219 resultados para Égalité


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Attributed to Alfred Vigny in National union catalog, pre-1956 imprints.

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Authorship sometimes attributed to René Alisson de Chazet.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Ce mémoire explore la relation qui lie démocratie et légitimité politique, dans une perspective épistémique. La démocratie, dans son acception la plus générale, confère à chacun la possibilité de faire valoir les intérêts qu'il estime être les siens et ceux de sa communauté, en particulier à l’occasion d’un scrutin. Cette procédure décisionnelle qu’est le vote consacre ainsi en quelque sorte la liberté et l’égalité dont profitent chacun des citoyens, et confère une certaine légitimité au processus décisionnel. Cela dit, si le vote n’est pas encadré par des considérations épistémiques, rien ne garantit que le résultat politique qui en découlera sera souhaitable tant pour les individus que pour la collectivité: il est tout à fait permis d’imaginer que des politiques discriminatoires, économiquement néfastes ou simplement inefficaces voient ainsi le jour, et prennent effet au détriment de tous. En réponse à ce problème, différentes théories démocratiques ont vu le jour et se sont succédé, afin de tenter de lier davantage le processus démocratique à l’atteinte d’objectifs politiques bénéfiques pour la collectivité. Au nombre d’entre elles, la démocratie délibérative a proposé de substituer la seule confrontation d’intérêts de la démocratie agrégative par une recherche collective du bien commun, canalisée autour de procédures délibératives appelées à légitimer sur des bases plus solides l’exercice démocratique. À sa suite, la démocratie épistémique s’est inspirée des instances délibératives en mettant davantage l’accent sur la qualité des résultats obtenus que sur les procédures elles-mêmes. Au final, un même dilemme hante chaque fois les différentes théories : est-il préférable de construire les instances décisionnelles en se concentrant prioritairement sur les critères procéduraux eux-mêmes, au risque de voir de mauvaises décisions filtrer malgré tout au travers du processus sans pouvoir rien y faire, ou devons-nous avoir d’entrée de jeu une conception plus substantielle de ce qui constitue une bonne décision, au risque cette fois de sacrifier la liberté de choix qui est supposé caractériser un régime démocratique? La thèse que nous défendrons dans ce mémoire est que le concept d’égalité politique peut servir à dénouer ce dilemme, en prenant aussi bien la forme d’un critère procédural que celle d’un objectif politique préétabli. L’égalité politique devient en ce sens une source normative forte de légitimité politique. En nous appuyant sur le procéduralisme épistémique de David Estlund, nous espérons avoir démontré au terme de ce mémoire que l’atteinte d’une égalité politique substantielle par le moyen de procédures égalitaires n’est pas une tautologie hermétique, mais plutôt un mécanisme réflexif améliorant tantôt la robustesse des procédures décisionnelles, tantôt l’atteinte d’une égalité tangible dans les rapports entre citoyens.

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Chlamydia continues to be a major pathogen of koalas. The bacterium is associated with ocular, respiratory and urogenital tract infections and a vaccine is considered the best option to limit the decline of mainland koala populations. Over the last 20 years, efforts to develop a chlamydial vaccine in humans have focussed on the use of the chlamydial major outer membrane protein (MOMP). Potential problems with the use of MOMP-based vaccines relate to the wide range of genetic diversity in its four variable domains. In the present study, we evaluated the immune response of koalas vaccinated with a MOMP-based C. pecorum vaccine formulated with genetically and serologically diverse MOMPs. Animals immunised with individual MOMPs developed strong antibody and lymphocyte proliferation responses to both homologous as well as heterologous MOMP proteins. Importantly, we also showed that vaccine induced antibodies which effectively neutralised various heterologous strains of koala C. pecorum in an in vitro assay. Finally, we also demonstrated that the immune responses in monovalent as well as polyvalent MOMP vaccine groups were able to recognise whole chlamydial elementary bodies, illustrating the feasibility of developing an effective MOMP based C. pecorum vaccine that could protect against a range of strains.

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Chlamydial infections are wide spread in koalas across their range and a solution to this debilitating disease has been sought for over a decade. Antibiotics are the currently accepted therapeutic measure, but are not an effective treatment due to the asymptomatic nature of some infections and a low efficacy rate. Thus, a vaccine would be an ideal way to address this infectious disease threat in the wild. Previous vaccine trials have used a three-dose regimen; however this is very difficult to apply in the field as it would require multiple capture events, which are stressful and invasive processes for the koala. In addition, it requires skilled koala handlers and a significant monetary investment. To overcome these challenges, in this study we utilized a polyphosphazine based poly I:C and a host defense peptide adjuvant combined with recombinant chlamydial major outer membrane protein (rMOMP) antigen to induce long lasting (54 weeks) cellular and humoral immunity in female koalas with a novel single immunizing dose. Immunized koalas produced a strong IgG response in plasma, as well as at mucosal sites. Moreover, they showed high levels of C. pecorum specific neutralizing antibodies in the plasma as well as vaginal and conjunctival secretions. Lastly, Chlamydia-specific lymphocyte proliferation responses were produced against both whole chlamydial elementary bodies and rMOMP protein, over the 12-month period. The results of this study suggest that a single dose rMOMP vaccine incorporating a poly I:C, host defense peptide and polyphosphazine adjuvant is able to stimulate both arms of the immune system in koalas, thereby providing an alternative to antibiotic treatment and/or a three-dose vaccine regime.

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Gender perceptions, religious belief systems, and political thought have excluded women from politics, for ages, around the world. Combining feminist and modernisation theorists in my theoretical framework, I examine the trends in patriarchal Europe and I highlight the gender-sensitive model of the Nordic countries. Retracing local gender patterns from precolonial to postcolonial eras in sub-Saharan Africa, I explore the links between perceptions, needs, resources, education and women's political participation in Cameroon. Democratisation is supposed to open up political participation, to grant equal opportunities to all adults. One ironic feature of the liberalisation process in Cameroon has been the decrease of women in parliamentarian representation (14% in 1988, 6% in 1992, 5% in 1997 and 10% in 2002). What social, cultural and institutional mechanisms produced this paradoxical outcome, the exclusion of half the population? The gender complementarity of the indigenous context has been lost to male prevalence privileged by education, church, law, employment, economy and politics in the public sphere; most women are marginalised in the private sphere. Nation building and development have failed; ethnicism and individualism are growing. Some hope lies in the growing civil society. From two surveys and 21 focus groups across Cameroon, in 2000 and 2002, some significant results of the processed empirical data reveal low electoral registration (34.5% women and 65.9% men), contrasted by the willingness to run for municipal elections (33.3 % women and 45.2% men). The co-existence of customary and statutory laws, the corrupt political system and fraudulent practices, contribute to the marginalisation of women and men who are interested in politics. A large majority of female respondents consider female politicians more trustworthy and capable than their male counterparts; they even foresee the appointment of a female Prime Minister. The Nordic countries have institutionalised gender equality in their legislation, policies and practices. France has improved women's political inclusion with the parity laws; Rwanda is another model of women's representation, thanks to its post-conflict constitution. From my analysis, Cameroonian institutions, men and more so women, may learn and borrow from these experiences, in order to design and implement a sustainable and gender-balanced democracy. Keywords: democratisation, politics, gender equality, feminism, citizenship, Cameroon, Nordic countries, Finland, France, United Kingdom, quotas, societal social psychology.

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[ES]A lo largo de estas páginas se analiza la igualdad o desigualdad de las mujeres respecto a los varones ante el control formalizado de la justicia penal a la hora de condenarlas a penas tan rigurosas como los azotes, el destierro o la horca; y ante el control informal ejercido por la familia, reprimiendo los comportamientos considerados ilícitos al margen de los tribunalesde justicia públicos.

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Investiga-se, neste trabalho, a partir de uma análise de gênero, os discursos dos movimentos espírita e anarquista acerca das mulheres, no período de 1889 a 1922, no Rio de Janeiro, especificamente no que se refere a uma possível relação entre eles. No período de análise, ambos os movimentos encontravam-se em constituição no Brasil, lutando por legitimação e reconhecimento social, sendo seus seguidores perseguidos, presos e patologizados por seus discursos questionadores da ordem vigente. Entretanto, mais que seu sucesso ou não na transformação social, o que aqui se propõe é uma investigação acerca das formas pelas quais esses movimentos podem ter se relacionado e seus discursos, especialmente no caso da mulher, podem tê-los aproximado. Ou seja, questionar a oposição religião e política, e inserir uma análise de gênero em campos nos quais essa ferramenta é, ainda, raramente utilizada. Investigar como se apresentavam as questões de gênero nas práticas desses movimentos, tentando resgatar os fios que compõem a trama histórica dos mesmos, procurando entender a legitimação do espiritismo brasileiro no circuito religioso e a desqualificação do anarquismo no circuito dos movimentos políticos. As razões que justificam a escolha do espiritismo e do anarquismo para este trabalho devem-se, sobretudo, a uma singularidade: ambos apresentavam discursos sobre a mulher destoantes dos hegemônicos. Em seus pressupostos, encontra-se uma postura diferenciada em relação à mulher, na qual a ideia da igualdade entre os sexos assume um papel relevante, não seguindo a tendência de atribuir às mulheres um lugar de submissão e silêncio. Espíritas e anarquistas se posicionaram contrários aos discursos que tentavam manter a legitimidade da submissão da mulher ao homem. Contudo, verifica-se que, no Brasil, tanto o espiritismo quanto o anarquismo construíram discursos próprios ao contexto brasileiro, indo ao encontro dos pressupostos hegemônicos naquele período, sobretudo, acerca da mulher e das relações de gênero. Através de uma análise da história dos movimentos espírita e anarquista, notadamente, de sua chegada e difusão no campo social brasileiro, constata-se que a historiografia produziu um discurso que legitimou a exclusão das mulheres desses movimentos naquele momento, produzindo uma trama ainda bastante marcada pelo silenciamento das práticas femininas. A perspectiva teórico-metodológica deste trabalho se insere no campo da historiografia, mais especificamente da nova história: história cultural, história das mulheres e das relações de gênero, com atenção às produções da historiografia contemporânea sobre o período e as implicações de suas análises para as conclusões difundidas sobre a ausência feminina nesses movimentos.

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Dissertação mest., Literatura, Universidade do Algarve, 2006

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Ce mémoire s'intéresse aux relations de pouvoir entre les hommes et les femmes telles qu'elles s'expriment à travers les "scripts" sexuels (Gagnon) dans six oeuvres québécoises écrites après les années 2000. Deux critères déterminent le choix des oeuvres : la sphère de légitimité à laquelle elles appartiennent et le sexe des auteurs. Le premier chapitre s'intéresse à deux oeuvres légitimées écrites par des femmes : La Brèche (2002) de Marie-Sissi Labrèche et Infrarouge (2010) de Nancy Huston; le deuxième chapitre aborde deux romans légitimés écrits par des hommes : Bouche-à-bouch e [i.e. bouche] (2003) de Mauricio Segura et L'aimé (2007) d'Antonio D'Alfonso; enfin le troisième chapitre étudie, quant à lui, deux recueils de nouvelles érotiques relevant de la littérature populaire, l'un écrit par une femme, l'autre par un homme: Grande aventure et petites histoires libertines (2007) de Julie Bray et Tentations voluptueuses (2006) de Martin Lortie. Chacun des chapitres se divise en quatre parties. Dans la première partie, sont étudiés le genre des voix narratives en lien avec le sexe des auteurs. La deuxième partie s'emploie à tracer le portrait des personnages féminins et masculins principaux à l'intérieur des oeuvres. Les troisième et quatrième parties étudient plus spécifiquement les scènes sexuelles, d'abord à partir de l'analyse de l'espace et ensuite à partir [de] l'analyse des"scripts" sexuels. Nous tâchons de définir si les représentations permettent d'observer des relations justes et équitables ou dissymétriques entre les sexes, et de vérifier si les auteur¨e¨s emploient des matériaux qui tendent au traditionalisme, à la modernité ou à la postmodernité. (Boisclair et St-Martin)