Sketches of the campaign in northern México in eighteen hundred forty-six and seven by an officer of the first regiment of Ohio volunteers.

UANL

Color studies and a mexican campaign

UANL

Colombia: compromise or containment?

The design, reformulation, and final signing of Plan Colombia by the then US President, Bill Clinton, on the 13 July 2000 initiated in a new era of the US State´s involvement in supposedly sovereign-territorial issues of Colombian politics. The implementation of Plan Colombia there-on-after brought about a major realignment of political-military scales and terrains of conflict that have renewed discourses concerning the contemporary imperialist interests of key US-based but transnationally-projected social forces, leading to arguments that stress the invigorated geo-political dimension of present-day strategies of capitalist accumulation. With the election of Álvaro Uribe Vélez as Colombian President in May 2002 and his pledge to strengthen the national military campaign aganist the region´s longest-surviving insurgency guerrilla group, Las FARC-EP, as well as other guerrilla factions, combined with a new focus on establishing the State project of “Democratic Security”; the military realm of governance and attempts to ensure property security and expanding capitalist investment have attained precedence in Colombia´s national political domains. This working paper examines the interrelated nature of Plan Colombia -as a binational and indeed regional security strategy- and Uribe´s Democratic Security project as a means of showing the manner in which they have worked to pave the way for the implementation of a new “total market” regime of accumulation, based on large-scale agro-industrial investment which is accelerated through processes of accumulation via dispossession. As such, the political and social reconfigurations involved manifest the multifarious scales of governance that become intertwined in incorporating neoliberalism in specific regions of the world economy. Furthermore, the militarisation-securitisation of such policies also illustrate the explicit contradictions of neoliberalism in a peripheral context, where coercion seems to prevail, something which leads to a profound questioning of the extent to which neoliberalism can be thought of as a hegemonic politico-economic project.

La “narcoguerrilla” como noticia: un análisis de la representación de las relaciones entre narcotráfico y guerrilla en la prensa colombiana (1982-2002)

Este trabajo analiza la representación ofrecida por los principales periódicos colombianos (El Tiempo, El Heraldo, El País y El Espectador) sobre las controvertidas relaciones entre narcotráfico y guerrilla, en un periodo que abarca entre los años 1979 y 2002, tiempo que cubre 12 antecedentes del fenómeno que van desde su nacimiento en la prensa hasta su consolidación con la entrada del Plan Colombia. En el estudio se verificó que el discurso acerca de la ‘narcoguerrilla’ en la prensa es difuso en la medida de que la representación periodística ha variado dependiendo de los actores implicados, las coyunturas políticas del momento, hecho que supone la aparición de contradicciones. El documento argumenta que la prensa legitimó el discurso oficial de la ‘narcoguerrilla’, el cual nació como una estrategia militar y que se mantiene gracias al fortalecimiento de este por una fracción de las Fuerzas Armadas de Colombia, en conjunto con algunos funcionarios del Gobierno Nacional y estadounidense.

Análisis del proceso de involución política de la guerrilla colombiana (FARC-EP) dentro de sus formas de lucha político- militares, durante el periodo 1994- 2002

Esta monografía busca responder preguntas relativas al accionar de las FARC- EP, su papel dentro de la economía de la droga y su relación con la población civil. Así, se pretende establecer en qué medida la guerrilla colombiana de las FARC-EP ha experimentado un proceso de involución política dentro de sus formas de lucha político-militares en el periodo 1994-2002.

Análisis del Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional como modelo de guerrilla estética, a la luz de la teoría de la resistencia planteada por Jacques Rancière

Justo ahora, cuando parece haberse agotado el entendimiento del zapatismo como movimiento revolucionario tradicional, esta monografía propone dar un doble salto mortal para destruir las barreras obsoletas de las teorías revolucionarias y aterrizar en lo que Rancière llama la Resistencia de los Sin Parte. El alarido bestial se transforma en palabra para sacudir las estructuras más íntimas del orden y actualizar la pésima partición de los lugares y las funciones comunes en la comunidad. Las partes mal contadas acceden a la palabra para reclamar una partición justa de lo común, e inscribir así las libertades como axiomas para el todo comunitario. Lo descolorido toma color, lo oculto es visto, lo incontado entra en el conteo de las partes, lo que no tiene rostro ni voz es ahora escuchado, las sombras adquieren cuerpos y los cuerpos adquieren vida. La resistencia por la incorporación cambió para siempre la política tradicional mexicana, al punto de que ésta ha dejado de llamarse como tal para quien escribió esta investigación. La palabra común, la imagen del líder Marcos, y los símbolos como el pasamontañas, hacen que la rebelión zapatista sea una rebelión desde y para los sin parte, una voz para incorporar a los sin voz: el rostro indefinido de una máscara que defiende con enjundia a los olvidados y los devuelve a la arena de los vistos. Chiapas habla, los fantasmas resucitan, las partes mal contadas reclaman una justa partición de lo visible en la comunidad. Marcos y los suyo se han salido con la suya.

Behind the decision making of the KFC coffee campaign, can KFC win the coffee market in UK?�

KFC, the chain fast-food restaurants in UK, planed to launched coffee products through campaigns. There are two main reasons for KFC to make the decision. The first one is KFC tried to promote its coffee products with KFC A.M. breakfast plan and it failed at last. The second reason is that KFC needs extension points of interest. The financial condition of KFC has been steady but no breakthrough growth. It has been showed that there is enormous potential of “fast-drink” market in UK. After the success of KFC “Krushems” series, it is reasonable for the company launched coffee products. However, KFC also faced to many challenges to win the market. Compare to the main competitor of McDonald’s, KFC’s quantity of restaurants is far too less. Moreover, KFC has a brand limitation that focuses more family than single urban. The dominant competitors are another challenge KFC need to manage. To sum up, KFC has to win these challenges to be a bigger player in UK coffee market.

Las estrategias y la elección del gobierno Uribe y la guerrilla de las FARC y su incidencia en sus posiciones y decisiones políticas frente al acuerdo humanitario periodo 2002-2007

Este trabajo pretende interpretar a través de la teoría de la elección racional y el realismo crítico que en Colombia no se haya llegado al mismo. Asimismo, se quiere identificar cómo se ha manejado y se ha empleado la figura del acuerdo humanitario en Colombia y esboza las principales razones por las que no se ha concretado una negociación con el gobierno y las Farc en este sentido. Además, busca observar la mencionada figura como herramienta jurídica y política para ser aplicada en una eventual negociación, y finalmente, confronta las posiciones y decisiones políticas del gobierno Uribe y de las Farc para saber por qué no se ha realizado. Los objetivos antes mencionados dan clara evidencia de que el mecanismo para la presente investigación es cualitativo. La manera como se llegará al objetivo principal será describiendo las posturas, las estrategias, las decisiones y las acciones, para evidenciar de qué forma se expresa la maximización de la utilidad a través del abanico de estrategias de cada una de las partes implicadas, observando cómo han ido cambiando las posturas y las decisiones frente al acuerdo. Las teorías escogidas proponen un enfoque el cual permite ver de manera objetiva el porqué los actores han escogido cierto tipo de estrategias y no otras dentro de un escenario donde el conflicto entre ambos es fuerte hablando militarmente, y donde las consecuencias se establecen directamente hacia la población que en últimas es la gran afectada. Con lo anterior, las categorías analíticas para el presente trabajo serán: primero el carácter jurídico a nivel internacional que ha adquirido el acuerdo humanitario; segundo, los intereses que están en juego y los cuales reclaman cada uno de los actores; tercero, las estrategias o cursos de acción que son configurados y/o modificados a la marcha; y cuarto, 4 las decisiones y acciones que los actores realizan para obtener la maximización de su utilidad. Este trabajo es una aproximación a las implicaciones del manejo y el empleo de la figura del acuerdo humanitario en Colombia, desde las perspectivas de la teoría de la elección racional5 y de la interacción estratégica o del realismo crítico6. De esta forma, el presente estudio se ordena en cuatro capítulos. En el primer capítulo se interpretará a través de la elección racional y el realismo crítico el cómo se han configurado las estrategias de acción por parte de los actores que han resultado en decisiones inciertas por lo cual en Colombia no se ha llegado a un acuerdo. En el segundo capítulo, se intenta analizar la figura del acuerdo humanitario como herramienta jurídica y política, teniendo en cuenta los que se han llevado a cabo en el pasado y mostrando cómo ha sido su implementación En el tercer capítulo se confrontan las posiciones y decisiones de cada una de las partes involucradas teniendo en cuenta los escenarios y los hechos acontecidos a lo largo de los dos períodos presidenciales del gobierno de Uribe. Después, se presentan las conclusiones del estudio que recogen las respuestas y finalmente, se encuentran los anexos que sirven como complemento y referencia que ayudan a ilustrar y a sustentar lo dicho en el texto.

Huracán de la Frontera: narcotráfico, guerrilla e inteligencia

La razón para los cambios en el sistema de inteligencia de la fuerza pública del Ecuador, impulsados por el Gobierno de Rafael Correa, no solo está en el bombardeo al campamento de la guerrilla colombiana de las FARC, ubicado en la zona de Angostura (Sucumbíos-Ecuador), el 1 de marzo de 2008. Las revelaciones que surgen antes y después de aquel incidente, por la ejecución de los operativos anti narcóticos “Huracán Verde ” y “Huracán de la Frontera”, muestran dos cosas: cómo había permeado el narcotráfico a la estructura del país y cómo los tres hechos mantienen una estrecha relación. En consecuencia, se puede deducir que esta también fue una razón para la reforma al sistema de inteligencia, aunque políticamente se los presentó como hechos aislados. Y que durante la transición provocada por la reforma hubo un vacío en el sistema, lo que pudo provocar que el crimen organizado sacara provecho. Si bien toda transición genera un vacío, en el Ecuador nos permitió visualizar un fortalecimiento del crimen organizado. Los conceptos básicos o nucleares que se manejan en este estudio, en consecuencia, son narcotráfico, seguridad nacional y sistema de inteligencia.

Referencing of street-level flows measured during the DAPPLE 2004 campaign

Street-level mean flow and turbulence govern the dispersion of gases away from their sources in urban areas. A suitable reference measurement in the driving flow above the urban canopy is needed to both understand and model complex street-level flow for pollutant dispersion or emergency response purposes. In vegetation canopies, a reference at mean canopy height is often used, but it is unclear whether this is suitable for urban canopies. This paper presents an evaluation of the quality of reference measurements at both roof-top (height = H) and at height z = 9H = 190 m, and their ability to explain mean and turbulent variations of street-level flow. Fast response wind data were measured at street canyon and reference sites during the six-week long DAPPLE project field campaign in spring 2004, in central London, UK, and an averaging time of 10 min was used to distinguish recirculation-type mean flow patterns from turbulence. Flow distortion at each reference site was assessed by considering turbulence intensity and streamline deflection. Then each reference was used as the dependent variable in the model of Dobre et al. (2005) which decomposes street-level flow into channelling and recirculating components. The high reference explained more of the variability of the mean flow. Coupling of turbulent kinetic energy was also stronger between street-level and the high reference flow rather than the roof-top. This coupling was weaker when overnight flow was stratified, and turbulence was suppressed at the high reference site. However, such events were rare (<1% of data) over the six-week long period. The potential usefulness of a centralised, high reference site in London was thus demonstrated with application to emergency response and air quality modelling.

Forest fire plumes over the North Atlantic: p-TOMCAT model simulations with aircraft and satellite measurements from the ITOP/ICARTT campaign

Intercontinental Transport of Ozone and Precursors (ITOP) (part of International Consortium for Atmospheric Research on Transport and Transformation (ICARTT)) was an intense research effort to measure long-range transport of pollution across the North Atlantic and its impact on O3 production. During the aircraft campaign plumes were encountered containing large concentrations of CO plus other tracers and aerosols from forest fires in Alaska and Canada. A chemical transport model, p-TOMCAT, and new biomass burning emissions inventories are used to study the emissions long-range transport and their impact on the troposphere O3 budget. The fire plume structure is modeled well over long distances until it encounters convection over Europe. The CO values within the simulated plumes closely match aircraft measurements near North America and over the Atlantic and have good agreement with MOPITT CO data. O3 and NOx values were initially too great in the model plumes. However, by including additional vertical mixing of O3 above the fires, and using a lower NO2/CO emission ratio (0.008) for boreal fires, O3 concentrations are reduced closer to aircraft measurements, with NO2 closer to SCIAMACHY data. Too little PAN is produced within the simulated plumes, and our VOC scheme's simplicity may be another reason for O3 and NOx model-data discrepancies. In the p-TOMCAT simulations the fire emissions lead to increased tropospheric O3 over North America, the north Atlantic and western Europe from photochemical production and transport. The increased O3 over the Northern Hemisphere in the simulations reaches a peak in July 2004 in the range 2.0 to 6.2 Tg over a baseline of about 150 Tg.

Orde Wingate, 'Guerrilla' Warfare and Long-Range Penetration, 1940-44

Major General Orde Wingate was a highly controversial figure in his time and remains so among historians. However, his eccentric and colourful personality has drawn attention away from the nature of his military ideas, the most important of which was his concept of long-range penetration, which originated from his observations of his operations in Italian-occupied Ethiopia in 1941, and evolved into the model he put into practice in the Chindit operations in Burma in 1943-44. A review of Wingate's own official writings on this subject reveals that long-range penetration combined local guerrilla irregulars, purpose-trained regular troops and airpower into large-scale offensive operations deep in the enemy rear, with the intention of disrupting his planning process and creating situations regular forces could exploit. This evolved organically from Major General Colin Gubbins' doctrine for guerrilla resistance in enemy occupied areas, and bears some resemblance to the operational model applied by US and Allied forces, post September 2001.

Factors controlling the distribution of ozone in the West African lower troposphere during the AMMA (African Monsoon Multidisciplinary Analysis) wet season campaign

Ozone and its precursors were measured on board the Facility for Airborne Atmospheric Measurements (FAAM) BAe 146 Atmospheric Research Aircraft during the monsoon season 2006 as part of the African Monsoon Multidisciplinary Analysis (AMMA) campaign. One of the main features observed in the west African boundary layer is the increase of the ozone mixing ratios from 25 ppbv over the forested area (south of 12° N) up to 40 ppbv over the Sahelian area. We employ a two-dimensional (latitudinal versus vertical) meteorological model coupled with an O3-NOx-VOC chemistry scheme to simulate the distribution of trace gases over West Africa during the monsoon season and to analyse the processes involved in the establishment of such a gradient. Including an additional source of NO over the Sahelian region to account for NO emitted by soils we simulate a mean NOx concentration of 0.7 ppbv at 16° N versus 0.3 ppbv over the vegetated region further south in reasonable agreement with the observations. As a consequence, ozone is photochemically produced with a rate of 0.25 ppbv h−1 over the vegetated region whilst it reaches up to 0.75 ppbv h−1 at 16° N. We find that the modelled gradient is due to a combination of enhanced deposition to vegetation, which decreases the ozone levels by up to 11 pbbv, and the aforementioned enhanced photochemical production north of 12° N. The peroxy radicals required for this enhanced production in the north come from the oxidation of background CO and CH4 as well as from VOCs. Sensitivity studies reveal that both the background CH4 and partially oxidised VOCs, produced from the oxidation of isoprene emitted from the vegetation in the south, contribute around 5–6 ppbv to the ozone gradient. These results suggest that the northward transport of trace gases by the monsoon flux, especially during nighttime, can have a significant, though secondary, role in determining the ozone gradient in the boundary layer. Convection, anthropogenic emissions and NO produced from lightning do not contribute to the establishment of the discussed ozone gradient.

Young adults and the 5 a day campaign: perceived benefits and barriers of eating more fruits and vegetables

Although consuming adequate amounts of fruits and vegetables reduces the risk of developing chronic diseases, it is widely recognized that young adults’ intakes are currently well below the Department of Health’s recommended five portions a day, with men consuming even less than women. One approach in the UK has been to introduce health campaigns such as the 5 A DAY programme; however, little is currently known about how well their messages are understood amongst young adults. This study examined current knowledge of the 5 A DAY message in young adults, as well as the perceived benefits and remaining barriers towards consuming more fruits and vegetables. In total, four focus groups were conducted using male (n = 22) and female (n = 18) students at the University of Reading. Content analysis revealed that while participants were aware of the 5 A DAY recommendation, there was widespread confusion regarding the detail. In addition, men were less accepting of the message than women, reporting greater disbelief and a lack of motivation to increase intake. Finally, a range of barriers was reported by participants of both genders, despite the perceived beneficial effects for health and appearance. The results illustrate a considerable gap between awareness and knowledge of the 5 A DAY message, and underscore the challenge that changing behaviour in young adults represents. As well as stepping up education- and skill-based health campaigns, more targeted gender specific interventions will be needed to achieve sustained increases in fruit and vegetable intake.

Simulating the detailed chemical composition of secondary organic aerosol formed on a regional scale during the TORCH 2003 campaign in the southern UK

Following on from the companion study (Johnson et al., 2006), a photochemical trajectory model (PTM) has been used to simulate the chemical composition of organic aerosol for selected events during the 2003 TORCH (Tropospheric Organic Chemistry Experiment) field campaign. The PTM incorporates the speciated emissions of 124 nonmethane anthropogenic volatile organic compounds (VOC) and three representative biogenic VOC, a highly-detailed representation of the atmospheric degradation of these VOC, the emission of primary organic aerosol (POA) material and the formation of secondary organic aerosol (SOA) material. SOA formation was represented by the transfer of semi and non-volatile oxidation products from the gas-phase to a condensed organic aerosol-phase, according to estimated thermodynamic equilibrium phase-partitioning characteristics for around 2000 reaction products. After significantly scaling all phase-partitioning coefficients, and assuming a persistent background organic aerosol (both required in order to match the observed organic aerosol loadings), the detailed chemical composition of the simulated SOA has been investigated in terms of intermediate oxygenated species in the Master Chemical Mechanism, version 3.1 ( MCM v3.1). For the various case studies considered, 90% of the simulated SOA mass comprises between ca. 70 and 100 multifunctional oxygenated species derived, in varying amounts, from the photooxidation of VOC of anthropogenic and biogenic origin. The anthropogenic contribution is dominated by aromatic hydrocarbons and the biogenic contribution by alpha-and beta-pinene (which also constitute surrogates for other emitted monoterpene species). Sensitivity in the simulated mass of SOA to changes in the emission rates of anthropogenic and biogenic VOC has also been investigated for 11 case study events, and the results have been compared to the detailed chemical composition data. The role of accretion chemistry in SOA formation, and its implications for the results of the present investigation, is discussed.