999 resultados para Política Nacional de Práticas Integrativas e Complementares


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A lei de incentivo à cultura é um mecanismo que visa aumentar o investimento no setor, porque confere a esfera privada o direito de aplicar parte do valor de seu imposto de renda em projetos culturais. Desta forma, abre-se espaço para um investimento maior do que se dependesse apenas do orçamento federal ou da doação do setor privado. Sabendo que a Lei Rouanet, como é chamada, é uma iniciativa do Estado para aumentar os recursos para cultura, este trabalho busca compreender de que maneira o incentivo faz parte de uma política pública mais abrangente. A lei de incentivo está inserida na política cultural do Estado? Ou é simplesmente uma forma de patrocínio indireto sem objetivos específicos? Tal lei é usualmente criticada por deixar com o setor privado a decisão sobre a alocação dos recursos. Entretanto, considerando todo o processo de incentivo fiscal, o Ministério da Cultura está presente na fase de análise dos projetos que buscam patrocínio, através de técnicos pareceristas e da Comissão Nacional de Incentivo à Cultura (CNIC). Seria a aprovação de projetos uma forma de correlacionar o incentivo privado às políticas ministeriais? A CNIC seria, então, uma instituição atuante na política cultural brasileira? Essas são as questões que o presente trabalho busca responder. Com isso, proponho um estudo que analise a influência da CNIC nos patrocínios culturais incentivados. O foco que será abordado é o olhar dos próprios atores sobre o seu trabalho, buscando compreender se estes percebem a Comissão como uma instituição que possibilita a interferência do Ministério nos investimentos feitos através da lei de incentivo.

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O Programa Nacional de Alimentação Escolar (PNAE), o mais antigo programa de alimentação e nutrição do país e o maior de alimentação escolar gratuita do mundo, tem chamado a atenção nos últimos anos. E não é devido, apenas, à sua longevidade e escala, mas à oportunidade de aquisição de produtos da agricultura familiar para a merenda escolar, com a entrada em vigor da Lei Federal nº 11.947/09. A abertura deste mercado institucional possibilita a utilização de, no mínimo, R$ 1,05 bilhão na compra de produtos de pequenos produtores rurais (FNDE, 2014), que têm padecido de dificuldades de comercialização. Circulam no governo e na academia afirmações sobre as contribuições dessa iniciativa para o desenvolvimento rural, desenvolvimento local e dos agricultores e suas famílias. É necessária, todavia, uma melhor compreensão de como o Programa tem funcionado na prática. A fim de contribuir para essa discussão, a pergunta de pesquisa que norteou esta dissertação foi: Quais são os desafios para a implementação do PNAE, especificamente da compra de produtos da agricultura familiar, em municípios de pequeno porte? Que foi abordada através de uma pesquisa qualitativa exploratória que reuniu: levantamento bibliográfico sobre implementação (Hill & Ham, 2003; Faria, 2013), abordagens (Spink, 2013; Spink & Silva, no prelo) e análise de políticas públicas (Subirats et al 2008); análise dos documentos oficiais do Programa; e estudo de caso em três municípios mineiros – São Gonçalo do Rio Abaixo, Orizânia e Capitão Enéas. Os achados da pesquisa apontam que a imposição da compra de produtos da agricultura familiar tem apresentado um caráter maior de incentivo aos municípios que não a realizavam, do que punitivo. Apontam ainda que atores estatais e públicos têm sido fundamentais na tradução das normas e na negociação dos diferentes interesses, muitas vezes conflitantes, para que essa aquisição seja de fato posta em prática. Diferentes foram os desafios encontrados. Todavia, devido à heterogeneidade dos municípios, ao invés de determiná-los, sugerimos dez pontos de atenção para a análise e gestão do Programa. Do ponto de vista de inclusão comercial dos agricultores, o PNAE possui sérios limites e parece estar contribuindo mais para o fortalecimento de pequenos produtores desenvolvidos do que para a inclusão daqueles mais frágeis produtivamente. Contudo, são necessários avanços na compreensão do funcionamento desse Programa em municípios de médio e grande porte. De igual relevância, o olhar mais atento sobre quais pequenos produtores têm acessado o mercado institucional e outras políticas públicas aparecem como caminhos profícuos para outras pesquisas no tema.

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Brazilian public policy entered in the so-called new social federalism through its conditional cash transfers. States and municipalities can operate together through the nationwide platform of the Bolsa Familia Program (BFP), complementing federal actions with local innovations. The state and the city of Rio de Janeiro have created programs named, respectively, Renda Melhor (RM) and Família Carioca (FC). These programs make use of the operational structure of the BFP, which facilitates locating beneficiaries, issuing cards, synchronizing payment dates and access passwords and introducing new conditionalities. The payment system of the two programs complements the estimated permanent household income up to the poverty line established, giving more to those who have less. Similar income complementation system was subsequently adopted in the BFP and the Chilean Ingreso Ético Familiar, which also follow the principle of estimation of income used in the FC and in the RM. Instead of using the declared income, the value of the Rio cash transfers are set using the extensive collection of information obtained from the Single Registry of Social Programs (Cadastro Único): physical configuration of housing, access to public services, education and work conditions for all family members, presence of vulnerable groups, disabilities, pregnant or lactating women, children and benefits from other official transfers such as the BFP. With this multitude of assets and limitations, the permanent income of each individual is estimated. The basic benefit is defined by the poverty gap and priority is given to the poorest. These subnational programs use international benchmarks as a neutral ground between different government levels and mandates. Their poverty line is the highest of the first millennium goal of the United Nations (UN): US$ 2 per person per day adjusted for the cost of living. The other poverty line of the UN, US$ 1.25, was implicitly adopted as the national extreme poverty line in 2011. The exchange of methodologies between federal entities has happened both ways. The FC began with the 575,000 individuals living in the city of Rio de Janeiro who were on the payroll of the BFP. Its system of impact evaluation benefited from bi-monthly standardized examinations. In the educational conditionalities, the two programs reward students' progress, a potential advantage for those who most need to advance. The municipal program requires greater school attendance than that of the BFP and the presence of students’ parents at the bimonthly meetings held on Saturdays. Students must achieve a grade of 8 or improve at least 20% in each exam to receive a bi-monthly premium of R$50. In early childhood, priority is given to the poor children in the program Single Administrative Register (CadÚnico) to enroll in kindergarten, preschools and complementary activities. The state program reaches more than one million people with a payment system similar to the municipal one. Moreover, it innovates in that it transfers awards given to high school students to savings accounts. The prize increases and is paid to the student, who can withdraw up to 30% annually. The total can reach R$3,800 per low-income student. The State and the city rewarded already education professionals according to student performance, now completing the chain of demand incentives on poor students and their parents. Increased performance is higher among beneficiaries and the presence of their guardians at meetings is twice compared to non beneficiaries; The Houston program, also focuses on aligning the incentives to teachers, parents and students. In general, the plan is to explore strategic complementarities, where the whole is greater than the sum of its parts. The objective is to stimulate, through targets and incentives, synergies between social actors (teachers, parents, students), between areas (education, assistance, work) and different levels of government. The cited programs sum their efforts and divide labor so as to multiply interactions and make a difference in the lives of the poor.

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A partir de 2008, o Brasil empreendeu um conjunto de ações na área de defesa nacional sem precedentes desde a redemocratização do país. A publicação da Estratégia Nacional de Defesa foi um marco nesse processo. O documento viabilizou reformas no Ministério da Defesa e a expansão de projetos estratégicos para reaparelhar as Forças Armadas. Pela primeira vez, os investimentos chegaram a superar os gastos com custeio no orçamento destinado à defesa. Além disso, os militares ampliaram os serviços sociais na Amazônia e participaram mais ativamente de ações de segurança pública nas metrópoles brasileiras. O objetivo deste estudo é avaliar como essa nova conjuntura impactou nas atividades parlamentares relacionadas à defesa nacional e aos assuntos militares. Para isso, foi feito um levantamento de todas as proposições de deputados federais e de senadores relacionadas ao tema desde 1999, ano de criação do Ministério da Defesa. Os resultados demonstram que a defesa nacional continua tendo um papel secundário no Congresso Nacional. Apesar da instalação de frentes parlamentares, subcomissões e o uso de outros instrumentos inéditos que conferiram visibilidade ao tema nas casas legislativas, a quantidade de iniciativas diminuiu nos últimos anos. Em contrapartida, instituições de controle, fiscalização e investigação, como o Ministério Público e o TCU, têm sido mais atuantes. No mais, observamos que os deputados mais ativos vêm de estados com maior quantidade de militares em proporção ao número de habitantes. Isso sugere uma conexão eleitoral na atuação nas questões de defesa.

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O processo de inserção do computador nas escolas públicas brasileiras decorre das políticas de Informática Educativa do Governo Federal, sendo o seu programa atual conhecido como Proinfo (Programa Nacional de Tecnologia Educacional). Esse programa tem, em seus objetivos principais, pretensões de que sejam criados ambientes de aprendizagem inovadores decorrentes da inserção do computador na educação e apresenta o Construcionismo como referencial teórico principal nas suas prescrições para a criação de tais ambientes. Uma Inovação Pedagógica seria uma ruptura com práticas educacionais tradicionais, possibilitando a criação de ambientes de aprendizagem novos, onde o foco não estaria mais na transmissão de saber por parte do professor e, sim, na construção ativa do conhecimento por parte dos alunos. Uma política educacional (como o Proinfo, por exemplo), inovações tecnológicas (como o computador) ou quaisquer outros fatores externos à escola podem até apoiar as rupturas necessárias a uma Inovação Pedagógica, mas esta não é algo intrínseco a tais fatores: a Inovação vem de dentro da escola, é algo construído em contexto pela ação local dos professores e alunos. Visto que o computador não traz em si nenhuma pedagogia, podendo ser usado tanto para reforçar pedagogias tradicionais quanto para potencializar uma Inovação Pedagógica e que esta não necessariamente decorrerá das prescrições presentes no Proinfo, o presente estudo objetivou analisar se as mudanças que aconteceram nas práticas pedagógicas do Ensino Fundamental I (2º. ao 5º. ano), após a inserção do computador em sala de aula, representam uma Inovação Pedagógica ou não, assumindo-se como referencial de Inovação Pedagógica o mesmo referencial presente nas prescrições do Proinfo, o Construcionismo. Foi realizada uma observação participante do cotidiano das aulas e do processo de inserção do computador, entrevistas com alunos e professores bem como uma análise documental das prescrições presentes nos livros do Proinfo.

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The reality experienced by many families and individuals who seek and require the services of the Unified Health System - SUS, the relationships between users, health professionals, and political representatives, establishes the core of the issue that guides the choice and interest of this study concerning the prominence of clientelist practices and gifts that permeate the health field. The research is based on the analysis and reflection of the intrinsic relationship between the health and political fields. It analyses the health field and its relationship with the dynamics and developments of the local political scenario relating it to the implementation of the Family Health Program and Community Health Agents Program (PACS/PSF health programs) in the city of Mossoró, State of Rio Grande do Norte which refers to the period 1991-2010; and falls into a methodological perspective of qualitative approach. The methodological tools and techniques used were based on semi-structured interviews, direct observation of the field, journalistic texts and documentary sources. The construction and questioning of the object of the research were based on theoretical contributions from authors discussing the social field and symbolic power: Bourdieu (2005); clientelist relationships and gifts from asymmetric exchanges: Rouland (1997), Lanna (1995), Martins (1999), Carvalho (1999), Diniz (1982); exercise of hegemony and political strategy from authors who analyse this subject: Gramsci (1995), Coutinho (1981), and Gruppi (1978). Furthermore, the research has established dialogues with authors who address the dynamics of Brazilian politics such as Baquero (2001) and Weffort (1993). The collected data were subjected to qualitative content analysis. The results showed that with the implementation of the PACS/PSF programs in the aforementioned city, the health field has established itself as a key scenario for the exercise of political hegemony of the factions that dominate this socio-political context, resizing clientelist practices, however, without modifying the power structures within this social scenario

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We had as the problem of analysis in this research: what are the assumptions, principles and general content that based the Sistema Nacional de Avaliação da Educação Superior (SINAES). We started from the hypothesis that the general content of SINAES is essentially based on the assumptions and principles of a control/regulatory perspective of evaluation and a summative epistemology, objectivist and quantitativist, constituted by members who prioritize testing and classification of courses and institutions based on market values. The overall goal was to make a political evaluation of SINAES and the specific objectives were: a) apply the concepts of politics evaluation and meta-evaluation, b) identify the role of international organizations in education reform in the 1990s and its impact on superior education in Brazil c) redeem the concept of evaluation, especially in the field of studies in education; and d) investigate the evaluation policies of Brazilian superior education leading to SINAES. As for the technical procedures for collecting and analyzing data, the research was made with bibliography and documents, considering that it was developed by bibliographic sources and official publications. It was developed by crossing sources: texts or documents remitted to others; it was also concentrated: on the role of international organizations in educational and State reforms (in the 1990s); on the policies of evaluation of the Brazilian superior education (1980s and 1990s); on the proposal of the Comissão Especial de Avaliação (CEA); on the Law No. 10.861/2004; on the documents of CONAES; on the Decree No. 5.773/2006, and the MEC Regulatory Ordinances No. 4/2008 and No. 12/2008. It did not stop in the so called purely technical aspects, but in the ideological field itself. The research found that international organizations, notably the World Bank, played a political, intellectual and financial role determinant to the field of education, a fact that reflects in the legal framework. It was also found that the politics of evaluation of the superior education is historically marked by conflict, represented by two distinct perspectives of different natures and emphases. On one hand, the focus is on control / regulation, favoring efficiency, productivity and competitiveness benchmarking and prioritizing the punctual performance and measurement. On the other, it seeks to transform academic perspective in primarily formative / emancipatory, in order to support more institutional improvement. It was concluded that the CEA presented a conception evaluation predominantly formative and emancipatory, which emphasized the idea of system, centered around the institution and repudiated the rankings practices. In the post-formulation period, however, some of its principles were fragmenting and, gradually, the institution was giving way to the courses and the Exame Nacional de Desempenho de Estudantes (ENADE) grew in prominence. With the creation of the Conceito Preliminar de Cursos superiores (CPC) and of the Índice Geral de Cursos da Instituição de Educação Superior (IGC), it was redemeed the practice of evaluation as measurement and control, under the principles of efficiency and productivity. So, SINAES that seemed like a progressive evaluation method has assumed a setting that close resembles the Exame Nacional de Cursos (ENC-Provão). Nevertheless, the survival of institutional formative evaluation, in the superior education evaluation policies, still an issue in dispute

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This study want to know how Josué de Castro, the two terms of a congressman, participated in the Brazilian political-ideological debate of the 1950s. For this, search the 61 speeches in the plenary of the House of Representatives and its 14 projects, analyzing them as historical documents that describe an experience, which enables the central category amalgamated the subject and his time, which breaks up the possibilities of new social practices. Unity of action and reflection, the experience of Castro in the Brazilian parliament has got on the basis of a previous flow experiences in the political-institutional and scientific. Together with the personal history, the political intellectual scenario of his time was another variable considered in the first chapter of this work. In the second chapter did an analysis of 32 speeches and projects of the first term of Josué de Castro, grouping them by thematic affinities. The 43 for the second term were discussed in the third chapter, leaving the final considerations answer the research objectives: What are the main interlocutors? What are your political positions? What are the points of rupture and continuity in his political career? Josué de Castro spoke to the Brazilian state directly to the president, some ministers and to the SUDENE, the ONU appears indirectly through the reports of his participations. His political position was a national-developmentalist who embraced the cause of self-determination of the countries, anti-imperialism, agrarian reform and regional planning, strongly inspired by Celso Furtado and San Tiago Dantas. Castro often has blended a liberal and Marxist terminology, relying on different ideologies to do support his fight against hunger

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This work analyses the ability of National States and regions have to formulations development strategies. Redeeming the initial development concept as a conflictual process, the hypothesis is that it presents internal and external constraints, as the latter have a higher preponderance, revealed the role played by money. In this case, one can point to as sub-hypothesis that the growth models with external constraint, mainly through the balance of payments, may illustrate the fact that countries are subject to international economic interactions that limit the possibility of bringing acylating strategies well successful in overcoming backwardness. For the specific case of regions, indicates that the external constraint remains an element of embarrassment for regional development, but redeems itself the center-periphery relations in this context to discuss the role of monetary and financial system as an explanation for the disparities regional income. On the domestic front, we highlight the importance of social structures of accumulation as an element of internal cohesion necessary to achieve successful development trajectories. It points also to the importance of the State in the process rescuing some of the main theoretical contributions of the political economy of development, incorporating the concept of globalization on theoretical frameworks presented. This construction where development depends on the actions of external and internal conditions, where money plays a key role as a guideline for reflections on regional development. The attempt was to transplant our considerations on the general development to address the case of regions. Finally, we conclude by greater confidence in the hypothesis and sub-hypotheses of departure, which led to propositions of economic policies

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This work aims at developing an evaluation of the implementation of the Program Escola Ativa as a public policy for rural schools with combined grade classrooms in Jardim do Seridó RN (1998 2009) focusing on the following dimensions: school s physical environment, training, follow up, and didactic usage of the methodology. In order to develop this research we refer to the literature that analyzes the cycle of policies (FREY, 2000). In this approach, evaluation represents an important step in the process of analyzing the implementation of public policies, as a way of measuring up their performance, as well as a guide for realignments and redefinitions (PRESSMAN; WILDAVSKY, 1998). In order to accomplish this function, the evaluator of policies must be acquainted with scientific concepts and methods that consist of describing, interpreting and analyzing the policies in the governmental sphere (MENY; THOENIG, 1992; LIMA JÚNIOR, 1978). In this perspective, we intend to investigate whether in its proposition of minimizing the blanks in the Brazilian educational system, the implementation of the Program would be contributing to the improvement of the political-pedagogical practices in the rural schools with combined grade classrooms in Jardim do Seridó RN. In order to do this research, we have developed a theoretical-methodological matrix made of analysis dimensions, variables, indicators and instruments, such as literary revision, documental analysis, semi-structured interviews with four teachers and three supervisors that work and/or have worked in Escola Ativa in that town in the period comprised among 1998 2009, besides notes taken from field observation and photographs from four rural schools with combined grade classrooms. With this research we have identified that the Program, at a national level, has gone through different phases in its implementation process, for the town was not ready to fully take the responsibilities of the autonomous expansion, in 2002. From that period on, the execution of Escola Ativa has suffered several discontinuities, such as the lack of professional training and supervising. It is also noted that the methodology contributes to the dynamization of the didactic-pedagogical activities and promotes the cooperation and autonomy of the students in the organization and the applicability of the components of the curriculum, especially of Governo Estudantil and Cantinhos de Aprendizagem. Although the directions of the Program (BRASIL, 2005) point out that Escola Ativa has among its principles social transformation, we identified that, isolated, the initiative is not capable of promoting the changes that the rural schools need, namely investments in the physical, material, pedagogical and technological infra-structure, besides the estimation and a career plan for the teachers. In a general draft of the results of this research, we realized that some aspects presented about the peculiarities of Escola Ativa in Jardim do Seridó as a governmental Program, reinforce the need for the public policies to be evaluated, in order to confront critic and operationally the planning with the practice, revising action, whenever necessary

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Politics of Continued Formation of Tachers: settings, directives and pratices is constituted in a study from politics of continued formation of teachers materialized for the actual government. It has for purpose to analyse aspects of experience of continued formation in techers service that work at initial levels of fundamental education desenvolved in Natal through Program Management of School Learning (GESTAR) at the period from 2002 to 2005. The empiric field of study privileged the experience of formation in service developed by GESTAR in a school located at the procedures that materialized the search, we can point out: bibliographic review of literature that analyses the new demands for education in view of occurred transformations at the word setting and studies about the thematic continued formation of teachers; documentary search about the politics of continue formation of teachers and the GESTAR program from municipal net of study of Natal, four teachers and pedagogic coordinater of searched school. The study established a positive evaluation by the teachers that took part at the program in Natal and they pointed out that politics strategy of continued formation in service made possible the study of contents of Portuguese Language and Mathernatics associated to a new form for working them in the classroom, understanding of certain contents that they had difficulties before, understanding that activitus realized should have meaning for the student, favouring the understanding of subject studied. Among some limits noticed, we can point out: absence of reading of the material by the teachers, difficulty of the teachers in reconcile the diary activities wiht the individual studies at distance, no realization of a systematic following of the pedagogic practical of teachers use the exam how the only instrument of evaluation used by the teachers and difficulties of them in going on with the pedagogic proposal of GESTAR after the end of this program

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This work has goal of analyzing the practices of Human Resources in the per missionary enterprises of urban transportation, by bus, in the metropolitan region of de Natal, based on the standard person of the National Program of Quality 2004 and points if they are able to take part as prize-winning in this standard. Also this work aims, through a theoretical evolution of people management and its current practices, the history of the National prize Quality and its main standards, the importance of the urban transportation, its characteristics and the system itself in the metropolitan region of Natal. The research was carried out in 11 enterprises that operated in the area, with several dimensions and forms of management. The research variations were based on the standard person of the 2004 NPQ that deals with the system of work, preparation and development and life quality. In the statistical treatment, discriminated and exploiting analyses were applied. The main obtained results through the research, we can verify an administrative centralization in managers and owners hands; that 45% of the enterprises don t have a Human Resources Department, however, on the other hand, they practice some human Resources politics, indicated by the variations; as to the items system of work, 55% of the enterprises are able; preparing and development, 43%

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This dissertation is the result of the development of a two-year research entitled POTIGUAR ACROSS THE COMMUNICATION: MEDIATIZATION AND SOCIAL PRACTICES. Or as the reception of the political agenda unfolds in social practices of the Pau dos Ferros, showwing Pau dos Ferros as a provincial oestano of Rio Grande do Norte, now living a meaningful set of social transformations, which interact with practices media that have just mediatized new public policies in the area of Technical Education and Higher Education. Thus, with the introduction and expansion of state and federal public policy of democratization of Technical and Higher Education in the period 2002 to 2010, the phenomenon of migration of students from elementary and high school, before existing in the region has changed significantly in that Pau dos Ferros polo is made. The concentration of the media city in the hands of politicians, in their favor, and the emergence of new midiatizações are contributed to the formation of this (non-migration) and other social practices, reinventing and rearranging the schedule of the ideas and concepts about the educational practices. Our goal is to observe the relationship of interaction between media, politics and education and examine how young students are realizing this interaction. Under the prospects of receiving the light of Cultural Studies, strolling our research primarily on the technique of focus group data collection

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This work discuss about the transformation of public space, based on the recent challenges imposed by communication practices that are renewed and recopying of the sociocultural contexts of everyday life. The study presents theoretical and empirical reports of regional political blogs. In this issue, it looks for understand the political participation in the Internet space, examining the reconfigurations that accompany social relations and new forms of interaction that are merged in the media scene. The ambience of the study limits comments of readers in two political blogs in Rio Grande do Norte, Território Livre, and Thaisa Galvão. The observation concerns about the democratic participation of citizens in matters of collective interest, during the 2010 election. The analysis update the debate on democratic discussion and conversation everyday, trying to grasp changes in social practices in virtual platforms. From this perspective, the work restores some conceptual notions that involve the public places, identifying the changes that appear in the virtual and traditional spheres, with the emergence of new places of conversations, from the Internet usage. Are also compared to similarities and differences between the two elements of the analysis. It is possible, therefore, the communication process of the two discursive spaces with ideas from the public sphere, trying to analyze the duality between public, private, and political participation in these virtual places

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior