Religious pamphlets

A collection of miscellaneous pamphlets on religion.

The manual of peace; exhibiting the evils and remedies of war.

"The original work embraced, ʻ1. The evils and remedies of war ; 2. Suggestions on the law of nations; 3. Considerations of a congress of nations.' The two last parts, and several chapters in the first, on capital punishments, are, with the author's consent, omitted in this edition."--Note to the stereotype ed., signed: G.C.B.

Hardtack and coffee, or, The unwritten story of Army life /

Reprint. Originally published: Boston : G.M. Smith, 1887.

Bad apples in bad barrels revisited: Cognitive moral development, just world beliefs, rewards, and ethical decision-making

In this study, we test the interactive effect on ethical decision-making of (1) personal characteristics, and (2) personal expectancies based on perceptions of organizational rewards and punishments. Personal characteristics studied were cognitive moral development and belief in a just world. Using an in-basket simulation, we found that exposure to reward system information influenced managers' outcome expectancies. Further, outcome expectancies and belief in a just world interacted with managers' cognitive moral development to influence managers' ethical decision-making. In particular, low-cognitive moral development managers who expected that their organization condoned unethical behavior made less ethical decisions while high cognitive moral development managers became more ethical in this environment. Low cognitive moral development managers also behaved less ethically when their belief in a just world was high.

UMA ÁNALISE EXEGÉTICA DA PORÇÃO DE MIQUEIAS 2,1-5: A SITUAÇÃO SOCIOECONÔMICA EM JUDÁ E SUAS IMPLICAÇÕES NA HERANÇA DOS CAMPONESES NA SEFELÁ JUDAÍTA NO SÉCULO VIII A.C.

Esta pesquisa procura examinar, à luz da metodologia exegética, a perícope de Miqueias 2,1-5, a fim de reconstruir o cenário no qual emergiu a dura crítica social do profeta. O texto apresenta, em sua análise literária, características de um dito profético coeso, em estilo poético. Sua estrutura encontra-se dividida em duas unidades (denúncia e castigo), sendo que cada uma das unidades possui outras duas subunidades (genérica e específica). O gênero literário harmoniza-se com um dito profético de julgamento geralmente conhecido como oráculo ai . A análise da dimensão histórica situa o acontecimento fundante em 701 a.C., na Sefelá judaíta. Numa análise investigativa do conteúdo da denúncia norteado pelo modelo teórico do modo de produção tributário, observa-se um conflito entre dois grupos. Nesse conflito, Miqueias faz uma acusação a um grupo de poder em Judá que planeja e executa ações criminosas contra a herança camponesa. O castigo descreve a conspiração e o plano divino contra esse grupo de poder. Javé havia planejado um mal idêntico ao que eles haviam cometido, desonra e privação de suas possessões. Os valores culturais de honra e vergonha subjazem a esse oráculo. Por descumprirem seus deveres junto a Javé e ao povo, os criminosos perderiam todos os seus direitos e, sobretudo, a honra perante a própria comunidade. Com base no modelo teórico do modo de produção tributário, constata-se que, na situação social em Judá no oitavo século, prevalecia um conflito entre campo e cidade. As comunidades aldeãs pagavam tributo à cidade em forma de produtos e serviços. A excessiva arrecadação de tributo e as falhas no sistema de ajuda mútua forçaram os indivíduos e famílias a contrair dívidas, a hipotecar suas terras herdadas dos pais e eventualmente perdê-las. O profeta Miqueias é o porta-voz do protesto da classe campesina que resolve reagir aos desmandos praticados pela elite citadina. Para ele, Javé escuta a queixa dos que estão sendo oprimidos e intervém na história tomando o partido do oprimido.(AU)

EDUCAÇÃO E CONTROLE SOCIAL NA PRIMEIRA DÉCADA REPUBLICANA

O presente trabalho tem como objetivo o estudo da rebeldia negra nos anos antecedentes a escravidão e suas conseqüências, tanto social como educacional. O fato da Província de São Paulo ter se tornado uma grande exportadora de café fez dela um forte centro escravocrata. Não se pode negar a influência de quatro séculos de escravidão, nem tão pouco seus efeitos sobre a nação. Em 13 de maio de 1888 fora decretada a abolição, e esta medida lançou nas ruas uma multidão de negros livres sem qualquer perspectiva de futuro. Não foram preparados para viver em liberdade, a sociedade não estava organizada para recebê-los como trabalhadores livres e pagar por seu trabalho. Ao olhar de muitos eram tidos como preguiçosos, vadios e desordeiros. Nunca foram tratados como iguais, mas sim como uma raça medíocre e inferior, onde a imoralidade e os excessos chegam a um ponto irreversível, caso não sejam controlados. Diante dessa situação, fazia-se necessário traçar planos para conter os excessos e o furor da grande massa de libertos soltos pelas ruas, torna-se de extrema urgência a utilização de meios diversos a fim de manter o controle social, inculcando na mente da população negra os malefícios causados pelas revoltas, o dever de trabalhar, o abandono dos vícios. Para tanto, os intelectuais, políticos e os grandes exportadores (que representavam o poder econômico da época), passam a utilizar-se de diversos meios para propagação dos valores republicanos, jornais, conferências políticas, boletins e também o sistema educacional. Por meios de livros de leitura, artigos em revistas educacionais, adição de novas disciplinas no currículo escolar e até mesmo a ação do professor em sala de aula visavam a docilização dos costumes do povo. Os republicanos que assumiram o poder político do país não estavam apenas preocupados em educar os poucos que tinham acesso à escolarização, mas também, através do exemplo, educar e acalmar os ânimos dos negros vadios e preguiçosos que não podiam freqüentar a escola. Daí resulta tamanha preocupação com o estabelecimento de regras, organização, respeito e punições no ambiente escolar recém reestruturado (AU)

Psychic Punishment Costs and Deterrence

In this paper we analyze criminal deterrence in the presence of specific psychic costs of punishments. We consider a dynamic model with three players, analyzing the choices of a representative lawmaker, potential criminal and judge. In our setting the lawmaker decides whether to introduce a fixed punishment enhancement above a chosen threshold of crime level, depending on its popularity among the voters. In reaction, the judge, who is influenced by her own preferences as well as the opinion of her peer group, might change the probability of punishment, through affecting the standard of reasonable doubt. Our results suggest that large discontinuous and mandatory increases in punishment can have unintended effects that are contrary to the stated goal of such punishment enhancements. In equilibrium, when either the judge or her peer group is "anti-punishment" enough, the level of criminal activity might increase in response to the punishment enhancement. This perverse effect is less likely to occur if there is a higher number of peer groups within the "elite", so that a greater extent of self-selection by judges can occur. Our results have relevance for a number of areas outside the traditional criminal justice system as well, such as special courts (such as ecclesiastical or military courts), or the strictness and enforcement of regulations.

Beyond the Pay: Current Illicit Activities of the Armed Forces in Central America

The growth of criminal gangs and organized crime groups has created unprecedented challenges in Central America. Homicide rates are among the highest in the world, countries spend on average close to 10 percent of GDP to respond to the challenges of public insecurity, and the security forces are frequently overwhelmed and at times coopted by the criminal groups they are increasingly tasked to counter. With some 90 percent of the 700 metric tons of cocaine trafficked from South America to the United States passing through Central America, the lure of aiding illegal traffickers through provision of arms, intelligence, or simply withholding or delaying the use of force is enormous. These conditions raise the question: to what extent are militaries in Central America compromised by illicit ties to criminal groups? The study focuses on three cases: Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Honduras. It finds that: Although illicit ties between the military and criminal groups have grown in the last decade, militaries in these countries are not yet “lost’ to criminal groups. Supplying criminal groups with light arms from military stocks is typical and on the rise, but still not common. In general the less exposed services, the navies and air forces, are the most reliable and effective ones in their roles in interdiction. Of the three countries in the study, the Honduran military is the most worrying because it is embedded in a context where civilian corruption is extremely common, state institutions are notoriously weak, and the political system remains polarized and lacks the popular legitimacy and political will needed to make necessary reforms. Overall, the armed forces in the three countries remain less compromised than civilian peers, particularly the police. However, in the worsening crime and insecurity context, there is a limited window of opportunity in which to introduce measures targeted toward the military, and such efforts can only succeed if opportunities for corruption in other sectors of the state, in particular in law enforcement and the justice system, are also addressed. Measures targeted toward the military should include: Enhanced material benefits and professional education opportunities that open doors for soldiers in promising legitimate careers once they leave military service. A clear system of rewards and punishments specifically designed to deter collusion with criminal groups. More effective securing of military arsenals. Skills and external oversight leveraged through combined operations, to build cooperation among those sectors of the military that have successful and clean records in countering criminal groups, and to expose weaker forces to effective best practices.

Innovating from the War Economy: Formal, Informal, and Illicit Economic Activities of the Military in Colombia

Over the last decade, the Colombian military has successfully rolled back insurgent groups, cleared and secured conflict zones, and enabled the extraction of oil and other key commodity exports. As a result, official policies of both the Uribe and Santos governments have promoted the armed forces to participate to an unprecedented extent in economic activities intended to consolidate the gains of the 2000s. These include formal involvement in the economy, streamlined in a consortium of military enterprises and social foundations that are intended to put the Colombian defense sector “on the map” nationally and internationally, and informal involvement expanded mainly through new civic action development projects intended to consolidate the security gains of the 2000s. However, failure to roll back paramilitary groups other than through the voluntary amnesty program of 2005 has facilitated the persistence of illicit collusion by military forces with reconstituted “neoparamilitary” drug trafficking groups. It is therefore crucially important to enhance oversight mechanisms and create substantial penalties for collusion with illegal armed groups. This is particularly important if Colombia intends to continue its new practice of exporting its security model to other countries in the region. The Santos government has initiated several promising reforms to enhance state capacity, institutional transparence, and accountability of public officials to the rule of law, which are crucial to locking in security gains and revitalizing democratic politics. Efforts to diminish opportunities for illicit association between the armed forces and criminal groups should complement that agenda, including the following: Champion breaking existing ties between the military and paramilitary successor groups through creative policies involving a mixture of punishments and rewards directed at the military; Investigation and extradition proceedings of drug traffickers, probe all possible ties, including as a matter of course the possibility of Colombian military collaboration. Doing so rigorously may have an important effect deterring military collusion with criminal groups. Establish and enforce zero-tolerance policies at all military ranks regarding collusion with criminal groups; Reward military units that are effective and also avoid corruption and criminal ties by providing them with enhanced resources and recognition; Rely on the military for civic action and development assistance as minimally as possible in order to build long-term civilian public sector capacity and to reduce opportunities for routine exposure of military forces to criminal groups circulating in local populations.

A inserção da família no processo socioeducativo de adolescentes em privação de liberdade

This master thesis has the main goal investigate how families are inserted in the socioeducational process of teenagers who are undergoing social measures of liberty deprivation. The specific objectives are: to characterize the family´s living together of adolescents deprived of their freedom and their families, from the actions and routines of the socio-educational system; to assess the professional working links in the context of socio-education, in order to care and strengthening families of the adolescents; to investigate how families evaluate the operation of socio-educational process in which adolescents are met. Method: to achieve the proposed objectives, data collection occurred in complementary steps: the first phase took place from visits to socioeducational units of liberty deprivation of RN, and dialogues with professionals working in socio-education. Subsequently, action research stage was carried out, from the insertion of the researcher in the extension project Family and the struggle for the effectiveness of the National Socio Service System, that aimed to strengthen monitoring the adolescents socio-education by their families, and had as methodology the conversation circles and thematic workshops. Lastly, were performed reading and analysis of the references to the family in the Individual Care Plans (PIAs) for adolescents. The information gathered was recorded in field diaries and subjected to thematic content analysis. This research was guided by the Marxist theoretical framework, structured on the understanding of the involvement of adolescents with illegal acts as a development and expression of the social question. From this theoretical framework, the prevailing view in the capitalist society of adolescents in conflict with the law as individuals who are treated by means of repression and segregation and the weakness of social policies is questioned, both in the execution of their own socioeducational measures as the articulation of network services for adolescent protection and strengthening your family. Results: in relation to the operation of the socioeducational system in RN in general, it was observed a state of unhealthy physical spaces and institutional practices that violate human rights, idleness and lack of access to social rights, and criminalization and institutionalization of poor young people and their families. With regard to family´s living together, it was noticed great distance between principles and guidelines recommended by the SINASE, about acquaintanceship and family strengthening, and every day practices of socio-education in RN: serious violations were observed that undermine the family´s living together, as the distance between the socio-educational units of deprivation of liberty and the cities where families live; absence, irregularity and poor conditions in carrying out the family visits; lack of conjugal visits; restricted and unarticulated actions for the care and strengthening of the families of adolescents, most of whom live in poverty or extreme poverty. Finally, it was found a number of blamefully and punishments to the family, including practices such as inward inspection (visual inspection while naked and squant), plus a series of violence and omissions care that sick family members and weaken the links between adolescents and their families.

Evaluating Public Knowledge of the NCRMD Defence

The not criminally responsible on account of mental disorder (NCRMD) defence is used when claims can be made that offenders are not responsible for their actions due to symptoms of a mental disorder. Bill C-14, now enacted in Canada, has implemented changes making it more difficult for NCRMD defendants to be released back into the public. This enactment appears to have been primarily due to public perceptions rather than actual knowledge of the defence. Thus it seems important to assess what members of the public actually know about the defence. To assess this, 127 participants completed a survey assessing their knowledge of the illnesses generally involved in the NCRMD defence, crimes committed, and punishments received. On average, only 31.6% of responses were answered within 20% of the factual statistics. Results suggest a general lack of knowledge about the defence and demonstrate why important changes should be based on factual information rather than public opinion.

Incomplete information games of conflict and collective action

My thesis consists of three essays that investigate strategic interactions between individuals engaging in risky collective action in uncertain environments. The first essay analyzes a broad class of incomplete information coordination games with a wide range of applications in economics and politics. The second essay draws from the general model developed in the first essay to study decisions by individuals of whether to engage in protest/revolution/coup/strike. The final essay explicitly integrates state response to the analysis. The first essay, Coordination Games with Strategic Delegation of Pivotality, exhaustively analyzes a class of binary action, two-player coordination games in which players receive stochastic payoffs only if both players take a ``stochastic-coordination action''. Players receive conditionally-independent noisy private signals about the normally distributed stochastic payoffs. With this structure, each player can exploit the information contained in the other player's action only when he takes the “pivotalizing action”. This feature has two consequences: (1) When the fear of miscoordination is not too large, in order to utilize the other player's information, each player takes the “pivotalizing action” more often than he would based solely on his private information, and (2) best responses feature both strategic complementarities and strategic substitutes, implying that the game is not supermodular nor a typical global game. This class of games has applications in a wide range of economic and political phenomena, including war and peace, protest/revolution/coup/ strike, interest groups lobbying, international trade, and adoption of a new technology. My second essay, Collective Action with Uncertain Payoffs, studies the decision problem of citizens who must decide whether to submit to the status quo or mount a revolution. If they coordinate, they can overthrow the status quo. Otherwise, the status quo is preserved and participants in a failed revolution are punished. Citizens face two types of uncertainty. (a) non-strategic: they are uncertain about the relative payoffs of the status quo and revolution, (b) strategic: they are uncertain about each other's assessments of the relative payoff. I draw on the existing literature and historical evidence to argue that the uncertainty in the payoffs of status quo and revolution is intrinsic in politics. Several counter-intuitive findings emerge: (1) Better communication between citizens can lower the likelihood of revolution. In fact, when the punishment for failed protest is not too harsh and citizens' private knowledge is accurate, then further communication reduces incentives to revolt. (2) Increasing strategic uncertainty can increase the likelihood of revolution attempts, and even the likelihood of successful revolution. In particular, revolt may be more likely when citizens privately obtain information than when they receive information from a common media source. (3) Two dilemmas arise concerning the intensity and frequency of punishment (repression), and the frequency of protest. Punishment Dilemma 1: harsher punishments may increase the probability that punishment is materialized. That is, as the state increases the punishment for dissent, it might also have to punish more dissidents. It is only when the punishment is sufficiently harsh, that harsher punishment reduces the frequency of its application. Punishment Dilemma 1 leads to Punishment Dilemma 2: the frequencies of repression and protest can be positively or negatively correlated depending on the intensity of repression. My third essay, The Repression Puzzle, investigates the relationship between the intensity of grievances and the likelihood of repression. First, I make the observation that the occurrence of state repression is a puzzle. If repression is to succeed, dissidents should not rebel. If it is to fail, the state should concede in order to save the costs of unsuccessful repression. I then propose an explanation for the “repression puzzle” that hinges on information asymmetries between the state and dissidents about the costs of repression to the state, and hence the likelihood of its application by the state. I present a formal model that combines the insights of grievance-based and political process theories to investigate the consequences of this information asymmetry for the dissidents' contentious actions and for the relationship between the magnitude of grievances (formulated here as the extent of inequality) and the likelihood of repression. The main contribution of the paper is to show that this relationship is non-monotone. That is, as the magnitude of grievances increases, the likelihood of repression might decrease. I investigate the relationship between inequality and the likelihood of repression in all country-years from 1981 to 1999. To mitigate specification problem, I estimate the probability of repression using a generalized additive model with thin-plate splines (GAM-TPS). This technique allows for flexible relationship between inequality, the proxy for the costs of repression and revolutions (income per capita), and the likelihood of repression. The empirical evidence support my prediction that the relationship between the magnitude of grievances and the likelihood of repression is non-monotone.

A identidade feminina conflitante em O Primo Basílio, de Eça de Queirós

Tendo em vista a conduta da mulher oitocentista, em Portugal, dentro de um impasse entre desejos e punições, este artigo tem como objetivo analisar a identidade conflitante das personagens femininas em Eça de Queirós à luz de teorias feministas, tendo como objeto de estudo a obra O Primo Basílio (1878). Posteriormente, a partir da prosa queirosiana, traça-se um paralelo com a ideologia do “ser mulher” no mundo pós-moderno. Esta pesquisa utiliza-se como referencial teórico Bauman (2005), Beauvoir (1980), Butler (2003), Hall (2006), Moisés (2008), Reis (2007) e Saraiva & Lopes (2005). Conclui-se que diante da contradição que subjaz a figuração do feminino, urge a desconstrução das identidades fixas a fim de que se desmitifique a ideia conservadora de identidade.

Recrutamento, castigo e direitos do cidadão no Exército do Primeiro Reinado

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Departamento de História, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História, 2016.

Estrategias que los padres cuencanos utilizan para criar a sus hijos

El presente estudio corresponde a una investigación cuantitativa realizada en la ciudad de Cuenca, Ecuador, cuyo objetivo fue determinar las prácticas parentales en la función de socialización de la familia. Se trabajó con una muestra de 445 padres con hijos en segundo año de educación básica, a quienes se aplicó el cuestionario “Estudio socioeducativo de hábitos y tendencias de comportamiento en familias de niños de segundo año de educación básica” (Torio, 2001). Luego del procesamiento de la información se encontró que: a) El cuidado de los hijos y administración de recursos para el hogar son actividades que los padres realizan de manera conjunta; las actividades escolares y preparación de alimentos recae generalmente en las madres; b) la participación de los padres en los juegos es diferente según el tipo de juego: los padres tienden a involucrarse en juegos que demandan actividad física y las madres en juegos didácticos; c) la verdad, la solidaridad y la responsabilidad son los valores que los padres/madres mencionan transmitir y los que consideran de mayor importancia; d) los besos, abrazos y caricias son estrategias que los padres/madres utilizan para premiar a sus hijos, en tanto que la prohibición de cosas lo utilizan como castigo, en consecuencia los padres/madres cuencanos son más expresivos que instrumentales.