'The Elements' and Hobbesian moral thinking

It is easy to read Hobbes's moral thinking as a deviant contribution to 'modern' natural law, especially if Leviathan (1651) is read through a lens provided by De Cive (1642). But The Elements of Law (1640) encourages the view that Hobbes's argument is 'physicalist', that is, that it requires no premises beyond those required by his physics of matter in motion. The Elements included a draft De Homine and its argument is intimately connected with De Cive's; it shows how such concepts as 'reason', 'right', 'natural law' and 'obligation' can be understood in physicalist terms. But Hobbes's decision to print the latter work in isolation has led to serious misunderstandings

Charles Darwin's liberalism in 'Natural Selection as affecting civilised nations'

This article reassesses 'Natural Selection as affecting Civilised Nations': a thirteen-page section in the first volume of The Descent of Man (1871) often assumed to be problematic for those who wish to emphasize Darwin's liberal credentials. For hismost virulent critics the section connects Darwin to eugenics and the Nazi Holocaust. Even his admirers tend to view it as symptomatic of Darwin succumbing to a more conservative politics. This article demonstrates, through a delineation of the intellectual context and a close reading of key passages, that in fact 'Natural Selection as affecting Civilised Nations' confirmed, rather than abandoned, Darwin's liberalism.

The lion and the ox: Oakeshotts engagement with Leo Strauss on Hobbes

Recent studies of Michael Oakeshott have stressed the mutually constitutive importance of Hobbes to Oakeshott, arguing in part that Oakeshott’s Hobbes largely reflected his own concerns and broader philosophical project. This paper does not dispute this, but proposes a complementary account: Oakeshott’s interpretation of Hobbes was also formed in large measure by both his sympathy for Leo Strauss’s account and by his perception of it as the principal rival to his own. To demonstrate the existence of such a formative engagement, a close reading of Oakeshott’s essay The moral life in the writings of Thomas Hobbes is undertaken. Not only is Oakeshott found to have absorbed much of Strauss’s interpretation (surprisingly including Strauss’s distinction between esoteric and exoteric doctrines), the key impetus of the essay is shown to be a refutation of Strauss’s characterization of Hobbes as a ‘moralist of the common good’.

Harringtonian virtue: Harrington, Machiavelli, and the method of the 'Moment'

This article presents a reinterpretation of James Harrington's writings. It takes issue with J. G. A. Pocock's reading, which treats him as importing into England a Machiavellian ‘language of political thought’. This reading is the basis of Pocock's stress on the republicanism of eighteenth-century opposition values. Harrington's writings were in fact a most implausible channel for such ideas. His outlook owed much to Stoicism. Unlike the Florentine, he admired the contemplative life; was sympathetic to commerce; and was relaxed about the threat of ‘corruption’ (a concept that he did not understand). These views can be associated with his apparent aims: the preservation of a national church with a salaried but politically impotent clergy; and the restoration of the royalist gentry to a leading role in English politics. Pocock's hypothesis is shown to be conditioned by his method; its weaknesses reflect some difficulties inherent in the notion of ‘languages of thought’.

‘Due libertie and proportiond equalitie’: Milton, democracy, and the republican tradition

John Milton’s political thought has been interpreted in strikingly divergent ways. This article argues that he should be seen as a classical republican, and locates key aspects of his political thought within an ancient Greek discourse critical of democracy or extreme democracy. Milton was clearly familiar with the ancient texts expounding this critique, and he himself deployed both the arguments and the characteristic discourse of the anti-democratic thinkers across the span of his writing. This vision of politics emphasized the rightly-ordered soul of the masculine republican citizen, in contrast to the unruly passions seen both in tyrants and in the democratic rabble.

Leituras brasileiras sobre a nova ordem internacional (1989-1994)

O presente trabalho é resultado de pesquisa realizada a respeito das leituras brasileiras sobre a Nova Ordem Internacional. A partir da investigação em fontes históricas depositadas no Centro de Pesquisa e Documentação em História Contemporânea do Brasil (CPDOC/FGV), como os documentos textuais do Arquivo Marcílio Marques Moreira e as entrevistas de Celso Amorim, Celso Lafer, Gelson Fonseca e Luiz Felipe Lampreia, procurouse analisar as principais ideias de três personagens históricos diretamente envolvidos com a formulação da política externa brasileira no período da Nova República, mais especificamente entre 1989 e 1994: Celso Lafer, Gelson Fonseca e Rubens Ricupero. Para tanto, buscou-se destacar as principais formas de interpretação do sistema internacional alterado pelo fim do conflito bipolar com o apoio da literatura mais recente produzida na área, como os trabalhos de Odd Westad (2005), Andrew Hurrell (2001, 2007) e John Ikenberry (2005). Os dados coletados durante o processo de feitura da pesquisa permitem-nos afirmar que, no Brasil, os temas da autonomia e do desenvolvimento são resilientes. Os debates sobre autonomia e desenvolvimento, tão caros ao discurso acadêmico e político nacionalista desenvolvido nos anos 50, além de terem permanecido como preocupação de fundo nas análises dos formuladores de política externa, demonstra que, no Brasil, o discurso modernizante retomou as ideias básicas do pensamento político nativo.

São públicas as contratações do estado brasileiro? - uma experiência de contratações públicas junto à comunidade Coqueiral em Aracaju/SE.

State intervention generally demands the purchase or rental of goods and services, and such acquisitions are subject to a number of indispensable legal frameworks. In the Brazilian State, Law 8.666 of 21 June 1993 and further norms regulate the necessity of a formal process, usually licitation. Given the importance of this subject to public and private spheres, one of the prerequisites of these formal contracting rules is the openness of public acts, and society s knowledge and accompaniment. The objective of this study is to investigate society s participation in public contracting, with the aim of debating theories surrounding the state/society relationship proposed by public political thought and authors in relation to legal aspects involving licitations. The principal question of this research is: despite the possibility of society s participation being predicted in the legal frameworks which orientate licitations, why is this social control not carried out? Why does it only occupy a secondary position to both individual and collective agents? In order to test some of this study s hypotheses, field research was carried out in the Coqueiral community in Aracaju, Sergipe, in relation to public acquisitions of goods and services during the period of May to September 2009. Research involved observation visits and guided interviews with the relevant community and public sector representatives. This project s hypotheses were confirmed, as this social control is not apparent, even in areas where popular participation is a strong component in asserting ones local rights, like in the Coqueiral community.

ELOY DE SOUZA: UMA INTERPRETAÇÃO SOBRE O NORDESTE E OS DILEMAS DAS SECAS

The thought of Eloy de Souza is studied (1873-1959), that left a significant intellectual production in the journalistic, cultural and politicial scope on the Northeast and the dilemmas of the droughts. Through the method of content analysis, his journalistic and literary speech is investigated, looking at to understand the elaboration and/ or reiteration of categories, of representations and of values; it is verified how was conceived the constitution of the political thought and which is it´s principal slopes; the parliamentary speech, present in his interventions is analyzed in plenary session, participation in commissions and in his projects, particularly in the thematic area of the droughts. It is verified that his work is built in a political and ideological perspective inserting the bourgeoisie landowner's interests and Northeastern commercial and of it´s political strata, inside the historical block of agro-industry power that has as irradiation focus the area of the coffee represented politically by the oligarchies person from São Paulo and Minas Gerais. In that sense, two crucial categories emerge: the droughts and the country, as the Northeastern and Brazilian man's synthesis, with their resistance capacity and adaptation, and their creative effort in an adverse enviroment, that Eloy de Souza started to insert in his political speech. However, the vision that he passes of the "country suffer", expresses a certain idealization of a lifestyle that corresponds to a traditional dominance, that he want´s to be reproduced. Although it looked for the solution for the drought through the modernization of the economy by the adoption of advanced methods as the irrigation, his concern went back to the conservation of the economical and cultural political hegemony of that elite. Thus, his inquietude with the process of integration of the subordinate sections, justifies his consensual speech, harmonic as organic intellectual of the agrarian-commercial bourgeoisie of the Brazilian Northeast

A proposta do estado empregador de ultima instância e o experimentalismo democrático: uma reflexão teórica sobre a compatibilidade desses dois programas

This paper aims to make a theoretical reflection on the theoretical compatibility between the program State Employer of Last Resort (ELR) and the Democratic experimentalism (ED). The ED arises in political thought as an alternative to neo-liberal and social democratic programs in order to rescue the discussion about the institutional organization of society and the market economy. About the involuntary unemployment, it proposes tax changes incidents on payroll and proposes work fronts to the most vulnerable or poorly trained. The hypothesis of this paper is that this approach is compatible with the ELR program, the post- Keynesian line. The ELR is presented as transgression of the mainstream of economic thought by proposing that the State acts as guarantor of employment, working as a stabilizing anchor for the economy. On the edge, the ELR proposes eliminate completely involuntary unemployment. The implementation of the ELR, however, requires the construction of institutions that aim to remake the market economy, as well as deepen and energize politics and democracy, goals that are part of the ED program. Thus, the ED would, in theory, an environment conducive to innovative policies guarantors of training and occupation of the individual, essential for their emancipation institutional environment. In Brazil, which has serious infrastructure problems and qualification of manpower, such a program has enormous potential benefit. However when transposed to the Northeast of Brazil through the Plan for the region based on the principles of the ED and the hypothetical coupling to the ELR could not confirm or reject the hypothesis sub-compatibility of these two theoretical frameworks. The findings point to a partial convergence between these two programs

Foucault e a (bio) política: possibilidades e metamorfose de um conceito

The fundamental question developed in this research is to consider the possible meanings of biopolitics in the thought of Michel Foucault. In the first chapter of this study seeks to examine the rationality of biopower. It is able to show the rationality of acting as a social machinery for the manufacture of the subjectivity of individuals, biopolitics as a producer of bodies and subjectivity. The theme of biopolitics appears as inspiration of Nietzsche's metaphor of war. The idea that history is the war for dominance of the bodies. In the second chapter, the (bio) political will and political thought of resistance, fighting criticism as an attitude of revolt of the subject before his condition subjugated. The biopolitical here is intended as a conceptual tool for reading the thought / Foucault's work. A resistance that can be thought of as a biopolitical as a "refractoriness reflected". The third chapter will seek to show how the Foucault argues that power was already present the ethics of self-care. If the subject is a product, is captured by the discourse of biopower that manufactures its subjectivity, self care, it's time to think about the inner contents. Self care is something that offers resistance, as a possibility to think that these contents are constructed historically, and that therefore it is possible to reestablish the self-care is a policy of fighting these sedimented content that promotes colonization of the subjects. You can move from ruler to ruled itself, although this pursuit of liberty is always unfinished, always be a tension, a desire for freedom that can be undertaken not as a state, but at least the minimum and temporarily in other forms of existence, and other ways of relating, other ways of sociability, friendship, sexuality