A Constitution of Social Governance for the European Union

his chapter considers the EU’s socio-economic constitution under the lens of humaneness. It argues that the EU’s unique socio-economic constitution demands equilibrium of socio-economic integration instead of widening the gap between economic integration at EU levels and social integration at national levels. While the EU lacks the legislative competences to achieve this equilibrium, the constitutional principle still prevails. Indeed, the EU competences reflect its own values as well as the socio-economic constitutions of its constituent Member States. These frequently do not allow for total state-governance of social spheres such as working life, education, care or other social services. Instead, societal actors are given scope to (co-)govern these spheres at national levels. Accordingly, the apparent tension between the EU’s socio-economic values and principles and its limited competences in the social policy field can be resolved through a dynamic interpretation of the EU Treaties towards a “constitution of social governance”. This interpretation reads the Treaties as authorising governance by societal actors. The chapter connects the idea of humanness to the ideals of social governance at EU level and proposes two options for practical application of the concept. These are rules for trans-national labour markets based on European collective labour agreements and a European higher education sector developed by agreements between universities.

Precarious spaces and urban change in post-conflict Belfast

The Northern Ireland conflict is shaped by an ethno-national contest between a minority Catholic/Nationalist/Republican population who broadly want to see the reunification of Ireland; and a majority Protestant/Unionist/Loyalist one, who mainly wish to maintain the sovereign connection with Britain. After nearly three decades of violence, which intensified segregation in schooling, labour markets and especially housing, a Peace Agreement was signed on Good Friday 1998. This paper is concerned with the peace process after the Agreement, not so much for the ambiguous political compromise, but for the way in which the city is constitutive of transformation and how Belfast in particular, is now embedded with a range of social instabilities and spatial contradictions. The Agreement encouraged rapid economic expansion, inward investment, especially in knowledge–intensive sectors and a short-lived optimism that markets and the neo-liberal fix would drive the post-conflict, post-industrial and post-political city. Capital would trump ethnicity and the economic uplift would bind citizens to a new expression of hope based on property speculation, tourism and global corporate investment.

Criatividade e instituições: novos desafios à vida dos artistas e dos profissionais da cultura

Trata-se de uma abrangente colectânea internacional, organizada por dois dos melhores especialistas portugueses da área, Vera Borges e Pedro Costa, na qual se faz o ponto da situação das profissões artísticas e culturais no actual contexto de reconfigurações criativas e institucionais à escala global em que hoje operam as indústrias culturais, desde as artes plásticas às performativas e destas aos media de entretenimento. Cruzando a economia e a sociologia, bem como os estudos territoriais, este livro deixa-nos com uma visão panorâmica dos actuais campos culturais inédita em língua portuguesa. Manuel Villaverde Cabral Investigador Emérito do ICS O livro colige uma série de ensaios, alguns mais conceptuais e de banda larga, outros claramente direccionados para estudos de caso, tendo como mote o ciclo de seminários «Artists and cultural workers: careers and labour markets» e representando alguma da investigação mais inovadora e rigorosa que se tem produzido em Portugal e no estrangeiro sobre a economia da cultura, em cruzamento com a geografia e a sociologia da arte e das profissões artísticas, em particular no polémico e ambíguo domínio das «actividades culturais e criativas»

The Political Economy of St. Catharines' Illicit Taxi Trade

The global restructuring of production has led to increasingly precarious working conditions around the world. Post-industrial work is characterized by poor working conditions, low wages, a lack of social protection and political representation and little job security. Unregulated forms of work that are defined as “irregular” or “illegal”, or in some cases “criminal,” are connected to sweeping transformations within the broader regulated (formal) economy. The connection between the formal and informal sectors can more accurately be described as co-optation and, as a subordinate integration of the informal to the formal. The city of St. Catharines within Niagara, along with much of Ontario’s industrial heartland, has been hard hit by deindustrialization. The rise of this illegal service is thus viewed against the backdrop of heavy economic restructuring, as opportunities for work in the manufacturing sector have become sparse. In addition, this research also explores the paradoxical co-optation of the growing illicit taxi economy and consequences for racialized and foreign credentialed labour in the taxi industry. The overall objective of this research is to explore the illicit cab industry as not only inseparable from the formal economy, but dialectically, how it is as an integrated and productive element of the public and private transportation industry. Furthermore the research examines what this co-optation means in the context of a labour market that is split by race.

Von Neumann-Morgenstern Stable Sets in Matching Problems

The following properties of the core of a one well-known: (i) the core is non-empty; (ii) the core is a lattice; and (iii) the set of unmatched agents is identical for any two matchings belonging to the core. The literature on two-sided matching focuses almost exclusively on the core and studies extensively its properties. Our main result is the following characterization of (von Neumann-Morgenstern) stable sets in one-to-one matching problem only if it is a maximal set satisfying the following properties : (a) the core is a subset of the set; (b) the set is a lattice; (c) the set of unmatched agents is identical for any two matchings belonging to the set. Furthermore, a set is a stable set if it is the unique maximal set satisfying properties (a), (b) and (c). We also show that our main result does not extend from one-to-one matching problems to many-to-one matching problems.

Le devoir syndical de représentation sous l'angle de la Charte des droits et libertés de la personne: le cas des clauses" orphelin"

En raison des présentes transformations du marché du travail, le mouvement syndical est à la recherche d’un nouvel équilibre. Dans ce contexte plutôt changeant, réorganisations et flexibilité se négocient en échange d’une protection accrue pour ceux qui demeurent en emploi. Si d’une part, ceci mène à une prolifération de nouvelles formes d’emploi atypiques et de disparités de traitement, d’autre part la constitutionnalisation du droit du travail change le rapport quant à l’universalisme syndical. Nous nous sommes alors interrogée sur les impacts que cela peut avoir sur le devoir syndical de représentation. Prenant cela en considération, nous avons voulu au cours de notre recherche faire la lumière tant sur certains impacts de la négociation de clauses de disparité de traitement dans les milieux de travail syndiqués que sur les défis contemporains du droit du travail et de l’emploi. Cette thèse propre au champ d’études que sont les relations industrielles se distingue des autres recherches dans le même domaine en se concentrant sur l’effet empirique de la mise en œuvre d’une norme, par l’étude de deux cas suggestifs. Plus précisément, notre thèse avait comme principal objectif de répondre à la question suivante : Quels sont les effets sur l’acteur (action) syndical du recours à la norme d’égalité, à la suite la négociation de clauses « orphelin »? Pour y parvenir, nous avons dû reconstituer comment les acteurs syndicaux s’étaient approprié l’espace ouvert par la constitutionnalisation du droit du travail. Nous avons utilisé une méthode qualitative, impliquant une revue de la littérature sociohistorique, théorique et juridique, une analyse de la jurisprudence existant à ce sujet et l’étude de deux cas portant sur la négociation d’une clause « orphelin » le tout représentant soixante entrevues semi-dirigées dans plusieurs casernes et palais de justice. Les connaissances acquises permettent au plan empirique une meilleure compréhension des interactions possibles entre acteurs, institutions et stratégies lors de la mise en œuvre de la norme d’égalité ainsi que des déterminants de l’action (ou de l’inaction) syndicale. Sur le plan pratique, nous espérons que notre thèse puisse guider toute personne ou tout groupe de personnes désirant mettre en œuvre des mesures égalitaires, tant pour éviter certains écueils reliés à ces actions ou réactions suscitées par la mise en œuvre du droit à l’égalité, que pour mesurer l’efficacité des actions entreprises. De surcroît, sur le plan théorique, nous croyons que de mettre à l’épreuve un modèle théorique recoupant stratégies et institutions permettra d’aborder les problèmes à la fois au niveau de l’acteur et au niveau structurel. Les résultats obtenus aident à comprendre en quoi et comment peut se construire l’action syndicale dans certains (2) cas de mise en œuvre de la norme d’égalité. Le choix de différentes stratégies ne peut pas être dissocié des différents contextes économiques, sociaux et juridiques, ni des capacités stratégiques des différents acteurs en cause. Les principales contraintes identifiées ont pu être imputées tant aux structures de l’association syndicale qu’aux différents univers normatifs mobilisés. Les sources de tensions vécues dans les milieux à l’étude ont été rattachées notamment aux perceptions d’injustice et à la méconnaissance des différentes normes juridiques. En conséquence, il faut conclure que pour les associations syndicales (sans se restreindre à celles à l’étude), la question d’iniquité pourrait avoir de graves conséquences et non seulement sur le devoir de représentation. Nous avons spécialement souligné la fragilisation de leurs assises, dans leurs deux pôles d’actions : d’acteur économique (faille dans la capacité d’action traditionnelle) et d’acteur politique (climat hostile au syndicalisme). Nous souhaitons que l’acteur syndical puisse mobiliser, à la lumière des résultats de notre recherche, des arguments concourant à repenser l’action syndicale, que nous croyons être plus pertinente que jamais. Nous croyons également que les différents acteurs du monde du travail pourraient s’approprier certaines de nos recommandations afin de favoriser une citoyenneté au travail plus inclusive.

Euroland: besser als befürchtet aber schlechter als erhofft?

Die Schaffung der Europäischen Währungsunion hatte in wissenschaftlichen Kreisen heftigste Kontroversen ausgelöst. Der vorliegende Beitrag unternimmt, dreieinhalb Jahre nach dem Beginn der Währungsunion, eine Bestandsaufnahme der Entwicklungen in den diesbezüglich zugrundeliegenden zentralen Problembereichen: den Arbeitsmärkten, der Inflationsentwicklung und der Budgetproblematik. Eine Analyse der Thesen im Lichte der bisherigen makroökonomischen Daten führt zu einem gemischten Urteil: während die Entwicklungen auf den Arbeitsmärkten und im Inflationsbereeich bislang in der Tendenz positiv sind, stagniert die angestrebte Besserung bei der Budget- und Schuldenproblematik. Da die weltwirtschaftlichen Einflüsse bislang günstig bzw. für alle Teilnehmerländer von ähnlicher Wirkung waren, steht ein harter Test des makroökonomischen Rahmens aber noch aus.

Social Inequality and Social Policy outside the OECD

Almost all Latin American countries are still marked by extreme forms of social inequality – and to an extent, this seems to be the case regardless of national differences in the economic development model or the strength of democracy and the welfare state. Recent research highlights the fact that the heterogeneous labour markets in the region are a key source of inequality. At the same time, there is a strengthening of ‘exclusive’ social policy, which is located at the fault lines of the labour market and is constantly (re-)producing market-mediated disparities. In the last three decades, this type of social policy has even enjoyed democratic legitimacy. These dynamics challenge many of the assumptions guiding social policy and democratic theory, which often attempt to account for the specificities of the region by highlighting the purported flaws of certain policies. We suggest taking a different perspective: social policy in Latin American should not be grasped as a deficient or flawed type of social policy, but as a very successful relation of political domination. ‘Relational social analysis’ locates social policy in the ‘tension zone’ constituted by the requirements of economic reproduction, demands for democratic legitimacy and the relative autonomy of the state. From this vantage point, we will make the relation of domination in question accessible for empirical research. It seems particularly useful for this purpose to examine the recent shifts in the Latin American labour markets, which have undergone numerous reforms. We will examine which mechanisms, institutions and constellations of actors block or activate the potentials of redistribution inherent in such processes of political reform. This will enable us to explore the socio-political field of forces that has been perpetuating the social inequalities in Latin America for generations.

Análisis del ciclo económico en una economía con rigideces nominales y un amplio sector informal

En este trabajo se construye un modelo de Equilibrio General Dinámico Estocástico (DSGE) con sector informal y rigideces en precios, usando como marco de análisis la teoría de búsqueda y emparejamiento del mercado de trabajo. El objetivo principal es analizar el efecto de los diferentes tipos de choques económicos sobre las principales variables del mercado laboral, en una economía con presencia importante del sector informal. Igualmente se estudia el efecto de la política monetaria, ya que la presencia de este sector afecta la dinámica del ciclo económico, y por ende los mecanismos de transmisión de la política monetaria. En particular, se analiza la dinámica del modelo bajo diferentes reglas de política monetaria y se compara el bienestar agente representativo generado por cada una de estas reglas.

Rigideces nominales en una economía con un amplio sector informal

La presencia del sector informal es una de las principales características del mercado de trabajo en países en vías de desarrollo como Colombia. Esta problemática ha sido ampliamente estudiada en los últimos años debido a su gran impacto en la economía y a que el funcionamiento del mercado de traba jo, los salarios y los precios se comportan de una manera diferente al de los países desarrollados. Una política monetaria y fiscal responsable debe tener en cuenta estas especificidades. La presencia del sector informal es una de las principales características del mercado de trabajo en países en vías de desarrollo como Colombia. Esta problemática ha sido ampliamente estudiada en los últimos años debido a su gran impacto en la economía y a que el funcionamiento del mercado de trabajo, los salarios y los precios se comportan de una manera diferente al de los países desarrollados. Una política monetaria y fiscal responsable debe tener en cuenta estas especificidades.

La importancia de la información en el mercado de trabajo

Este documento se enmarca dentro de la economía institucional y la teoría de los contratos. Para dichas corrientes la incertidumbre constituye un elemento esencial dentro de los costos de transacción. Para minimizar la incidencia de dichos costos,los agentes prefieren enmarcar sus relaciones futuras en un contrato. La teoría económica ha especificado ciertos modelos que explican la forma en que individuos, con diferentes conjuntos de información y con diferentes actitudes ante el riesgo, pueden llegar a establecer mecanismos eficientes para hacer cumplir los contratos sin necesidad de acudir a terceros. Dichos modelos han sido utilizados para evidenciar el fenómeno de los salarios rígidos, como una propuesta inicial de cara a formalizar algunos desequilibrios que pueden presentarse en el mercado de trabajo, y que van más allá de la premisa de analizar el desempleo como el tipo de desequilibrio más frecuente. Este documento presenta una revisión de los fundamentos y características de dichos modelos.

The politics of temporary work deregulation in Europe: solving the French puzzle

Temporary work has expanded in the last three decades with adverse implications for inequalities. Because temporary workers are a constituency that is unlikely to impose political costs, governments often choose to reduce temporary work regulations. While most European countries have indeed implemented such reforms, France went in the opposite direction, despite having both rigid labour markets and high unemployment. My argument to solve this puzzle is that where replaceability is high, workers in permanent and temporary contracts have overlapping interests, and governments choose to regulate temporary work to protect permanent workers. In turn, replaceability is higher where permanent workers’ skills are general and wage coordination is low. Logistic regression analysis of the determinants of replaceability — and how this affects governments’ reforms of temporary work regulations — supports my argument. Process tracing of French reforms also confirm that the left has tightened temporary work regulations to compensate for the high replaceability.

Basic Income, Republican Freedom, and Effective Market Power

This article examines republican arguments for a basic income that turn on a right to exit the labour market. It gives criteria for the maintenance of republican freedom in markets, arguing that a right to exit or effective market power will guarantee republican freedom in markets. The article then considers whether a basic income is either sufficient or necessary to protect republican freedom both in labour markets and elsewhere. If a basic income is necessary to protect republican freedom in the labour market, I argue it is not sufficient to protect that freedom elsewhere. If citizens lack the means to maintain their republican freedom in the labour market, then there may be other spheres of life where they are vulnerable to subordination, whether or not they have a basic income. Some sociological evidence on cultural consumption patterns is presented.

Homogeneous middles vs. heterogeneous tails, and the end of the ‘Inverted-U’: the share of the rich is what it’s all about

This paper examines the current global scene of distributional disparities within-nations. There are six main conclusions. First, about 80 per cent of the world’s population now live in regions whose median country has a Gini not far from 40. Second, as outliers are now only located among middle-income and rich countries, the ‘upwards’ side of the ‘Inverted-U’ between inequality and income per capita has evaporated (and with it the statistical support there was for the hypothesis that posits that, for whatever reason, ‘things have to get worse before they can get better’). Third, among middle-income countries Latin America and mineral-rich Southern Africa are uniquely unequal, while Eastern Europe follows a distributional path similar to the Nordic countries. Fourth, among rich countries there is a large (and growing) distributional diversity. Fifth, within a global trend of rising inequality, there are two opposite forces at work. One is ‘centrifugal’, and leads to an increased diversity in the shares appropriated by the top 10 and bottom 40 per cent. The other is ‘centripetal’, and leads to a growing uniformity in the income-share appropriated by deciles 5 to 9. Therefore, half of the world’s population (the middle and upper-middle classes) have acquired strong ‘property rights’ over half of their respective national incomes; the other half, however, is increasingly up for grabs between the very rich and the poor. And sixth, Globalisation is thus creating a distributional scenario in which what really matters is the income-share of the rich — because the rest ‘follows’ (middle classes able to defend their shares, and workers with ever more precarious jobs in ever more ‘flexible’ labour markets). Therefore, anybody attempting to understand the within-nations disparity of inequality should always be reminded of this basic distributional fact following the example of Clinton’s campaign strategist: by sticking a note on their notice-boards saying “It’s the share of the rich, stupid”.

Preliminary Overview of the Economies of Latin America and the Caribbean 2005

Includes bibliography