Direct Democracy and Regional Integration::Citizens' Perceptions of Treaty Implications and the Irish Reversal on Lisbon

Analyses of voting in European Union referendums typically distinguish between ‘second-order’ effects and the impact of substantive ‘issues’. In order to explain change in referendum outcome, two types of substantive issues are distinguished in this article. Focusing on Irish voting in the Lisbon Treaty referendums and using data from post-referendum surveys, it is found that perceptions of treaty implications outperform underlying attitudes to EU integration in predicting vote choice at both referendums, and perceptions of treaty implications are strong predictors of vote change between the referendums. The findings have broadly positive implications for normative assessments of the usefulness of direct democracy as a tool for legitimising regional integration advance.

Stated choices and benefit estimates in the context of traffic calming schemes:Utility maximization, regret minimization, or both?

This paper proposes a discrete mixture model which assigns individuals, up to a probability, to either a class of random utility (RU) maximizers or a class of random regret (RR) minimizers, on the basis of their sequence of observed choices. Our proposed model advances the state of the art of RU-RR mixture models by (i) adding and simultaneously estimating a membership model which predicts the probability of belonging to a RU or RR class; (ii) adding a layer of random taste heterogeneity within each behavioural class; and (iii) deriving a welfare measure associated with the RU-RR mixture model and consistent with referendum-voting, which is the adequate mechanism of provision for such local public goods. The context of our empirical application is a stated choice experiment concerning traffic calming schemes. We find that the random parameter RU-RR mixture model not only outperforms its fixed coefficient counterpart in terms of fit-as expected-but also in terms of plausibility of membership determinants of behavioural class. In line with psychological theories of regret, we find that, compared to respondents who are familiar with the choice context (i.e. the traffic calming scheme), unfamiliar respondents are more likely to be regret minimizers than utility maximizers. © 2014 Elsevier Ltd.

Emotions and voting in EU referendums

There is an emerging scholarship on the emotional bases of political opinion and behaviour and, in particular, the contrasting implications of two distinct negative emotions - anger and anxiety. I apply the insights in this literature to the previously unresearched realm of the emotional bases of voting in EU referendums. I hypothesise that anxious voters rely on substantive EU issues and angry voters rely on second-order factors relating to domestic politics (partisanship and satisfaction with government). Focusing on the case of Irish voting in the Fiscal Compact referendum, and using data from a representative sample of voters, I find support for the hypotheses and discuss the implications of the findings for our understanding of the emotional conditionality of EU referendum voting. 

Simulation of economic benefits achieved by water quality improvement for recreational and professional users, within the SPICOSSA SSA (SPICOSSA System Approach) 11 - Guadiana estuary ecosystem sic

Dissertação de Mestrado, Gestão da Água e da Costa, Faculdade de Ciências e Tecnologia, Universidade do Algarve, 2010

The Glasgow 2014 XX Commonwealth Games and Scottish Independence: “Political Truce” or Political Truth(s)?

This paper explores the political reaction to Lord McConnell’s appeal for a political ‘truce’ in the form of a temporary halt to campaigning by all political parties and organisations involved in the debate regarding the Scottish independence referendum during the Glasgow 2014 Commonwealth Games (BBC, 2014; McConnell, 2014). Urging both sides of the debate to cease campaigning for the two-week period of the Glasgow 2014 games, the current Labour peer and past First Minister of the Scottish Parliament cited concerns that there are “genuine concerns that the Games, and the image of Scotland, could be damaged by attempts by either side – for and against – to use the Games to promote their cause, or to use the venues for campaigning” (McConnell, 2014). Drawing upon the principles of both a critical discourse and a narrative analysis methodological approach, this paper will scrutinise the nature of the political reactions to McConnell’s proposal from a variety of perspectives on both sides of the independence referendum debate. In particular, the emphasis in the responses from both sides of the debate regarding the apolitical nature of the 2014 Games will be critiqued, drawing upon the arguments of past analyses of sporting mega-events which highlight the potential for political exploitation of such events by the host nations (e.g. Horne, 2007; Grix, 2012; Houlihan and Giulianotti, 2012; Roche, 2006). Furthermore, the findings of academic research on the political implications of hosting the Commonwealth Games will be considered (e.g. Majumdar and Mehta, 2010; Van Der Westhuizen, 2004; Macintosh and Greenhorn, 1992; Majumdar, 2011; Lockstone and Baum, 2010; Macfarlane and Herd, 1986), highlighting a number of precedents which demonstrate the numerous challenges faced in any attempts to the keep the 2014 Games free from political influence.

'Team GB', 'Team England' or 'Team Scotland'? Media Representations of 'Britishness', 'Englishness' and 'Scottishness' in London 2012 and Glasgow 2014

Given the timing of the Scottish independence referendum in September 2014, the hosting of both the London 2012 Olympic Games and the Glasgow 2014 Commonwealth Games coincided with a period of considerable political turmoil and reflection within the United Kingdom. The extensive levels of public, political and media scrutiny of both of these major sporting events can therefore be framed within a wider consideration of the contemporary dynamics of the political union between the constituent nations of the UK, as well as the multifarious forms of national identities expressed within the various regions of the ‘nation-state’. Despite the growing influence of social media forms within contemporary society, politics and sport within the UK, the ‘traditional’ print media retain a central (although arguably diminishing) role in the dissemination of information relating to major societal, political and sporting issues to the British public. This paper will therefore critically reflect upon the nature of print media representations of ‘Britishness’, ‘Englishness’ and ‘Scottishness’ at London 2012 and Glasgow 2014 from both London-based and Scotland-based publications, drawing upon empirical data from completed and ongoing doctoral theses from the respective authors. In particular, the implications of the contrasting competitive structures of each event will be considered, given the symbolic differences between the unitary ‘Team GB’ at the London 2012 Olympics and the separated representative teams for Scotland and England at the Glasgow 2014 Commonwealth Games.

Recueil de lettres et de pièces originales, et de copies de pièces indiquées comme telles dans le dépouillement qui suit.

Contient : 1 « Prescriptum legationis ab ordinibus regni Poloniae ad serenis[simos] reges Carolum Galliarum, et Henricum, Poloniae electum... Warssovia, die XXIIa mensis may, anno Domini M.D.LXXIII° ». En latin ; 2 « ADAM CONARSKI DE COBELINO, episcopus Posnaniensis, ad electum regem Poloniae... Die 22 mensis augusti 1573. Lutetiae ». En latin. Copie ; 3 « Ad Carolum IX, Galliarum regem, A. C. DE COBELINO, episcopus Posnaniensis... Die 22 mensis augusti 1573. Luteciae ». En latin. Copie ; 4 « Litterae ab ordinibus Poloniae ad christianissimi regis legatos Ploscum missae, quibus petitur ab his declaratio articulorum promissorum... Datum Warchaviae die 10 maii, anno Domini 1573 ». En latin. Copie ; 5 « Recessus a comitiis... Datum Warschoviae, in comitiis generalibus universi regni, die XX maii, anno Domini 1573 ». En latin ; 6 « Consignatio omnium et singulorum bonorum mensae sacrae regiae majestatis in regno, tam ad vitam donatorum quam obligatorum, necnon liberorum ad et thesauro (sic) respondentium ». En latin ; 7 « Reformatio fisci publici et offitii ejus ». En latin ; 8 « Origo executionis in recuperandis bonis a mensa regia et fisco publico alienatis ». En latin ; 9 « Memoire des evechés et estas vacans en Pollogne ». En latin ; 10 « Summae antiquae in bonis regiis in regno Poloniae ante Alexandri statutum inscriptae, demonstratae in revisione Warsowinsi, 1563 et 1564 ». En latin ; 11 Note « de damnis et jacturis que facta sunt tempore interregni... in magno ducatu Lithuaniae ». En latin ; 12 « Rellation de Dansic et du moien de auguementer le revenu du roy en icelluy ». En latin ; 13 « Forme de la gabelle de Lituanie, faitte en octobre 1571 ». En latin ; 14 Lettre relative à l'augmentation des revenus en Pologne, signée : « VARSAVICIO ». En italien ; 15 « Memoria datta dal Sr CRISTOFALO VARSOWISKI sopra un inventione di augumentar il dominio di S. Mtà ». En italien. Copie ; 16 « SIGISMUNDI, primi regis Poloniae, donatio Lamborpk in Pomerania et Bithowo, anno Domini 1526 ». En latin. Copie ; 17 Copie d'un traité conclu entre Sigismond, roi de Pologne, et l'ordre teutonique, « De proprietate terrarum Prussiae ». En latin ; 18 « Senatus utriusque status regni Poloniae, Cracoviae congregatus, pacem ettranquillitatem se culturum et ab omnibus servaturum severe pollicetur, juxta mutuam olim in nova civitate Corcz obligationem. Anno Domini 1438 ». En latin. Copie ; 19 « Senatus regni Poloniae limites submontanos et silesiacos munit, militesque subornat... Anno Domini 1572 ». En latin. Copie ; 20 « Senatus paci et tranquillitati publicae in Lowicz consulit... Actum Loviciae, 23 die julii, anno Domini 1572 ». En latin. Copie ; 21 « Legatio a senatu regni Poloniae ad senatum magni ducatus Lithuaniae, consilia quaedam domesticae tranquillitatis conservandae, ordinationem item electioni convenientem continens ». En latin. Copie ; 22 « Constitutiones quaedam in oppido Knybyn factae, et indictio comitiorum electionis ad 13 octobris sub Lublino, quae postea propter graves causas dilata ». En latin. Copie ; 23 « Literae fidei domino palatino Sendomiriensi, cum domino castellano Gnesnensi, ad referendum responsum a consiliariis ducis Lithuaniae ad consiliarios regni, cum responso... Datum a Mscibow, 6 die decembris, anno Domini 1572 ». En latin. Copie ; 24 « Responsum magni ducis Lithuaniae ad legationem omnium ordinum senatus regni Poloniae, per magnificos dominos Petrum Sborowski et magnum ducem Joannem Tomicki primum ». En latin. Copie ; 25 « Literae fidei domino castellano Trocensi, magnifico domino Castellano Vitepscensi, ad referendam legationem a senatu Lithuaniae ad senatum regni ». En latin. Copie ; 26 « Altera epistola... Datum Vilnae, 5 die januarii, anno 1573 ». En latin. Copie ; 27 « Legatio a Statibus Lithuaniae ad Status regni... Datum Vilnae, januarii 3 die, anno 1573 ». En latin. Copie ; 28 « Responsum senatus Polonici ad legationem Lithuanicam, per magnificos dominos Trocensem et Vitepscium ». En latin. Copie ; 29 « Literae a senatu regni ad omnes Lituanicos ordines... Datum Varsoviae, 29 januarii ». En latin. Copie ; 30 « Provisio arcis Tikoeinensis per quosdam senatores... Actum in Tikoczyn, 13 die decembris, anno Domini 1572 ». En latin. Copie ; 31 « Literae a palatino Moldaviae ad ordines regni, expostulationem quandam de Bogdano, Moldaviae palatino, transfuga, continentes ». En latin. Copie ; 32 « Literae a senatu regni ad palatinum Moldaviae... Datum e Varsoviensi conventu, 28 januarii, anno 1573 ». En latin. Copie ; 33 « Literae a duce A SLUCKO ad ordines regni, quibus locum sibi cum suffragio in senatu dari optat ». En latin. Copie ; 34 « Literae a senatu regni ad ducem de Sluczko ». En latin. Copie ; 35 « Literae a palatino Trocensi ad senatum regni, quibus suam in convocatione Warsoviensi absentiam excusat et sententiam de loco et tempore comitiorum electionis explicat... Datum in civitate Trocensi, die 1 januarii ». En latin. Copie ; 36 « Literae a senatu regni ad palatinum Trocensem... Datum Varsoviae, 28 die januarii, anno Domini 1573 ». En latin. Copie ; 37 « Literae a WLADISLAO DE SBARASKI,... administratore palatinatus Kiioviensis, ad senatum regni, quibus petit ut sibi prospiciatur ». En latin. Copie ; 38 « Literae a senatu Lituanico ad senatum Poloniae ». En latin. Copie ; 39 « Legatio a senatu magni ducatus Lituaniae ad senatum Poloniae, per Andream Macieiowicium et Mathiam Ostrovium, legatos magni ducatus Lithuaniae... Actum in civitate Belscensi, 1 die aprilis, anno 1572 ». En latin. Copie ; 40 « Literae ordinum regni Poloniae ad senatores magni ducatus Lithuaniae... Datum Warsoviae, 1 die aprilis, 73 anno ». En latin. Copie ; 41 « Epistola a duce DE LUCKO ad senatum regni ». En latin. Copie ; 42 « Litterae serenissimae regis Sueviae ad ordines et status regni Poloniae missae... Datum Lincopii, 1 septembris anno 1572 ». En latin. Copie ; 43 « Litterae palatini Moldaviae ad ordines regni Poloniae ». En latin. Copie ; 44 « Idem iisdem ». En latin. Copie ; 45 « Responsum ad litteras palatini Moldaviae totius senatus ». En latin. Copie ; 46 « Comitiorum decretum... Datum in conventu Varssavicio, 19 maii ». En latin. Copie ; 47 « Decretum electionis... 20 die maii. Warsoviae ». En latin. Copie ; 48 « Responsum ducis Moscovitarum ad legationem ordinum senatus regni Poloniae atque Lithuaniae, qua legatione conditiones quibus ipsum vel filium ejus eligerent in regem, optat per Michaelem Haraburdum ». En latin. Copie ; 49 « Bona alienata in magno ducatu Lithuaniae proxime ante mortem serenissimi olim regis defuncti ». En latin ; 50 « Rationes relevandi fisci publici et augendorum redituum ejus ». En latin ; 51 « Prelati, barones, primates, milites, nobilitas terrarum ac magistratus consulatus civitatum Prussie subiciunt se Kazimiro, regi Poloniae magnoque duci Lithuaniae... 1454 ». En latin. Copie ; 52 « Investitule du roy SIGISMOND AUGUSTE, donnée à Federic, duc de Prusse, le XIXe juillet 1569 ». En latin. Copie ; 53 « Pacta inter Ferdinandum, Bohemiae, et Sigismundum, Poloniae reges, et regna ipsorum, per Christophorum Schedlowieczki, Pragae confecta ad exemplum eorum quae erant inter Casimirum et Georgium reges ». En latin. Copie ; 54 « Informatio quaedam pro majestate regia ». En latin ; 55 Mémoire de JACQUES LASKOWSKI. En polonais ; 56 « Memoire du capitaneat de Crisborg en Pruse... Anno Domini 1569 ». En latin ; 57 Table de pièces relatives à l'élection du roi de Pologne ; 58 « Plena potentia ab ordinibus regni... Datum Varsoviae, die 22a mensis maye 1573 ». En latin. Copie ; 59 « Litterae ducis Prussiae ad ordines regni Poloniae... Datum Rogiomonti, 9a januarii 1573 ». En latin ; 60 Copie d'une lettre du duc D'ANJOU, roi de Pologne, au sénat polonais ; 61 Copie de la même lettre, en latin ; 62 « Ordinatio ex legibus Zupparum, anno 1568 ». En latin ; 63 « Ratio constitutionis Zupparum ad aestimationem facta ». En latin ; 64 « Relacion de las cosas de Danzigue... 1574, 10 marzo ». En espagnol

British Methodist Episcopal Church Tithing Ticket, 1874

A quarterly tithing ticket from the British Methodist Episcopal Church, signed by Walter Hawkins, Minister, issued on August 16, 1874. This ticket was in the possession of the Richard Bell Family of St. Catharines.Minister Walter Hawkins was Superintendent of the Conference for the British Methodist Episcopal Church (Brant Co.) This excerpt from the Dictionary of Canadian Biography Online describes his role in reestablishing the BMEC in Canada following a period of reunion with the African Methodist Episcopal Church, an initiative spearheaded by Richard Randolph Disney, a free-born black American Methodist preacher. "By the end of the 1870s the BMEC had 56 congregations with about 3,100 members, the bulk of the latter being in the Danish West Indies and British Guiana. Because mission work outside Canada had overtaxed the church's financial resources, in 1880 Disney began negotiations towards reunion with the AMEC. The reunion was effected that year, and it was overwhelmingly ratified at a BMEC convention held at Hamilton in June 1881. A referendum showed that although a majority in Ontario was opposed, 86 per cent of the membership was in favour. Disney was accepted as an AMEC bishop and was assigned to its Tenth Episcopal District, a region embracing his former territory as well as some of the AMEC churches in Canada which had not joined the BMEC. Reunification appeared to have been a triumph for Disney, but trouble soon occurred. A majority of the Ontario churches and preachers, led by the Reverend Walter Hawkins of Chatham, sought to re-establish the BMEC, fearing the loss of their distinctive identity and perhaps feeling that the Caribbean groups had exercised too much influence on the reunification question. In 1886 this group held an ecclesiastical council at Chatham, at which it was claimed that Disney had defected to the AMEC. At a subsequent general conference that year the BMEC was reconstituted. The conference deposed Disney, agreeing to "erase his name and ignore his authority, and cancel his official relationship as bishop." The conference minutes also refer to a court case instigated by Disney which reached the High Court of Chancery in Britain, but records of this case have not been located. The reconstituted BMEC elected Hawkins as its general superintendent, avoiding the title of bishop for several years." Source: Dictionary of Canadian Biography Online. Government of Canada.

Incorporación de las figuras de Plebiscito y Referéndum en la Constitución Política del Estado de Nuevo León así como la creación de una ley de participación ciudadana

[Tesis] ( Maestría en Derecho Público) U.A.N.L.

On Complexity of Lobbying in Multiple Referenda

In this paper we show that lobbying in conditions of “direct democracy” is virtually impossible, even in conditions of complete information about voters preferences, since it would require solving a very computationally hard problem. We use the apparatus of parametrized complexity for this purpose.

L'évolution de l'appui à la souveraineté du Québec: effets de la formulation de la question et effets de contexte.

Cette recherche étudie l'évolution de l'appui à la souveraineté du Québec entre 1976 et aujourd'hui, en considérant les diverses formulations de la question utilisées par les acteurs politiques et par les sondeurs. Cette question est abordée en faisant une analyse longitudinale multiniveaux de plus de 800 sondages. Une telle approche suggère que les caractéristiques des sondages sont nichées à l'intérieur d'unités contextuelles plus larges, des unités de temps. Cela permet d'une part d'observer quels sont les facteurs liés à la mesure qui influencent l'appui à la souveraineté du Québec et ensuite de voir comment ces mêmes effets varient à travers le temps et comment ils sont influencés par certains événements jugés importants. Il ressort de ces analyses que les propositions séparation, indépendance, souveraineté et souveraineté-association/partenariat entraînent généralement des appuis moyens significativement différents les uns des autres. Il apparaît aussi que certains événements ont eu une influence significative sur l'évolution de l'appui à ces diverses propositions. Enfin, il a été tenté de voir si les appuis propres à ces diverses propositions évoluaient de manière parallèle, s'ils réagissaient similairement aux différents événements considérés dans les analyses ou si au contraire ces appuis pouvaient parfois évoluer de manière différente. Les résultats à cet égard sont intéressants mais non concluants.

Pour une démocratisation des prises de décisions en matière environnementale : une étude de cas sur les OGM

"Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de Maître en droit (LL.M.)"

La démocratie et la Loi sur la clarté : réflexions sur la règle de la majorité dans le cadre d'un référendum

"Mémoire présenté à la faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de maîtrise en droit (LL.M.)"

Analyse du regard de trois quotidiens français sur l'Algérie postcoloniale : 1962-1971

L’empire colonial français se désagrège à partir des années 1950. Après la perte des colonies fondées au Maroc et en Indochine, la France doit faire face à la sécession de sa plus importante colonie, l’Algérie. La population française accepte difficilement cette sécession puisqu’il ne s’agit pas uniquement de la chute de l’empire colonial mais aussi de la destruction d’idéaux qui lui étaient chers. Plus que la peur de ne plus être un empire colonial, les Français redoutent la perte de leur statut de puissance mondiale et de leur vision de pays possédant une mission civilisatrice. Pour comprendre l’évolution de la perception de l’Algérie en France après la décolonisation algérienne à travers plusieurs courants de pensée, ce mémoire se penche sur les éditoriaux publiés dans trois journaux français (Le Figaro, L’Humanité et Le Monde) entre 1962 et 1971 qui traitent d’événements qui se sont déroulés en Algérie. Il se penche plus particulièrement sur le terrorisme de l’OAS au moment de l’indépendance algérienne, le conflit au sein du Front de Libération Nationale (FLN) pour décider qui détiendra le pouvoir, le conflit avec le Front des Forces Socialistes (FFS), la guerre avec le Maroc, le coup d’état de Boumedienne et la nationalisation du pétrole algérien.

The Mobilization against the 2005 treaty establishing a constitution for Europe : a French mobilization for another Europe

Why did a majority of French voters reject the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe in the 2005 referendum? We argue here that the collective mobilization of the left-wing ‘No’ camp made the decisive difference through its formation of ‘Collectifs pour le non’, a coalition which facilitated the public expression of an anti-liberal and pro-European position capable of bringing together the Green and Socialist electorates, along with other parts of the left. Using a comprehensive analysis of the multi-organizational field of protest constituted by the mobilization of the left-wing ‘No’ camp, we show first that the mobilization was a ‘European affair’, in the sense that it developed a pro-European position in the context of struggles against liberal forces. Second, we show that the mobilization was also a ‘French’ affair because it relied on the high valuation of the ‘national’ mode of belonging, through the defence of the French state model.