??cole Nationale d'Administration Publique: d??velopper les comp??tences des fonctionnaires pour augmenter la capacit?? de L'Etat dans la gestion des politiques publiques

Plus d???une vingtaine d???ann??es d???existence d??di??es ?? la mission de d??velopper les comp??tences des fonctionnaires pour augmenter la capacit?? de l?????tat dans la gestion des politiques publiques fait de l???ENAP un mod??le dans le domaine de la formation. Rattach??e au Minist??re du Plan, du Budget et de la Gestion, l?????cole, d??s sa cr??ation en 1986, a re??ue 245 mille fonctionnaires de tout le pays. En 2007, 26 mille fonctionnaires de l???administration f??d??rale ont attendu un de nos 60 stages offerts.

Brazilian National School of Public Administration

The Brazilian National School of Public Administration (Escola Nacional de Administra????o P??blica ??? ENAP) is a public foundation linked to the Ministry of Planning, Budget and Management. Founded in 1986, its core mission is ???to develop competencies of civil servants in order to enhance government capacity for managing public policies???. To fulfill its mission, a wide program of learning and continued education is offered to public policy managers as well as e-learning and customized courses, in accordance to governmental and institutional strategic objectives. ENAP???s courses are framed according to governmental strategic demands for social inclusion, poverty reduction as well as economic development in order to strengthen the leading South American democracy. The range and diversity of its programs mirrors the challenges of deep changes in the jobs market and the work environment, faced by the current 550,000 federal civil servants and the over 7,000,000 state and municipal civil servants in Brazil, as last counted in 2006.

A reestrutura????o da carreira de especialista em pol??ticas p??blicas e gest??o governamental e seu impacto na reforma administrativa de 1995

As reformas administrativas brasileiras sempre foram uma forma de tentar aprimorar a gest??o p??blica em nosso pa??s, mas ?? verdade tamb??m que in??meras vezes elas foram usadas como plataforma eleitoral ou ret??rica em esbo??os de programas de Governo. Podemos considerar como a primeira dessas reformas a realizada na d??cada de 1930 pelo Governo de Get??lio Vargas que reduziu bastante as pr??ticas patrimonialistas de gerir o Estado. Posteriormente tivemos, sem muito sucesso, a tentativa de reforma implantada atrav??s edi????o do Decreto-Lei 200 de 1967, durante os governos militares. Com a redemocratiza????o, tentou-se uma reforma no Governo Sarney, da qual resultou como pontos positivos a cria????o da Escola Nacional de Administra????o P??blica e a cria????o da Carreira de Especialista em Pol??ticas P??blicas e Gest??o Governamental (EPPGG). No Governo Collor tentou-se fazer nova reforma administrativa, que n??o logrou ??xito. J?? no Governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso, o Ministro Bresser Pereira foi respons??vel, a partir de 1995, por implementar uma nova e grande reforma administrativa no Brasil. Um dos objetivos dessa Reforma era o fortalecimento do N??cleo Estrat??gico do Estado; para realizar essa tarefa, Bresser Pereira optou por fortalecer as carreiras do chamado Ciclo de Gest??o do Estado, nesse processo ela realizou uma grande reestrutura????o da carreira de EPPGG. Essa reestrutura????o trouxe para o N??cleo Estrat??gico do Estado um corpo de servidores bem treinados e sintonizados com as propostas de gest??o previstas na Reforma. Esses profissionais tiveram uma participa????o marcante nas mudan??as ocorridas na gest??o da Administra????o P??blica durante os dois Governos de Fernando Henrique, participando de v??rios projetos e ocupando v??rios Cargos de Dire????o em todos os n??veis na Administra????o P??blica. O trabalho de sucesso desses profissionais continuou nos dois mandatos seguintes do Presidente Lula. Na constru????o dessa pesquisa foram utilizados v??rios estudos, livros, artigos e entrevistas que levaram ?? conclus??o que a reestrutura????o da Carreira de EPPGG foi um instrumento eficaz para que a Reforma Administrativa de 1995 tivesse sucesso no objetivo de fortalecer o N??cleo Estrat??gico do Estado.

Elites estatais e reforma do estado na nova rep??blica: o projeto Enap e a forma????o da carreira de gestor governamental no Brasil

Os objetos desta pesquisa s??o: 1) a atua????o das elites burocr??ticas do Poder Executivo Federal no processo de transi????o pol??tica no Brasil, nos anos 1980; 2) as frentes de reforma na Nova Rep??blica, nas ??reas social, econ??mica e administrativa e 3) as tentativas de renova????o da gest??o p??blica representadas pela cria????o da Escola Nacional de Administra????o P??blica (ENAP) e da Carreira de Gestor Governamental (EPPGG). Esse era um contexto de reinstitucionaliza????o da fun????o diretiva do Estado e de deslocamento das fronteiras entre o burocr??tico e o pol??tico no setor p??blico brasileiro. A hip??tese central aqui defendida ?? de que a ENAP e a Carreira de Gestor Governamental eram duas op????es inovadoras frente ao dilema sobre quais seriam os pap??is cab??veis a pol??ticos e administradores na nova ordem democr??tica, mas tamb??m eram op????es sem enraizamento nos pactos e agendas de prioridades que viabilizaram a mudan??a de regime no pa??s. A Escola e a Carreira estavam em disson??ncia com as principais tend??ncias de recomposi????o das elites estatais na transi????o a partir do regime militar e sofreram bloqueios em raz??o disso, mas a pesquisa procurou desconstruir algumas narrativas sobre esses conflitos interburocr??ticos, que associam as resist??ncias impostas ?? ENAP e ?? Carreira pelos grupos de funcion??rios da Fazenda e Planejamento a interesses meramente corporativistas. Com um trajeto pelos estudos sobre as burocracias dos regimes militares e sobre as transi????es no Brasil e na Am??rica Latina, buscou-se aqui uma melhor identifica????o dos grupos integrantes das ???tecnoburocracias??? e de suas contribui????es para a moderniza????o administrativa e econ??mica do pa??s, na segunda metade do s??culo XX. Buscou-se revelar algumas conflu??ncias entre as ideias de tecnocratiza????o e profissionaliza????o das altas fun????es p??blicas e seus elos com as aspira????es pela reconstru????o do Estado sob bases mais democr??ticas, mostrando que, nos anos 1980, as propostas da SEDAP n??o eram os ??nicos projetos de moderniza????o em curso, tampouco os grupos que a elas se opuseram representavam interesses univocamente antidemocr??ticos.

Tentativas e perspectiva de forma????o de uma burocracia p??blica no Brasil

An??lise da quest??o da forma????o da burocracia p??blica no Brasil, desde a cria????o do Conselho Federal do Servi??o P??blico Civil em 1936 at?? as condi????es dadas pela Constitui????o Federal de 5 de outubro de 1988. Perspectivas e dificuldades de sua consolida????o na situa????o atual. As experi??ncias ocorridas no per??odo: o Estado Novo, o processo de Redemocratiza????o de 1946, o governo Kubitschek, o Movimento de 1964 e as grandes reformas sob o Decreto-Lei n?? 200, de 1967, a crise dos anos 80, a Constitui????o de 1988 e a Administra????o P??blica sob a Carta atual. Discuss??o dos temas em debate no momento sobre a quest??o da Administra????o P??blica: estabilidade, regime jur??dico, concurso p??blico, previd??ncia.

As políticas da insegurança : da Scuderie Detetive Le Cocq às masmorras do novo Espírito Santo

A presente dissertação tem como objetivo a análise das políticas de segurança pública e justiça criminal no Espírito Santo entre 1989 e 2013, utilizando metodologia historiográfica e observando a distância entre os objetivos oficiais e as consequências práticas. No primeiro capítulo, me concentro na contextualização histórica das políticas criminais, analisando a formação organizacional do sistema punitivo brasileiro. Coloco ênfase, de um lado, no processo de militarização, isto é, a adoção de hierarquia, disciplina e formação militares nas agências de segurança pública, e de outro lado, e nas sucessivas legislações penais aprovadas pelo Congresso Nacional. Tais processos nacionais se refletem no Espírito Santo, onde se difundiram “grupos de extermínio” como a Scuderie Le Cocq, mas não havia política de segurança pública. A primeira surge em meio a grave crise política, entre 1999 e 2002. Mas os seus propósitos são mais avançados com o processo de reforma administrativa após 2003, quando o governo se esforça por impôr modelos de gestão empresariais e parcerias público privadas à administração estadual, incluindo a segurança pública e sistema penitenciário. Com isto, ocorre uma rápida expansão do encarceramento seletivo em condições extremas de superlotação e violência, desenvolvendo uma indústria carcerária. No segundo capítulo, realizo uma análise na qual relaciono informações criminais, penitenciárias, econômicas e demográficas, tanto no contexto do Brasil quanto do Espírito Santo. Constato que a repressão estatal tem “preferência” por homens, negros, jovens e de baixa escolaridade; por crimes de drogas e contra o patrimônio, com a utilização cada vez maior da prisão provisória. No Espírito Santo o encarceramento seletivo cresce em maior velocidade que na média nacional, o que se reflete no perfil da população carcerária, sendo esta ainda mais negra, jovem, de baixa escolaridade e presa por tráfico e drogas e em regime provisório, com frequentes denúncias fundamentadas de torturas, mortes e desaparecimentos forçados entre as populações criminalizadas.

Brazil: an emerging military power? The problem of the use of force in Brazilian international relations in the 21st century

The central goal of this paper is thinking about the Brazilian military power and its linking to the international ambitions of the country in the 21st century. After a comparative analysis to other BRICs and with a historical one about Brazil's strategic irrelevance, we aim to establish what the minimum military capacity Brazil would need in order to meet the country's latest international interests. Similarly, it will be discussed if the National Strategy of Defense, approved in 2008, and the recent strategic agreements signed with France represent one more step toward this minimum military capacity.

Security issues during Lula's administration: from the reactive to the assertive approach

Brazil's security agenda during Lula's administration was not homogeneous through the two mandates: the first tenure (2002-2006) revealed a reactive approach towards security topics, while the second one (2006-2010) was more assertive. More specifically, the shift occurred in terms of both its geographical scope - once it incorporated global issues in a more systematic way -, and instruments through which the security agenda was exercised, given the multilateral initiative of Unasur's CDS

Brazilian foreign policy towards South America during the Lula administration: caught between South America and Mercosur

The aim of this article is to analyze Brazil's foreign policy towards the South American region during President Lula's administration. As such, the article intends to highlight two specific dimensions: the extent to which foreign policy during this period has differed from previous periods and the relative importance granted by Brazilian diplomacy to recent cooperation and integration efforts, more specifically the Unasur and Mercosur. The article argues that the Lula administration has behaved differently from its predecessors by prioritizing the building up of Brazilian leadership in South America on several different fronts, especially by strengthening multilateral institutions in the region

Mapping the Obama administration's response to the Arab Spring

When the Arab Spring broke out, the United States was in a quandary over how to handle the crisis in its attempt to balance its moral obligations and ideals without undercutting its strategic interests and those of its close allies. Flaws in US diplomatic approach have contributed to one of the most serious foreign policy crisis for a US administration to date with consequential upheaval and erosion of the US-built balance of power. The reactions and policy responses of the Obama administration highlight the difficulties in grasping with the new reality in the Middle East and in enunciating a policy platform that could combine American interests and values.

The essential role of democracy in the Bush Doctrine: the invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan

Everyone knows that democracy played a role in the Bush Doctrine. What not everyone knows is that this role was essential for the doctrine to be put into operation under which the Iraq invasion was prepared and launched. We argue moreover that, even if aggressive, the Bush doctrine is compatible with the American Liberal Tradition. To demonstrate these arguments we analyze the links between democracy, security, and the US national interests as expressed in the pillars of the American foreign policy since the end of Cold War. The consequential belief of the Bush Administration on the positive effect of exporting democracy by the use of force to Afghanistan and Iraq to fight terrorism will be remarked. It will be shown, however, that in the first years of the Bush Administration, among the justifications for the military interventions in the two countries, security reasons prevailed over democratic concerns, although the latter was significantly present since the early hours after September 11. It was only when it became clear that WMDs did not exist in Iraq that the exporting of democracy as the ultimate weapon to fight terrorism grew remarkably and prevailed over security reasons to invade those rogue states. The paper uses quantitative and qualitative content analysis of the speeches of President Bush and his Secretaries of State and Defense.

An outline of military technological dynamics as restraints for acquisition, international cooperation and domestic technological development

The expectation that technological returns from defense expenditure through acquisition, international cooperation and domestic research would further national development underappreciates the different technological dynamic of the armed services. This paper outlines the technological dynamic the stems from fighting in the air, at sea and on land, exemplifying consequences for the case of acquisition.

Interests and Values in Obama's foreign Policy: Leading from Behind?

Abstract This study will exam the relative importance of values and interests in Obama's foreign policy, focusing on crucial cases: the military actions related to Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Non-Syria, Al-Qaeda and ISIL. We will argue that his "leading from behind" strategy is not very distant from the foreign and defense strategies of his post-Cold War predecessors, by which democracy is seen as an assurance to security. According to Obama's strategy, Americans will only provide support for the building of democracy in the target countries, while this task should be performed by the locals themselves. Americans will provide military training to the new governments as well so they can be responsible for their own security, including preventing regrouping of terrorists in their soil. If Obama opposes the imposing of democracy by the use of force, empirical data shows that his administration is "not prepared to accept" any option that threats US security or American liberal-democratic values, bringing in this way values and interests very close to each other.

Foucault’s Perspective of Performance Appraisal in Public Administration

The main purpose of performance appraisal in organizations is, or should be, to improve the engagement, learning process and progress of the employees and to align individual with team and organizational performance. However, performance appraisal can also be interpreted as an instrument of normalization, discipline and surveillance. This study thus aims to explore and discuss the complex schema of intrinsic and extrinsic objectives of performance appraisal system of the Portuguese public organizations (SIADAP - Performance Evaluation Integrated System). We have developed an exploratory and qualitative case study to capture appraisers and appraises perceptions. The data were analyzed in light of foucauldian theories. According to the qualitative data, namely the discourses of the appraisers and their subordinates, the SIADAP is seen as an instrument of control and dominance that aims to introduce political rationalities, limiting the career progression of the employees. Though some key points of Foucault’s perspective were identified, foucauldian framework revealed some limitations to capture all the complexity inherent to performance appraisal. This study opens new perspectives about the SIADAP and can be of major importance as far as political reflection about performance appraisal in public organizations is concerned.