Lo fantástico y la memoria histórica en Rivas

A partir de tres ejemplos, En salvaje compañía (1994), El lápiz del carpintero (1998) y Los libros arden mal (2006), esta contribución pretende determinar la función de 'lo fantástico' en las novelas de Manuel Rivas, con respecto a la memoria cultural de un evento traumático como la Guerra Civil y el franquismo. La argumentación parte de la hipótesis de que lo 'real maravilloso gallego' ofrece una estruc-tura particularmente apta para hablar de la Guerra Civil al darles a los muertos un espació ficticio de acción.

Memorias en voz baja : Transmisión oral intergeneracional: de Os libros arden mal a As voces baixas

Este trabajo analiza la forma en que se desarrolla un traspaso de la experiencia del pasado traumático en dos textos de Manuel Rivas en los que adquiere gran protagonismo el discurso oral. La Guerra Civil española y sus consecuencias son incorporadas a la narrativa de Os libros arden mal y As voces baixas con especial énfasis en las generaciones que no vivieron esos años. Las convergencias entre oralidad y escritura resultan un terreno fértil para considerar la inclusión de voces largamente postergadas debido a silencios impuestos y a la represión de verdades que tardaron en visibilizarse.

Literatura en el espacio público : Rivas y su obra: un punto de inflexión en la recuperación de la memoria histórica

Tras una revisión diacrónica del tratamiento del tema de la guerra civil en la narrativa gallega, el artículo analiza la función performativa que en ese contexto han desempeñado una serie de obras narrativas de Manuel Rivas y su eficacia como factores de legitimación y dinamización del proceso de recuperación de la memoria histórica. Como conclusión se propone considerar a Rivas como un emprendedor de la memoria (Jelin) y sus obras como 'lieux de memoire' (Nora) por su condición de artefactos culturales de integración social.

Usos mediáticos del carisma de Dolores Ibárruri en los inicios de la Transición

El artículo ofrece un análisis de la función cumplida por Dolores Ibárruri, Pasionaria, durante la Transición a la democracia en España. Se centra en dos acontecimientos en los que la líder comunista tuvo un papel relevante: su retorno del exilio el 13 de mayo de 1977 y su presencia en la sesión inaugural de las primeras Cortes democráticas el 13 de julio de ese mismo año. A través del análisis del tratamiento de los medios de estos actos, se defenderá la idea del reciclaje del carisma, observando cómo un liderazgo carismático construido en un periodo histórico (la Guerra Civil) fue reutilizado en otro: la transición a la democracia. En este caso, con el fin de legitimar el proceso e instalar la idea de reconciliación en el relato de la Transición.

Looking for Determinants of Ontological Security in the Spain of the Crisis

The concept of ontological security has a remarkable echo in the current sociology to describe emotional status of men of late modernity. However, the concept created by Giddens in the eighties has been little used in empirical research covering various sources of risk or uncertainty. In this paper, a scale for ontological security is proposed. To do this, we start from the results of a research focused on the relationship between risk, uncertainty and vulnerability in the context of the economic crisis in Spain. These results were produced through nine focus groups and a telephone survey with standardized questionnaire applied to a national sample of 2,408 individuals over 18 years. This work is divided into three main sections. In the fi rst, a scale has been built from the results of the application of different items present in the questionnaire used. The second part explores the relationships of the scale obtained with the variables further approximate the emotional dimensions of individuals. The third part observes the variables that contribute to changes in the scale: These variables show the structural feature of the ontological security.

Ficción y documentación en "Hombre sin nombre" (2006), de Suso de ToroFicción y documentación en Hombre sin nombre (2006), de Suso de Toro

Hombre sin nombre pertenece a la modalidad de novela histórica que ambienta su relato en la Guerra Civil española, integrada en el proceso de recuperación de la “Memoria Histórica” impulsado precisamente en 2006; el trabajo se basa en la consulta y manejo de la rica documentación (bibliográfica, hemerográfica, testimonial, policial, judicial...) utilizada por el autor para construir su ficción narrativa.

Franquismo e literatura galega: "Non Chores, Sabeliña", a primeira obra da literatura galega de Posguerra. Entre o populismo e o rexoubeirismo

En este estudio se desarrolla, en clave filológico-didáctica, un análisis concienzudo sobre la gestación y la recepción de Non chores, Sabeliña, la primera obra escrita y publicada en gallego tras la Guerra Civil española. Nunca antes se había estudiado esta pieza, por lo que constituye una aproximación muy novedosa tanto el el Área de Filologías Gallega y Portuguesa como en el de Didáctica de la Lengua y la Literatura.

"A noite branca", between the Documentary and Fictional: the Silenced Account of the Blue Division

The article explores the ambiguous phenomenological status of the novel A noite branca (The White Night) by Francisco Fernández Naval, published in Galician in 2012. This ambiguity is produced by the discursive hybridity of the novel and by the vague ontological status of facts narrated and by several characters. The clarification of the strategies of the said ambiguity, and the originality of the subject, in the whole of Galician narrative about the memory of Civil War and Postwar can tightly evaluate the literary merits of the novel.

Gathering Antipathy:Irish Immigrants and Race in America's Age of Emancipation

Contribution to an edited collection on the Irish Diaspora focusing on the antagonism between Famine-era Irish immigrants to the US and their estrangement from the main currents of social reform (including antislavery). An intervention in an ongoing debate over immigrant Irish and their ostensible embrace of a proslavery outlook in the late antebellum United States.

Analyzing Gene Centres with the Help of the Checklist Method – the Case of Syria

The present survey of species diversity of cultivated plants is the first for Syria. Some cultivated species will be added in the future, because due to the civil war in Syria, it was not possible to visit the country in the frame of the present work, as initially planned. Checklists proved to be a useful tool for overviewing the cultivated plants of selected areas and allow a characterization of the state of plant genetic resources of Syria. Syria has experienced several civilizations. Man settled in this productive land since ancient times and used its resources. However, such use has led to changes in vegetation and decline of wildlife through the country, in seashore areas, interior, mountains, and grassland. Plant domestication and growing started more than 10,000 years ago in West Asia. Since then, plentiful of economic plant species were present and used by man and his domesticated animals. Forming a part of the Fertile Crescent, where many of the world’s agricultural plants have evolved, Syria is extremely rich in agrobiodiversity. Wild progenitors of wheat and barley and wild relatives of many fruit trees such as almonds and pistachio as well as forage species are still found in marginal lands and less disturbed areas. These are threatened by a wide range of human activities, notably modern, extensive agriculture, overgrazing, overcutting and urban expansion. Syria is also considered as part of one of the main centres of origin, according to Vavilov, who had collected in Syria in 1926. The first expeditions to crop fields showed the exclusive nature of cultivated plants in Syria with a high number of endemic forms. Furthermore, Syria is a part of a biodiversity hotspot. Several studies have been performed to study agrobiodiversity in different parts of Syria, but usually on wild species. Many collections have been carried out; however, they focussed preferably on cereals and pulses, and particularly on wheat, like Vavilov’s expedition. Only 30 crops make up the major part of the conserved Syrian crop plant material in the genebank, indicating that most of the remaining 7,000 species of cultivated plants and many other valuable genetic resources species have only been included on a limited scale in the genebank collections. Although a small country (185,180 km2), Syria accommodates numerous ecosystems that allow for a large diversity of plant genetic resources for agriculture ranging from cold-requiring to subtropical crops to live and thrive. Only few references are available in this respect. The aim of the present study was to complete a checklist of Syria’s cultivated plants of agriculture and horticulture excluding plants only grown as ornamental or for forestry. Furthermore, plants taken for reforestation have not been included, if they do not have also agricultural or horticultural uses. Therefore, the inclusion of plants into the checklist follows the same principles as “Mansfeld’s Encyclopedia”. Main sources of information were published literature, floras of Syria, Lebanon and the Mediterranean, as well as Syrian printed sources in Arabic and/or English, reports from FAO on agricultural statistics in Syria, and data from ICARDA and Bioversity International. In addition, personal observations gathered during professional work in the General Commission for Scientific Agricultural Research (GCSAR) in Syria (since 1989) and participation in projects were taken into account. These were: (1) A project on “Conservation and Sustainable Use of Dry Land Agrobiodiversity in the Near East” with participation of Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, and the Palestinian Authority, focussing on landraces and wild relatives of barley, wheat, lentil, alliums, feed legumes, and fruit trees (1999–2005). (2) A project for vegetable landraces (1993–1995) in collaboration with the former International Plant Genetic Resources Institute and the UN Development Programme, in which 380 local vegetable accessions were evaluated. For medicinal plants and fruit trees I was in personal contact with departments of GCSAR and the Ministry of Agriculture and Agrarian Reform, as well as with private organizations. The resulting checklist was compared with the catalogues of crop plants of Italy and a checklist of cultivated plants of Iraq. The cultivated plant species are presented in alphabetical order according to their accepted scientific names. Each entry consists of a nomenclatural part, folk names, details of plant uses, the distribution in Syria (by provinces), a textual description, and references to literature. In total, 262 species belonging to 146 genera and 57 families were identified. Within-species (intraspecific) diversity is a significant measure of the biodiversity. Intraspecific diversity for wild plants has been and remains to be well studied, but for crop plants there are only few results. Mansfeld’s method is an actual logical contribution to such studies. Among the families, the following have the highest number of crop species: Leguminosae (34 spp.), Rosaceae (24), Gramineae (18), Labiatae (18), Compositae (14), Cruciferae (14), Cucurbitaceae (11), Rutaceae (10), Malvaceae (9), Alliaceae (7), and Anacardiaceae (7). The establishment of an effective programme for the maintenance of plant genetic resources in Syria started in the mid-1970s. This programme considered ex situ and in situ collection of the genetic resources of various field crops, fruit trees and vegetables. From a plant genetic resources viewpoint, it is clear that the homegarden is an important location for the cultivation of so-called neglected and underutilized species (neglected from a research side and underutilized from a larger economic side). Such species have so far not received much care from ecologists, botanists and agronomists, and they are considerably under-represented in genebanks.

2083 – A European Declaration of Independence - An Analysis of Discourses from the Extreme

This paper analyses three of the dominating discourses Anders Behring Breivik used in his compendium, the official title of which is 2083 – A European Declaration of Independence, also known as Breivik's Manifesto. It is believed Breivik posted his Manifesto on the Internet shortly before the attacks in Norway in July, 2011. The number 2083 stands for the year when the "Western European Civil War" was expected to be completed, all traitors executed, and all Muslims deported from Europe. This article will discuss dominating discourses in the Manifesto, seen from a background of a European multicultural backlash, in which the political far-right movement is increasing. Furthermore, this article will end with a discussion of education and the importance of analysis of such phenomena within different subjects.

Building peace by supporting post-conflict electoral processes

Les élections post-conflit ou élections de sortie de crise organisées sous l’égide de la communauté internationale en vue de rétablir la paix dans les pays sortant de violents conflits armés ont un bilan mixte caractérisé par le succès ou l’échec selon les cas. Ce bilan mitigé représente le problème principal auquel cette recherche tente de répondre à travers les questions suivantes : l’assistance électorale étrangère est-elle efficace comme outil de rétablissement de la paix dans les sociétés post-conflit? Qu’est ce qui détermine le succès ou l’échec des élections post-conflit à contribuer efficacement au rétablissement de la paix dans les sociétés déchirées par la guerre? Pour résoudre cette problématique, cette thèse développe une théorie de l’assistance électorale en période post-conflit centrée sur les parties prenantes à la fois du conflit armé et du processus électoral. Cette théorie affirme que l’élément clé pour le succès des élections post-conflit dans le rétablissement de la paix est le renforcement de la capacité de négociation des parties prenantes à la fois dans le processus de paix et dans le processus électoral post-conflit. Dans les situations post-conflit, une assistance électorale qui se voudrait complète et efficace devra combiner à la fois le processus électoral et le processus de paix. L’assistance électorale sera inefficace si elle se concentre uniquement sur les aspects techniques du processus électoral visant à garantir des élections libres, transparentes et équitables. Pour être efficace, l’accent devra également être mis sur les facteurs supplémentaires qui peuvent empêcher la récurrence de la guerre, tels que l’habilité des individus et des groupes à négocier et à faire des compromis sur les grandes questions qui peuvent menacer le processus de paix. De fait, même des élections transparentes comme celles de 1997 au Liberia saluées par la communauté internationale n’avaient pas réussi à établir des conditions suffisantes pour éviter la reprise des hostilités. C’est pourquoi, pour être efficace, l’assistance électorale dans les situations de post-conflit doit prendre une approche globale qui priorise l’éducation civique, la sensibilisation sur les droits et responsabilités des citoyens dans une société démocratique, le débat public sur les questions qui divisent, la participation politique, la formation au dialogue politique, et toute autre activité qui pourrait aider les différentes parties à renforcer leur capacité de négociation et de compromis. Une telle assistance électorale fera une contribution à la consolidation de la paix, même dans le contexte des élections imparfaites, comme celles qui se sont détenues en Sierra Leone en 2002 ou au Libéria en 2005. Bien que la littérature sur l’assistance électorale n’ignore guère l’importance des parties prenantes aux processus électoraux post-conflit (K. Kumar, 1998, 2005), elle a fortement mis l’accent sur les mécanismes institutionnels. En effet, la recherche académique et professionnelle est abondante sur la réforme des lois électorales, la reforme constitutionnelle, et le développement des administrations électorales tels que les commissions électorales, ainsi que l’observation électorale et autres mécanismes de prévention de la fraude électorale, etc. (Carothers & Gloppen, 2007). En d’autres termes, les décideurs et les chercheurs ont attribué jusqu’à présent plus d’importance à la conception et au fonctionnement du cadre institutionnel et des procédures électorales. Cette thèse affirme qu’il est désormais temps de prendre en compte les participants eux-mêmes au processus électoral à travers des types d’assistance électorale qui favoriseraient leur capacité à participer à un débat pacifique et à trouver des compromis aux questions litigieuses. Cette approche plus globale de l’assistance électorale qui replace l’élection post-conflit dans le contexte plus englobant du processus de paix a l’avantage de transformer le processus électoral non pas seulement en une expérience d’élection de dirigeants légitimes, mais aussi, et surtout, en un processus au cours duquel les participants apprennent à régler leurs points de vue contradictoires à travers le débat politique dans un cadre institutionnel avec des moyens légaux et légitimes. Car, si le cadre institutionnel électoral est important, il reste que le résultat du processus électoral dépendra essentiellement de la volonté des participants à se conformer au cadre institutionnel et aux règles électorales.

Spanish monarchy and the Portuguese Republic: two routes to democratization

From 1974 to 1986 the Iberian Peninsula was the arena of major political changes. The process then undertaken was characterized by the transition from two Iberian authoritarian regimes to two democracies, which enabled both countries to join the European Economic Community (EEC) on 1 January 1986. However, the political vicissitudes until full membership of what became the European Union (EU) was achieved were very different and were decisively, although not exclusively, influenced by the fact Portugal was a republic and Spain a monarchy. In Portugal the 1974 revolution took place with consequent shift of the head of state while in Spain the engine of change was precisely the head of state: King Juan Carlos I. It is also true that despite the dangers to democracy (terrorism in Spain and some radicalism in Portugal) both societies supported the political parties committed to the democratic process in elections, which helped avoid tensions that could have defeated the process. Likewise, it is possible to argue that in Spain a plan to achieve democracy within the rule of law (an archetypal transition) was designed by the head of state, while in Portugal there was no pre-established plan – the programme of the Armed Forces Movement (Movimento das Forças Armadas [MFA]) was a weak and precarious compromise between different visions of the road to follow, enabling an intense political struggle that almost led to civil war and a dangerous state of crisis.