980 resultados para Causalité au sens de Granger


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This paper uses the concepts of cultural capital and embodied practice to demonstrate how Jane Austen's novels articulate the lived experience of Regency-early Victorian period middle class gentility. It is particularly informed by perpsectives on material culture as known in museum collections.

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A prática pedagógica do ensino do Direito no Maranhão, sintetizada na produção do conteúdo ensinado, constitui também prática jurídica, na medida em que as concepções júri dicas entranham as relações sociais determinadas pelo modo de produção da existência do homem, e deste emanam as relações sociais. As concepções jurídicas, como postura teórico-metodológica, nascidas da prática social, e o direito positivo, entendido como as teorias que informam a legislação, além desta, compõem o âmbito do Direito, que ~ e visualizado pelo conteúdo ensinado, apenas como direito positivo. As contradições internas das relações sociais, exercidas no Maranhão, se adequam às da prática pedagógica e prática jurídica do Curso Jurídico de Graduação, do Maranhão, enquanto ocultação da realidade e, ao mesmo tempo, e, contraditoriamente, construção desta.

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Pós-graduação em Educação - FFC

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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The present work is a reflexive-theoretically research that intends, by the light of Psychoanalytic and Freudo-Marxim theories, to think about the work malaise - effect of a repressive civilization -, and the sublimation possibilities, in the context of the discussions about the conflict individual-civilization. The work favors the essential thing for the human race's representations. Current researches indicate the importance of thinking the work in the process physical and mental health/illness, as well as the subjectivity of the human race in the present time. However, the organizations of work, using reductionist views, with the psychiatric-medical Knowledge/power as accomplice, have a tendency to disregard their responsibilities in the "production" of the illnesses in the workers. Freud, by the neurosis's understanding, showed that in the individual-civilization conflict the first one pays a high price: the constant malaise (the guilt as malaise). While who detains the guilt, in the social sense of the word (the guilt of malaise), is the human culture, intermediated by the organizations, defenders of the minority's interests that hold the manners of production/exploration. According to Freud, the growth of the feeling of guilt is inevitable, considering the necessity of the drives repression to cultural progress through displeasure work. However, Reich and Marcuse theorize an exit for the Freudian pessimism about the conflict between the individual and the civilization. Freud didn't consider properly the nature socio-historical of the Reality Principle, understanding it like universal. Therefore, the level of repression would have a specific socio-economic class: surplus value for a minority and more repression for the great mass. A less repressive Reality Principle might provide a fair progress of the humanity. It's in the list of discussion the possibility of the work in social and psychological conditions that allow the reduction of worker's malaise in the civilization's breast.

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Pós-graduação em Letras - FCLAS

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Ce livre présente un choix de poèmes d’un des plus grands poètes lettons des quarante dernières années, Jānis Rokpelnis. Mêlant tradition et modernité, érudition et banalité dans ses vers, influencé par les traditions occidentale et locale, Jānis Rokpelnis a su traverser des périodes mouvementées avec une constance remarquable ; son œuvre documente aussi, mais sur un plan abstrait et jamais politique au sens premier du terme, la transformation d’un pays entre Union soviétique et indépendance.

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La réparation (« Wiedergutmachung ») comme raison d’être : les études sur l’exil (« Exilforschung ») dans l’aire germanophone La contribution se concentrera sur trois aspects des études sur l’exil (« Exilforschung ») germanophone, en donnant priorité à l’évolution en RFA. Les développements en Autriche et en Suisse pourront être abordés pendant la discussion, de même que, d’une manière moins exhaustive, ceux en RDA. 1. Genèse et professionnalisation du champ des études sur l’exil Elles naissent au lendemain de la Seconde Guerre Mondiale suite à l’initiative d’écrivains exilés, qui commencent à réunir des textes littéraires écrits en exil que l’on a appelés à l’époque « Emigrantenliteratur ». Mais ce n’est que dans les années 1960 que les études sur l’exil (« Exilforschung ») se constituent comme un champ d’étude en soi. La Gesellschaft für Exilforschung est créée en 1984 sur le modèle de la North American Society for Exile Studies. Sur fond du lourd héritage des violences perpétrées par le régime nazi et de l’Holocauste, les études allemandes sur l’exil se consacrent, en premier lieu, à la commémoration des victimes du nazisme dans un désir de réparation (« Wiedergutmachung »). Cette volonté de réparation constituera pendant deux décennies un obstacle à une ouverture vers des champs voisins, tels que les études migratoires (migration studies), les études juives (Judaistik) ou encore les études sur le refuge (refugee studies). Une telle ouverture, qui prévoit aussi une expansion temporelle du concept de l’exil (réservé jusqu’ici implicitement aux temps du Nazisme), est le but de plusieurs chaires et initiatives de recherche créées dernièrement. 2. Approches et acquis Il s’agira de caractériser les approches et les acquis des études sur l’exil dans l’aire germanophone. Nous montrerons notamment comment la mission initiale de saisir l’exil des années 1933-45 dans sa totalité a fait place à des questions plus complexes, entre autre autour des concepts d’assimilation et d’acculturation. 3. Perspectives Quelles sont les perspectives des études sur l’exil dans l’aire germanophone ? Nous suggèrerons que l’Exilforschung a, par le biais de son expérience interdisciplinaire et de son approche transnationale, le statut d’un laboratoire permettant d’appréhender questionnements et approches aptes à saisir des phénomènes exiliques au sens large.

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La Parole errante, l’œuvre nodale d’Armand Gatti, «œuvre-monde» au sens de F. Moretti, s’inscrit dans l’épique moderne et constitue une épopée, lacunaire et discontinue, de l’art du XXe siècle, tout en évoquant les projets cinématographiques et théâtraux qu’a menés Gatti tout autour de la terre. Dans les deux cas, l’art est vu comme vie. Les évocations des avant-gardes ne reprennent pas le récit qu’elles se sont donné d’elles-mêmes en soulignant leurs ruptures. Inscrites dans une poétique générale de choralité, elles interviennent avec de très nombreuses mentions d’artistes antérieurs au XXe siècle et extérieurs au monde occidental, formant une sorte de chœur où les divers arts se répondent, mais avec des dissonances.

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How do sportspeople succeed in a non-collaborative game? An illustration of a perverse side effect of altruism Are team sports specialists predisposed to collaboration? The scientific literature on this topic is divided. The present article attempts to end this debate by applying experimental game theory. We constituted three groups of volunteers (all students aged around 20): 25 team sports specialists; 23 individual sports specialists (gymnasts, track & field athletes and swimmers) and a control group of 24 non-sportspeople. Each subgroup was divided into 3 teams that played against each other in turn (and not against teams from other subgroups). The teams played a game based on the well-known Prisoner's Dilemma (Tucker, 1950) - the paradoxical "Bluegill Sunbass Game" (Binmore, 1999) with three Nash equilibria (two suboptimal equilibria with a pure strategy and an optimal equilibrium with a mixed, egotistical strategy (p= 1/2)). This game also features a Harsanyi equilibrium (based on constant compliance with a moral code and altruism by empathy: "do not unto others that which you would not have them do unto you"). How, then, was the game played? Two teams of 8 competed on a handball court. Each team wore a distinctive jersey. The game lasted 15 minutes and the players were allowed to touch the handball ball with their feet or hands. After each goal, each team had to return to its own half of the court. Players were allowed to score in either goal and thus cooperate with their teammates or not, as they saw fit. A goal against the nominally opposing team (a "guardian" strategy, by analogy with the Bluegill Sunbass Game) earned a point for everyone in the team. For an own goal (a "sneaker" strategy), only the scorer earned a point - hence the paradox. If all the members of a team work together to score a goal, everyone is happy (the Harsanyi solution). However, the situation was not balanced in the Nashian sense: each player had a reason to be disloyal to his/her team at the merest opportunity. But if everyone adopts a "sneaker" strategy, the game becomes a free-for-all and the chances of scoring become much slimmer. In a context in which doubt reigns as to the honesty of team members and "legal betrayals", what type of sportsperson will score the most goals? By analogy with the Bluegill Sunbass Game, we recorded direct motor interactions (passes and shots) based on either a "guardian" tactic (i.e. collaboration within the team) or a "sneaker" tactic (shots and passes against the player's designated team). So, was the group of team sports specialist more collaborative than the other two groups? The answer was no. A statistical analysis (difference from chance in a logistic regression) enabled us to draw three conclusions: ?For the team sports specialists, the Nash equilibrium (1950) was stronger than the Harsanyi equilibrium (1977). ?The sporting principles of equilibrium and exclusivity are not appropriate in the Bluegill Sunbass Game and are quickly abandoned by the team sports specialists. The latter are opportunists who focus solely on winning and do well out of it. ?The most altruistic players are the main losers in the Bluegill Sunbass Game: they keep the game alive but contribute to their own defeat. In our experiment, the most altruistic players tended to be the females and the individual sports specialists

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How do sportspeople succeed in a non-collaborative game? An illustration of a perverse side effect of altruism Are team sports specialists predisposed to collaboration? The scientific literature on this topic is divided. The present article attempts to end this debate by applying experimental game theory. We constituted three groups of volunteers (all students aged around 20): 25 team sports specialists; 23 individual sports specialists (gymnasts, track & field athletes and swimmers) and a control group of 24 non-sportspeople. Each subgroup was divided into 3 teams that played against each other in turn (and not against teams from other subgroups). The teams played a game based on the well-known Prisoner's Dilemma (Tucker, 1950) - the paradoxical "Bluegill Sunbass Game" (Binmore, 1999) with three Nash equilibria (two suboptimal equilibria with a pure strategy and an optimal equilibrium with a mixed, egotistical strategy (p= 1/2)). This game also features a Harsanyi equilibrium (based on constant compliance with a moral code and altruism by empathy: "do not unto others that which you would not have them do unto you"). How, then, was the game played? Two teams of 8 competed on a handball court. Each team wore a distinctive jersey. The game lasted 15 minutes and the players were allowed to touch the handball ball with their feet or hands. After each goal, each team had to return to its own half of the court. Players were allowed to score in either goal and thus cooperate with their teammates or not, as they saw fit. A goal against the nominally opposing team (a "guardian" strategy, by analogy with the Bluegill Sunbass Game) earned a point for everyone in the team. For an own goal (a "sneaker" strategy), only the scorer earned a point - hence the paradox. If all the members of a team work together to score a goal, everyone is happy (the Harsanyi solution). However, the situation was not balanced in the Nashian sense: each player had a reason to be disloyal to his/her team at the merest opportunity. But if everyone adopts a "sneaker" strategy, the game becomes a free-for-all and the chances of scoring become much slimmer. In a context in which doubt reigns as to the honesty of team members and "legal betrayals", what type of sportsperson will score the most goals? By analogy with the Bluegill Sunbass Game, we recorded direct motor interactions (passes and shots) based on either a "guardian" tactic (i.e. collaboration within the team) or a "sneaker" tactic (shots and passes against the player's designated team). So, was the group of team sports specialist more collaborative than the other two groups? The answer was no. A statistical analysis (difference from chance in a logistic regression) enabled us to draw three conclusions: ?For the team sports specialists, the Nash equilibrium (1950) was stronger than the Harsanyi equilibrium (1977). ?The sporting principles of equilibrium and exclusivity are not appropriate in the Bluegill Sunbass Game and are quickly abandoned by the team sports specialists. The latter are opportunists who focus solely on winning and do well out of it. ?The most altruistic players are the main losers in the Bluegill Sunbass Game: they keep the game alive but contribute to their own defeat. In our experiment, the most altruistic players tended to be the females and the individual sports specialists

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How do sportspeople succeed in a non-collaborative game? An illustration of a perverse side effect of altruism Are team sports specialists predisposed to collaboration? The scientific literature on this topic is divided. The present article attempts to end this debate by applying experimental game theory. We constituted three groups of volunteers (all students aged around 20): 25 team sports specialists; 23 individual sports specialists (gymnasts, track & field athletes and swimmers) and a control group of 24 non-sportspeople. Each subgroup was divided into 3 teams that played against each other in turn (and not against teams from other subgroups). The teams played a game based on the well-known Prisoner's Dilemma (Tucker, 1950) - the paradoxical "Bluegill Sunbass Game" (Binmore, 1999) with three Nash equilibria (two suboptimal equilibria with a pure strategy and an optimal equilibrium with a mixed, egotistical strategy (p= 1/2)). This game also features a Harsanyi equilibrium (based on constant compliance with a moral code and altruism by empathy: "do not unto others that which you would not have them do unto you"). How, then, was the game played? Two teams of 8 competed on a handball court. Each team wore a distinctive jersey. The game lasted 15 minutes and the players were allowed to touch the handball ball with their feet or hands. After each goal, each team had to return to its own half of the court. Players were allowed to score in either goal and thus cooperate with their teammates or not, as they saw fit. A goal against the nominally opposing team (a "guardian" strategy, by analogy with the Bluegill Sunbass Game) earned a point for everyone in the team. For an own goal (a "sneaker" strategy), only the scorer earned a point - hence the paradox. If all the members of a team work together to score a goal, everyone is happy (the Harsanyi solution). However, the situation was not balanced in the Nashian sense: each player had a reason to be disloyal to his/her team at the merest opportunity. But if everyone adopts a "sneaker" strategy, the game becomes a free-for-all and the chances of scoring become much slimmer. In a context in which doubt reigns as to the honesty of team members and "legal betrayals", what type of sportsperson will score the most goals? By analogy with the Bluegill Sunbass Game, we recorded direct motor interactions (passes and shots) based on either a "guardian" tactic (i.e. collaboration within the team) or a "sneaker" tactic (shots and passes against the player's designated team). So, was the group of team sports specialist more collaborative than the other two groups? The answer was no. A statistical analysis (difference from chance in a logistic regression) enabled us to draw three conclusions: ?For the team sports specialists, the Nash equilibrium (1950) was stronger than the Harsanyi equilibrium (1977). ?The sporting principles of equilibrium and exclusivity are not appropriate in the Bluegill Sunbass Game and are quickly abandoned by the team sports specialists. The latter are opportunists who focus solely on winning and do well out of it. ?The most altruistic players are the main losers in the Bluegill Sunbass Game: they keep the game alive but contribute to their own defeat. In our experiment, the most altruistic players tended to be the females and the individual sports specialists

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La canicule des pauvres (2009) raconte dans le détail la vie quotidienne de vingt-six personnages habitant Le Galant, une ancienne maison de passe transformée en un immeuble locatif situé à Montréal, au cœur du Quartier latin. Cette étude prend acte du fait que ce roman choral dresse un portrait particulier et complexe de la ville. Les questions qu’elle se pose sont de cet ordre : qu’est-ce que cette représentation de Montréal nous apprend de la société québécoise actuelle ? que devient la civilisation urbaine — l’urbanité, au sens ancien du terme — dans le monde de La canicule des pauvres ? comment l’écriture de DesRochers travaille-t-elle les représentations habituelles de la ville, que celles-ci proviennent de l’imaginaire social contemporain ou de la littérature passée ? existe-t-il telle chose qu’une postmodernité montréalaise ? S’inspirant des principes de la sociocritique des textes, la lecture proposée postule que c’est dans la forme même du texte que peut se comprendre le complexe de sens lié à la représentation de Montréal élaborée par le roman. Par les images qu’il en donne, par les modes d’énonciation et de narration, par la façon d’unir l’efficacité des brefs chapitres et l’ampleur de la vision romanesque, par les multiples récits de vie décrits et leurs entrecroisements, le roman donne à lire une ville devenue par bien des côtés étrangère et opaque à ses propres habitants. L’étude comprend quatre parties qui examinent respectivement les principaux traits de la mise en texte, la fragmentation du récit, le motif récurrent du smog et la façon de présenter les relations interindividuelles. Au bout du chemin, la ville apparaît paradoxale, vivante certes, mais sans proposer une manière cohérente et émancipatrice du vivre ensemble.

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La canicule des pauvres (2009) raconte dans le détail la vie quotidienne de vingt-six personnages habitant Le Galant, une ancienne maison de passe transformée en un immeuble locatif situé à Montréal, au cœur du Quartier latin. Cette étude prend acte du fait que ce roman choral dresse un portrait particulier et complexe de la ville. Les questions qu’elle se pose sont de cet ordre : qu’est-ce que cette représentation de Montréal nous apprend de la société québécoise actuelle ? que devient la civilisation urbaine — l’urbanité, au sens ancien du terme — dans le monde de La canicule des pauvres ? comment l’écriture de DesRochers travaille-t-elle les représentations habituelles de la ville, que celles-ci proviennent de l’imaginaire social contemporain ou de la littérature passée ? existe-t-il telle chose qu’une postmodernité montréalaise ? S’inspirant des principes de la sociocritique des textes, la lecture proposée postule que c’est dans la forme même du texte que peut se comprendre le complexe de sens lié à la représentation de Montréal élaborée par le roman. Par les images qu’il en donne, par les modes d’énonciation et de narration, par la façon d’unir l’efficacité des brefs chapitres et l’ampleur de la vision romanesque, par les multiples récits de vie décrits et leurs entrecroisements, le roman donne à lire une ville devenue par bien des côtés étrangère et opaque à ses propres habitants. L’étude comprend quatre parties qui examinent respectivement les principaux traits de la mise en texte, la fragmentation du récit, le motif récurrent du smog et la façon de présenter les relations interindividuelles. Au bout du chemin, la ville apparaît paradoxale, vivante certes, mais sans proposer une manière cohérente et émancipatrice du vivre ensemble.

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∗ Cette recherche a été partiellement subventionnée, en ce qui concerne le premier et le dernier auteur, par la bourse OTAN CRG 960360 et pour le second auteur par l’Action Intégrée 95/0849 entre les universités de Marrakech, Rabat et Montpellier.