work-life offered opportunities for a broader social life and also provided a hindrance to the development of fulfilling relationships. Many of the work experiences discussed were culture specific, with work having a particularly negative impact on the social life of Russian entrepreneurs but being seen much more positively in Georgia. This may reflect the nature of support offered in a society as overall support levels were lowest in Russia, meaning that social support may be of particular importance there. The way in cultural values and norms about personal relationships are transmitted in a culture is a critical issue for social psychologists and the group examined newspaper articles in those newspapers read by the respondents in each of the three countries. These revealed a number of different themes. The concept of a divided society and its implications for personal relationships was clearest in Russian and Hungary, where widely-read newspapers dwelt on the contrast between "new Russians/Hungarians" and the older, poorer ones and extended considerable sympathy to those suffering from neglect in institutions. Magyar Nemzet, a paper widely read by Hungarian students reflects the generally more pessimistic tone about personal relationships in Russia and Hungary and gave a particularly detailed analysis of the implications this holds for human relations in a modern society. In Georgia, however, the tone of the newspapers is more positive, stressing greater social cohesion. Part of this cohesion is framed in the context of religion, with the church appealing to a broader egalitarianism, whereas in less egalitarian Hungary appeals by the Church are centred more on the nuclear family and its need for expansion in both size and influence. The division between the sexes was another prominent issue in Hungary and Russia, while the theme of generational conflict also emerged in Hungarian and Georgian papers, although with some understanding of "young people today". The team's original expectation that the different newspapers read by the different groups of respondents would present differing images of personal relationships was not fulfilled, as despite variations in style, they found little clear "ideological targeting" of any particular readership. They conclude that the vast majority of respondents recognised that the social transition from communism has had a significant impact on the well-being of social relationships and that this is a pertinent issue for all segments of society. While the group see the data collected as a source to be worked on for some time in the future, their initial impressions include the following. Social support is clearly an important concern across all three countries. All respondents (including the students) lament the time taken up by their heavy work schedules and value their social networks and family ties in particular. The level of social support differs across the countries investigated, with Georgian apparently enjoying significantly higher levels of social support. The analysis produced an image of a relatively cohesive and egalitarian society in which even the group most often seen as distant from the general population, business people, is supported by a strong social network. In contrast, the support networks available to the Russian respondents seem particularly weak and reflect a general sense of division and alienation within the culture as a whole. The implications of low levels of social support may vary across countries. While Russians reported the lowest level of mental health problems, the link between social support and mental health may be strongest in that country. In contrast, in Hungary it is the link between fatalism and mental health problems which is particularly strong, while in Georgia the strongest correlation was between mental health and marital quality, emphasising the significance of the marital relationship in that country.

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Rumiana Stoilova (Bulgaria). Social Policy Facing the Problems of Youth Employment. Ms. Stoilova is a researcher in the Institute of Sociology in Sofia and worked on this project from October 1996 to September 1998. This project involved collecting both statistical and empirical data on the state of youth employment in Bulgaria, which was then compared with similar data from other European countries. One significant aspect was the parallel investigation of employment and unemployment, which took as a premise the continuity of professional experience where unemployment is just a temporary condition caused by external and internal factors. These need to be studied and changed on a systematic basis so as to create a more favourable market situation and to improve individuals' resources for improving their market opportunities. A second important aspect of the project was an analysis of the various entities active on the labour market, including government and private institutions, associations of unemployed persons, of employers or of trade unions, all with their specific legal powers and interests, and of the problems in communication between these. The major trends in youth unemployment during the period studied include a high proportion of the registered unemployed who are not eligible for social assistance, a lengthening of the average period of unemployment, an increase in the percentage of people who are unemployed for the first time and an increasing percentage of these who are not eligible for assistance, particularly among newly registered young people. At the same time the percentage of those for who work has been found is rising and during the last three years an increasing number of the unemployed have started some independent economic activity. Regional differences are also considerable and in the case of the Haskovo region represent a danger of losing the youngest generation, with resulting negative demographic effects. One major weakness of the existing institutional structure is the large scale of the black labour market, with clear negative implications for the young people drawn into it. The role of non-governmental organisations in providing support and information for the unemployed is growing and the government has recently introduced special preferences for organisations offering jobs to unemployed persons. Social policy in the labour market has however been largely restricted to passive measures, mostly because of the risk that poverty poses to people continuously excluded from the labour market. Among the active measures taken, well over half are concerned with providing jobs for the unemployed and there are very limited programmes for providing or improving qualifications. The nature of youth employment in Bulgaria can be seen in the influence of sustained structures (generation) and institutions (family and school). Ms. Stoilova studied the situation of the modern generation through a series of profiles, mostly those of continuously unemployed and self-employed persons, but also distinguishing between students and the unemployed, and between high school and university students. The different categories of young people were studied in separate mini-studies and the survey was carried out in five town in order to gather objective and subjective information on the state of the labour market in the different regions. She conducted interviews with several hundred young people covering questions of family background, career plans, attitudes to the labour situation and government measures to deal with it, and such questions as independence, mobility, attitude to work, etc. The interviews with young people unemployed for a long period of time show the risk involved in starting work and its link with dynamics of economic development. Their approval of structural reforms, of the financial restrictions connected with the introduction of a currency board and the inevitability of unemployment was largely declarative. The findings indicate that the continuously unemployed need practical knowledge and skills to "translate" the macroeconomic realities in concrete alternatives of individual work and initiative. The unemployed experience their exclusion from the labour market not only as a professional problem but also as an existential threat, of poverty, forced mobility and dependence on their parents' generation. The exclusion from the market of goods and services means more than just exercising restraint in their consumption, as it places restrictions on their personal development. Ms. Stoilova suggests that more efficient ways of providing financial aid and mobilisation are needed to counteract the social disintegration and marginalisation of the continuously unemployed. In measuring the speed of reform, university students took both employment opportunities and the implementation of the meritocratic principle in employment into account. When offered a hypothetical choice between a well-paid job and work in one's own profession, 62% would prefer opt for the well-paid job and for working for a company that offered career opportunities rather than employment in a family or own company. While most see the information gained during their studies as useful and interesting, relatively few see their education as competitive on a wider level and many were pessimistic about employment opportunities based on their qualifications. Very similar attitudes were found among high school students, with differences being due rather to family and personal situations. The unemployed, on the other hand, placed greater emphasis on possibilities of gaining or improving qualifications on a job and for the opportunities it would offer for personal contacts. High school students tend to attribute more significance to opportunities for personal accomplishment. A significant difference that five times fewer high school students were willing to work for state-owned companies, and many fewer expected to find permanent employment or to find a job in the area where they lived, Within the family situation, actual support for children seems to be higher than the feelings of confidence expressed in interviews. The attitudes of the families towards past experience seems to be linked with their ability to cope with the difficulties of the present, with those families which show an optimistic and active attitude towards the future having a greater respect for parents experience and tolerance in communication between parents and children.

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To what extent is “software engineering” really “engineering” as this term is commonly understood? A hallmark of the products of the traditional engineering disciplines is trustworthiness based on dependability. But in his keynote presentation at ICSE 2006 Barry Boehm pointed out that individuals’, systems’, and peoples’ dependency on software is becoming increasingly critical, yet that dependability is generally not the top priority for software intensive system producers. Continuing in an uncharacteristic pessimistic vein, Professor Boehm said that this situation will likely continue until a major software-induced system catastrophe similar in impact to the 9/11 World Trade Center catastrophe stimulates action toward establishing accountability for software dependability. He predicts that it is highly likely that such a software-induced catastrophe will occur between now and 2025. It is widely understood that software, i.e., computer programs, are intrinsically different from traditionally engineered products, but in one aspect they are identical: the extent to which the well-being of individuals, organizations, and society in general increasingly depend on software. As wardens of the future through our mentoring of the next generation of software developers, we believe that it is our responsibility to at least address Professor Boehm’s predicted catastrophe. Traditional engineering has, and continually addresses its social responsibility through the evolution of the education, practice, and professional certification/licensing of professional engineers. To be included in the fraternity of professional engineers, software engineering must do the same. To get a rough idea of where software engineering currently stands on some of these issues we conducted two surveys. Our main survey was sent to software engineering academics in the U.S., Canada, and Australia. Among other items it sought detail information on their software engineering programs. Our auxiliary survey was sent to U.S. engineering institutions to get some idea about how software engineering programs compared with those in established engineering disciplines of Civil, Electrical, and Mechanical Engineering. Summaries of our findings can be found in the last two sections of our paper.

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OBJECTIVE To investigate whether it is valid to combine follow-up and change data when conducting meta-analyses of continuous outcomes. STUDY DESIGN AND SETTING Meta-epidemiological study of randomized controlled trials in patients with osteoarthritis of the knee/hip, which assessed patient-reported pain. We calculated standardized mean differences (SMDs) based on follow-up and change data, and pooled within-trial differences in SMDs. We also derived pooled SMDs indicating the largest treatment effect within a trial (optimistic selection of SMDs) and derived pooled SMDs from the estimate indicating the smallest treatment effect within a trial (pessimistic selection of SMDs). RESULTS A total of 21 meta-analyses with 189 trials with 292 randomized comparisons in 41,256 patients were included. On average, SMDs were 0.04 standard deviation units more beneficial when follow-up values were used (difference in SMDs: -0.04; 95% confidence interval: -0.13, 0.06; P=0.44). In 13 meta-analyses (62%), there was a relevant difference in clinical and/or significance level between optimistic and pessimistic pooled SMDs. CONCLUSION On average, there is no relevant difference between follow-up and change data SMDs, and combining these estimates in meta-analysis is generally valid. Decision on which type of data to use when both follow-up and change data are available should be prespecified in the meta-analysis protocol.

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Daily we cope with upcoming potentially disadvantageous events. Therefore, it makes sense to be prepared for the worst case. Such a 'pessimistic' bias is reflected in brain activation during emotion processing. Healthy individuals underwent functional neuroimaging while viewing emotional stimuli that were earlier cued ambiguously or unambiguously concerning their emotional valence. Presentation of ambiguously announced pleasant pictures compared with unambiguously announced pleasant pictures resulted in increased activity in the ventrolateral prefrontal, premotor and temporal cortex, and in the caudate nucleus. This was not the case for the respective negative conditions. This indicates that pleasant stimuli after ambiguous cueing provided 'unexpected' emotional input, resulting in the adaptation of brain activity. It strengthens the hypothesis of a 'pessimistic' bias of brain activation toward ambiguous emotional events.

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Se realizó un análisis comparativo de los sectores agrarios argentino y chileno, comparando la potencialidad y uso de los recursos naturales en los distintos tipos de explotaciones agropecuarias. Se lo completó con encuestas a productores agrarios e informantes clave de ambos países para conocer la situación tecnológica y económica actual. Se determinaron ventajas comparativas en los distintos cultivos y explotaciones agropecuarias. La principal fortaleza argentina reside en la mayor disponibilidad y, en algunos casos, calidad de los recursos naturales. Esta ventaja estructural constituye una amenaza principalmente para el sector cerealícola y ganadero chileno. Los factores institucionales exógenos a la empresa constituyen la principal debilidad argentina y se reflejan en el mayor costo de producción en cultivos intensivos, como los vitícolas y frutícolas. Las encuestas a productores argentinos demuestran una actitud pesimista, poco dispuesta a inversiones, agobiada por la presión fiscal y más aún por normativas legales incoherentes con la realidad económica. La inseguridad jurídica y económica se manifiesta en un atraso tecnológico, respecto de Chile, por falta de incentivos y, en consecuencia, de inversiones en el agro. Frente a estas diferencias, la integración puede conducir a desequilibrios iniciales de difícil solución, derivados de la mayor potencialidad en recursos naturales -que favorece a la Argentina- y en sentido contrario, su actual inestabilidad económica y jurídica.

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El objetivo de este trabajo es conocer, a nivel de cuenca, el volumen de agua utilizado por las industrias de elaboración de conservas de tomate y de durazno de Mendoza. Para ello se estima la materia prima utilizada en la elaboración de estas conservas a partir de datos de superficie cultivada para tal destino y de rendimientos por superficie obtenidos en el Registro Permanente de Uso de la Tierra de Mendoza y el Instituto Nacional de Tecnología Agropecuaria. Se emplearon coeficientes de volumen de agua utilizada por unidad de materia prima procesada, que varían entre 5 y 25 L kg-1 de producto procesado, sin incluir el uso de agua para riego en fincas. Los resultados se analizaron para diferentes valores de coeficientes asociados a la eficiencia del uso del agua, en escenarios optimista y pesimista. Se concluye que las industrias elaboradoras de conservas de tomate y de durazno de Mendoza utilizan entre 0,66 y 6,15 hm3/año. El mayor consumo de agua de las conserveras de tomate ocurre en la cuenca Norte, alcanzando el 64,9% del total demandado por tales industrias. Para las conserveras de durazno, el mayor consumo se produce en la cuenca Sur con un 46% de total demandado.