How does access to development finance shape our cities?

In market economies the built environment is largely the product of private sector property development. Property development is a high-risk entrepreneurial activity executing expensive projects with long gestation periods in an uncertain environment and into an uncertain future. Risk lies at the core of development: the developer manages the multiple risks of development and it is the capital injection and financing that is placed at risk. From the developer's perspective the search for development capital is a quest: to access more finance, over a longer term, with fewer conditions and at lower rates. From the supply angle, capital of various sources - banks, insurance companies, superannuation funds, accumulated firm profits, retail investors and private equity - is always seeking above market returns for limited risk. Property development presents one potentially lucrative, but risky, investment opportunity. Competition for returns on capital produces a continual dynamic evolution of methods for funding property developments. And thus the relationship between capital and development and the outcomes for the built environment are in a restless continual evolution. Little is documented about the ways development is financed in Australia and even less of the consequences for cities. Using publicly available data sources and examples of different development financing from Australian practice, this paper argues that different methods of financing development have different outcomes and consequences for the built environment. This paper also presents an agenda for further research into these themes.

The solar capital: Canberra, clean tech, and climate change

There has been an increasing focus upon the role of cities and local government in respect of action upon climate change...

Nova sociabilidade do capital e a natureza das políticas para jovens trabalhadores no governo Lula: uma análise da participação cidadã do ProJovem Urbano

Fruto das mudanças realizadas no Programa Nacional de Inclusão de Jovens ProJovem, criado em 2005, o ProJovem Urbano é o programa do governo federal destinado a proporcionar o aumento da escolaridade, qualificação profissional inicial e a participação cidadã de jovens de 18 a 29 anos, prioritariamente aqueles que se encontram em maior estado de vulnerabilidade social. Entendendo-o de forma integrada às políticas de alívio à pobreza e à política novo desenvolvimentista implementadas durante o governo Lula, o presente estudo analisou os nexos existentes entre o ProJovem Urbano e a educação para o desenvolvimento sustentável do novo milênio proposta na Política de Desenvolvimento do Milênio e nas orientações dos organismos internacionais, na qual a educação adquire um novo papel: produzir não só capital humano, mas também capital social. A pesquisa centrou-se em uma das dimensões curriculares do programa denominada participação cidadã, que tem entre suas atividades o Plano de Ação Comunitária (PLA) - ação social a ser planejada e executada pelos jovens no intuito de levá-los a resolução de alguns problemas locais. A partir da pesquisa empírica realizada nas cidades de Palmas, São Vicente e Guarujá, nosso objetivo foi identificar o sentido dado à participação e as contradições que essas experiências podem suscitar. Se elas contribuem para ação dos jovens no sentido oposto ao associativismo colaboracionista aos interesses do capital e para a constituição de comportamentos políticos capazes de (re)fortalecer os movimentos sociais progressistas organizados. Com base no método do materialismo histórico e dialético, concluímos que a dimensão ético-político do programa constitui em formar os jovens para a nova sociabilidade capitalista; tanto no plano econômico, ao educar para os valores do novo desenvolvimentismo centrado no consumo, quanto no plano político, por meio do consentimento passivo/ativo aos ajustes executados pelos intelectuais orgânicos do capital na virada do milênio, com a finalidade de abrandar os efeitos da ortodoxia neoliberal. Que não cabe a programas como o ProJovem Urbano a formação da cultura política participativa que venha contribuir para o (re)fortalecimento dos movimentos sociais. E que, apesar das ações comunitárias serem conduzidas pela perspectiva do capital social, na prática, esta ideologia também não é tão facilmente permeável aos jovens participantes do programa das cidades investigadas, frente às suas precárias condições de existência e reprodução da vida, o que faz com que o programa permaneça fortemente em disputa para ser redirecionado ou superado

Habitação social e fundo público no contexto de crise do capital

Compreender o financiamento da habitação social requer identificar as mediações necessárias para sua problematização crítica. Orientado pelo método marxista, o estudo utiliza como metodologia a pesquisa bibliográfica, de documentos legais e o estudo das peças orçamentárias. A produção do espaço no capitalismo é produto de relações sociais voltadas a exploração e a acumulação capitalista. Por ser objeto da luta de classes, o Estado responde as necessidades habitacionais dos trabalhadores por meio de políticas urbanas fragmentadas e desfinanciadas, abertas as investida do mercado. A institucionalização do arcabouço legal para a habitação, como a conquista do Fundo Nacional de Habitação de Interesse Social - FNHIS não representou mudanças efetivas sobre as condições de moradia nas cidades. Marcado pelo desfinanciamento (os recursos corresponderam a 1,3% do orçamento do Ministério das Cidades, em 2012) e pela baixa envergadura dos programas sob sua responsabilidade (recursos para Urbanização de Assentamentos Precários e Provisão Habitacional ficaram em R$ 4,7 bilhões, nos anos estudados), o FNHIS é esvaziado no seu sentido político de satisfazer as necessidades habitacionais da população. Em 2009, é criado o Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida - PMCMV. Há o incremento do Estado como indutor da macroeconomia fortalecedora da reestruturação do mercado imobiliário e das medidas para minimizar os efeitos da crise econômica mundial, pondo em marcha o social-liberalismo. Foram destinados R$ 16 bilhões de 2009 a 2012, com produção de 2 milhões de unidades habitacionais pelo PMCMV. Contudo, pelo caráter privilegiador do produtor privado, o PMCMV fez com que o mercado imobiliário continuasse a realizar a punção de parte de fundo público no desenvolvimento de projetos que fortalecem a periferização, o bloqueio a cidade para os trabalhadores e a redução a responsabilidade do Estado sob a política de habitação social como direito humano.

Tomorrow's cities - a framework for building resilience

Urbanisation is the great driving force of the twenty-first century. Cities are associated with both productivity and creativity, and the benefits offered by closely connected and high density living and working contribute to sustainability. At the same time, cities need extensive infrastructure – like water, power, sanitation and transportation systems – to operate effectively. Cities therefore comprise multiple components, forming both static and dynamic systems that are interconnected directly and indirectly on a number of levels, all forming the backdrop for the interaction of people and processes. Bringing together large numbers of people and complex products in rich interactions can lead to vulnerability from hazards, threats and even trends, whether natural hazards, epidemics, political upheaval, demographic changes, economic instability and/or mechanical failures; The key to countering vulnerability is the identification of critical systems and clear understanding of their interactions and dependencies. Critical systems can be assessed methodically to determine the implications of their failure and their interconnectivities with other systems to identify options. The overriding need is to support resilience – defined here as the degree to which a system or systems can continue to function effectively in a changing environment. Cities need to recognise the significance of devising adaptation strategies and processes to address a multitude of uncertainties relating to climate, economy, growth and demography. In this paper we put forward a framework to support cities in understanding the hazards, threats and trends that can make them vulnerable to unexpected changes and unpredictable shocks. The framework draws on an asset model of the city, in which components that contribute to resilience include social capital, economic assets, manufactured assets, and governance. The paper reviews the field, and draws together an overarching framework intended to help cities plan a robust trajectory towards increased resilience through flexibility, resourcefulness and responsiveness. It presents some brief case studies demonstrating the applicability of the proposed framework to a wide variety of circumstances.

‘‘Capital of Culture - you must be having a laugh!” Challenging the official rhetoric of Liverpool as the 2008 European cultural capital’

Major cultural events are increasingly seen by local stakeholders as important opportunities to stimulate urban regeneration, city branding and economic development. The European Capital of Culture programme is a prominent example. Since 1985 over thirty cities have hosted the title and today it remains a highly sought-after prize. This paper analyses competing interpretations of the success of Liverpool's hosting of the European Capital of Culture in 2008. It unpacks contrasting views of Liverpool08, from the official triumphant message of urban regeneration and economic renaissance to more critical analyses that problematise important elements of the event and its social and spatial impacts. In so doing, it challenges the hyperbole of culture-led transformation to reveal different geographies of culture, different cultural experiences and different socio-economic realities; it also offers an additional cultural reading of Liverpool in 2008. Through the example of Liverpool this paper shows how local culture is politicised, manipulated and sanitised in order to stimulate urban regeneration and construct a spatial re-branding of the city.

De grands événements culturels sont de plus en plus perçus par les rentiers locaux comme des opportunités importantes pour stimuler la régénération urbaine, produire la devise des villes et le développement économique. L'initiative La Capitale Européenne de la Culture est un exemple proéminent. Depuis 1985, plus de trente villes ont accueilli le titre et maintenant il reste un prix largement recherché. Cet article analyse des interprétations en concurrence du succès de l'accueil de Liverpool de la Capitale Européenne de la Culture en 2008. Il déballe des vues contrastées de Liverpool08, du message officiel et triomphal de la régénération urbaine et de la renaissance économique à des analyses plus critiques qui problématisent des éléments importants de l'événement et ses impacts sociaux et spatiaux. De cette façon, il conteste l'hyperbole de la transformation menée par la culture pour révéler des géographies différentes de la culture, des expériences différentes de la culture et des réalités socioéconomiques différentes; il offre aussi une interprétation culturelle différente de Liverpool en 2008. Au travers de l'exemple de Liverpool cet article montre comment la culture locale est politisée, manipulée et aseptisée pour stimuler la régénération urbaine et construire un relookage spatial de la ville.

Cada vez más, los inversores locales vean a los eventos culturales como oportunidades importantes para estimular regeneración urbana, el desarollo económico y la branding a una ciudad. El Capital Europeo de Cultura es un ejemplo prominente. Desde 1985, más que treinta ciudades han presentado el título y hoy sigue siendo un premio deseable. Este papel se analiza interpretaciones competitivos del éxito del Capital Europea de Cultura 2008 en Liverpool. Se deshace las perspectivas opuestas del Liverpool08, del mensaje triunfante de regeneración urbana y renacimiento económico, a analices críticos que problematizan elementos importantes del evento y sus impactos sociales y espaciales. Al hacer esto, se cuestiona el hipérbole de la transformación cultural para revelar geografías diferentes de cultura, experiencias culturales diferentes y realidades diferentes socio-económicas; también ofrece un entendimiento cultural adicional de Liverpool en el 2008. Através el ejemplo de Liverpool, este papel demuestra como la cultura local está politizada, manipulada, y desinfectado para estimular regeneración urbana y construir una nueva branding de la ciudad.

The potential for neighbourhood regeneration in a period of austerity: changing forms of neighbourhood governance in two cities

Localism is an active political strategy, developed in a period of austerity by the UK's coalition government as a justification for the restructuring of state-civil society relationships. The deprived neighbourhood has long been a site for service delivery and a scale for intervention and action, giving rise to a variety of forms of neighbourhood governance. Prior international comparative research indicated convergence with the US given the rise of the self-help conjuncture and the decline of neighbourhood governance as a medium of regeneration. The subsequent shift in the UK paradigm from ‘big’ to ‘small state’ localism and deficit-reducing cuts to public expenditure confirm these trends, raising questions about the forms of neighbourhood governance currently being established, the role being played by local and central government, and the implications for neighbourhood regeneration. Two emerging forms of neighbourhood governance are examined in two urban local authorities and compared with prior forms examined in earlier research in the case study sites. The emerging forms differ significantly in their design and purpose, but as both are voluntary and receive no additional funding, better organised and more affluent communities are more likely to pursue their development. While it is still rather early to assess the capacity of these forms to promote neighbourhood regeneration, the potential in a period of austerity appears limited. Reduced funding for local services increases the imperative to self-help, while rights to local voice remain limited and the emerging forms provide little scope to influence (declining) local services and (still centralised) planning decisions, especially in neighbourhoods with regeneration needs which are likely to lack the requisite capacities, particularly stores of linking social capital. Initial conclusions suggest greater polarity and the further containment of deprived neighbourhoods.

Portuguese newspapers’ front-page and the coverage of European Cultural Capital: Porto 2001 and Guimarães 2012

Portugal hosted in the last thirteen years, two editions of the event European Cultural Capital; this paper intends to illustrate the coverage that Portuguese newspapers (daily newspapers Público, Diário de Notícias, Correio da Manhã and Jornal de Notícias, a weekly newsmagazine Visão and a weekly newspaper Expresso) made, through referrals in front-page and respective developments within the editions, to each of the events and that allows us to define the main moments that marked each of them, patterns of action, the major players, planning and programming types. The European Cultural Capital project elects, from year to year, cities of different EU member states with the main goal of “contributing to bring together the Europe´s people" (words of Mélina Mercouri, Greek Minister of Culture who, in 1985, proposed the launch of this initiative) and encouraging the elected urban space to present new cultural paradigms. In the genesis of this model is the cultural decentralization’s vector, a possibility to medium-sized cities of funding public works, restoring heritage and promoting themselves in touristic terms, of giving visibility to cities away from cultural and creative industries’ major distribution centers. A crucial factor to achieve this goal is media coverage. This paper outline the information that the Portuguese press ran over the two years that elapsed the latest editions of the European Cultural Capital in Portugal, namely that media coverage have deviated from the disclosure of the events’ schedule to suggest itineraries of visit and little or not even question the role that cities, promoting such initiatives, have as places of innovation in terms of cultural policies, artistic production and innovation, in urban and environmental regeneration, in economic revitalization, in training and creating new artists and new audiences and in boosting the confidence of local communities. The content analysis performed to articles shows how press is essential to the promotion of cities as cultural/touristic destinations as it stimulates consumption among residents and attracts visitors, with the possible dire consequence of turning the cultural journalist into an agent of touristic instead of cultural promotion.

L’apport du capital social, familial, personnel et délinquant à l’explication de la relation entre alcool, drogues et violence chez les jeunes

Cette étude s’inscrit dans le cadre plus large des travaux menés par le groupe de recherche Drug, Alcool and Violence International (DAVI) qui cherche à préciser la nature des liens qui se tissent entre l’alcool, les drogues et la violence chez trois groupes de jeunes - étudiants, décrocheurs, contrevenants - des villes de Montréal, Toronto, Philadelphie et Amsterdam. Elle explore plus spécialement les dimensions du capital social, familial, individuel et délinquant comme étant des voies d’explication possibles de la relation constatée entre la consommation d’alcool et de drogues et la manifestation de gestes de violence chez les jeunes de la grande région montréalaise fréquentant le milieu scolaire secondaire. Trois objectifs spécifiques de recherche sont poursuivis soit : 1) déterminer, à travers une recension des écrits scientifiques, les modalités formant les dimensions du capital social, familial, individuel et délinquant; 2) cerner empiriquement dans les données, quelles sont les modalités à disposition permettant de rendre compte de la contribution du capital social, du capital familial, du capital individuel et du capital délinquant dans l’explication de la relation alcool/drogues et violence chez les jeunes; et 3) vérifier si les dimensions à l’étude influencent a) la consommation par les jeunes d’alcool et de drogues; b) la manifestation par eux de comportements délinquants, et plus spécialement de comportements violents, et c) la relation entre alcool, drogues et violence chez les jeunes fréquentant le milieu scolaire secondaire montréalais en fonction de ces dimensions. L’échantillon de type aléatoire est composé de 995 répondants (garçons et filles ) qui se répartissent dans huit écoles secondaires francophones et deux écoles secondaires anglophones provenant des secteurs public ou privé et de milieu favorisé ou défavorisé se trouvant sur les territoires des villes de Montréal, Laval et Longueuil constituant « la grande région de Montréal ». Les participants devaient répondre à un questionnaire composé de 138 questions dont la grande majorité sont fermées. Les données sociodémographiques caractérisant le jeune et son environnement, ses rapports avec sa famille, ses amis, l’école, son quartier, sa consommation d’alcool et de drogues, l’existence dans sa vie de comportements violents dont il aurait été auteur ou victime, la manifestation de gestes de délinquance ou de troubles de comportement sont les principales dimensions de la vie du jeune sondées par le questionnaire utilisé. D’entrée de jeu, spécifions que peu importe les substances consommées, très peu d’étudiants en font un usage problématique et que l’on ne note aucune propension à la délinquance chez la majorité des élèves de l’échantillon En somme, les analyses amènent à conclure à l’existence de relations statistiquement significatives entre la consommation d’alcool, de marijuana et de drogues dures et la propension à la délinquance et aux troubles de comportement, ces relations étant de force variable allant de modérée à forte. Toutefois, il faut bien noter que ces relations ne touchent qu’un petit nombre des élèves du secondaire participant à notre étude, comme ce fût le cas dans d’autres études. Plus spécifiquement, le capital familial paraît influencer seulement la consommation de marijuana. Ainsi, plus le degré de supervision parentale diminue, plus la fréquence de consommation de marijuana augmente. Le capital individuel produit un impact plus important sur la consommation d’alcool, de marijuana et de drogues dures, les troubles de comportement, et la propension à la délinquance. Ainsi, plus le capital individuel est affecté négativement, plus la consommation d’alcool, de marijuana et de drogues dures de même que la propension à la délinquance et aux troubles de comportement seront importants. Le capital social, quant à lui, explique davantage la consommation de marijuana que la consommation d’alcool et de drogues dures ou encore la manifestation de troubles de comportement et la propension à la délinquance. Finalement, le capital délinquant paraît influencer la consommation d’alcool, de marijuana et de drogues dures. Son influence se fait ressentir également, mais dans une moindre mesure, sur la manifestation de troubles de comportement et la propension à la délinquance. À notre grande surprise, la dimension du capital familial qui se révèle être particulièrement influente dans les écrits scientifiques ne ressort pas dans nos analyses comme nous l’avions envisagé. Nous attribuons cet état de fait aux limites imposées par l’utilisation d’une banque de données constituée initialement à d’autres fins que celles visées dans notre étude, et dans laquelle les facteurs reliés au capital familial, identifiés dans les écrits, n’étaient pas tous présents. Nul doute à que la consommation de substances psychoactives et la propension à la délinquance et aux troubles de comportement sont des comportements présents dans la population juvénile. Les modèles généralement utilisés pour expliquer les comportements déviants à l’étude ne produisent pas de résultats probants en ce qui concerne les écoliers, une population de jeunes d’ailleurs rarement étudiée à cet égard. Le modèle d’explication au cœur de nos analyses, mettant à contribution les dimensions du capital social, familial, individuel et délinquant, paraît prometteur surtout en ce qui concerne le capital délinquant, et ce, en dépit des limites imposées par la banque de données utilisée. À la lumière des résultats obtenus, il semble que l’explication de la cooccurrence de la consommation de substances psychoactives et de la propension à la délinquance et aux troubles de comportement soit multifactorielle. Les principaux facteurs contributifs sont ceux du capital délinquant pour la consommation d’alcool, de marijuana et de drogues dures de même que pour la propension à la délinquance alors les troubles de comportement se révèlent davantage expliqués par les facteurs composant le capital individuel. Nous estimons que la combinaison des dimensions du capital familial, individuel, social et individuel constitue une voie d’explication prometteuse de la relation alcool/drogue et violence chez les jeunes. Il nous apparaît dès lors qu’un instrument de collecte de données spécifiquement conçu pour en explorer le potentiel explicatif devrait être à la base de prochaines recherches en ce sens.

Competencias de las localidades en materia de planeación y ejecución de las políticas públicas en el Distrito Capital, en la administración de Enrique Peñalosa (1998 – 2000)

El diseño y la ejecución de las políticas públicas es una de las actividades fundamentales del Estado y es la forma en la que éste ofrece soluciones para suplir necesidades más apremiantes de la sociedad. La formulación y la ejecución de las políticas públicas también dan cuenta de las relaciones entre los gobiernos y la comunidad, y los niveles de legitimidad y gobernabilidad que tienen el Estado en un territorio determinado. La estructura político-administrativa de Bogotá, como Distrito Capital, es muy diferente a la de los demás municipios y departamentos del Colombia, pues desde 1991 se ha desarrollado un proceso de descentralización interna de la ciudad para acercar más al gobierno distrital con la comunidad y permitir la participación activa de los ciudadanos en la construcción de las soluciones a las necesidades de su entorno más cercano, las Localidades. En la primera década de desarrollo de este proceso interno de descentralización, tres administraciones afrontaron el reto de profundizar dicho proceso (Jaime Castro 1992-1994, Antanas Mockus – Paul Bromberg 1995-1997 y Enrique Peñalosa 1998-2000), que estaría enmarcado en el Estatuto Orgánico de Bogotá (Decreto-Ley 1421 de 1993). De estas tres primeras administraciones que se enfrentaron a la figura novedosa en el país de la descentralización al interior de un ente descentralizado como el Distrito Capital, la administración de Enrique Peñalosa adoptó políticas que disminuían la relativa autonomía que habían logrado las Localidades y planteó un modelo de recentralización que transformaba la relación entre los gobiernos locales, el gobierno central distrital y la ciudadanía.

Alcances y desafíos del proceso de hermanamiento “Sister Cities" desarrollado por la ciudad de Santa Marta en el marco de su proceso de internacionalización: 1978- 2013.

La evolución de los enfoques de la cooperación internacional y de los procesos de internacionalización de las ciudades han contribuido activamente al desarrollo territorial. Los hermanamientos como una herramienta clave para el intercambio social, político, económico, técnico y académico entre ciudades, se han convertido en uno de los métodos más utilizados para el accionar internacional. Bajo ese contexto, se analizará la influencia del proceso de internacionalización de Santa Marta en la implementación del hermanamiento “Sister Cities” con Miami Beach. Lo anterior, pretende demostrar que el proceso de internacionalización de la ciudad de Santa Marta, desde 1989 hasta la actualidad, ha influido directamente en el hermanamiento entre las dos ciudades, obviando oportunidades y beneficios. Finalmente, a partir del resultado de la investigación se sugerirá una alternativa de solución para la optimización del acuerdo entre las dos ciudades.

Real estate capital flows and transitional economies

reign real estate capital was a major source of financing domestic property market office construction in Central Europe after the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989. During the 1990s, over 800 office buildings were either newly constructed or refurbished in Budapest, Prague and Warsaw. The primary focus of this analysis is explaining the spatial construction and redevelopment patterns of the post-1989 office buildings in these cities. Secondarily, we analyze the correlation of foreign direct investment flows to annual construction of office buildings. We seek to explain the location of new or refurbished office buildings in the central business district (CBD) or in non-CBD locations in terms of the effect of time, size of property and other variables, and test whether there is a positive correlation relationship of foreign direct investment flows and new office construction or refurbishment. Integrating relevant foreign direct investment (FDI), economic geography and property theories in the research, the authors attempt to bridge existing gaps in the literature.

A corretagem de imóveis no Rio Grande do Norte: das práticas históricas à emergência como segmento integrante da fração imobiliária do capital

This research proposed to question the development of what was defined as historical practices (commercial, social and political institutions), of the economic activity of the real estate brokerage in the Rio Grande do Norte from the progressive institutionalization of economic agents - individuals (realtors) and legal (real estate) - based on two main approaches: a) the development of economic activity as an integral segment of a fraction of capital (POULANTZAs, 1985; LESSA, 1981). This work set out from a socio-historical approach of the historical practices development the of real estate brokerage in Brazil started in the Southeast, especially in the cities of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo as a result of the "expansion of capitalist relations by the housing sector" (RIBEIRO , 1996). especially the real estate capital ; b) the historical development of relations between labor and capital within the activity, in other words, the development of the relationship between realtors and Real Estate in relation to "group of interests" and their "collective actions" (OFFE, 1984). These historical practices are defined in this research as: 1) mercantile practices, times when there was no distinction between the activity of real estate brokerage and other forms of mercantile capital; 2) social practices, which began in the 1930s, when agents of real estate are to be distinguished from each other within the activity through Taylorist division of labor between workers realtors and developers of real estate; 3) political and institutional practices, initiated in 1962, characterized by State action, in the individualization and distinction of the agents of real estate brokerage as socioprofessional category regulated throughout Brazil by Law 4.116/62 and 6.530/78. The results achieved by the present study showed that in Rio Grande do Norte, due to the specifics as to the peripheral processes of urbanization of the constitution of the land market, as well as the process of conservative modernization of the oligarchic State from the 1960s (CLEMENTINE, 1995; FERREIRA, 1996, 2010, TRINDADE, 2004), the State was led to the development of a late manifestation of the historical practices of real estate brokerage. In other words, it was a process in which historical practices, in particular social practices, not fully developed, mitigating, thus the perception of realtors from his position in the process of exploitation of labor by the Real Estate. And, as a result, of their collective interests front of them.