A cooperação entre Estados «Párias» : o caso Israel-África do Sul

Quis o curso da história que os destinos da África do Sul e de Israel se cruzassem. Dois «povos eleitos» - afrikaners e judeus - partilharam incompreensões, rejeições e isolamentos. As diferenças separaram-nos, mas os estigmas presentes na sociedade internacional contemporânea reaproximaram-nos. Encerrados no «laager» e em «Massada», respetivamente, afrikaners e judeus encontraram um importante caminho da sobrevivência nacional numa cooperação estreita, até mesmo nos domínios mais sensíveis.

Confiança nas Instituições e Valores Culturais : Estudo Internacional Comparado entre Angola, Cabo Verde, Moçambique e Portugal

The present study shows the results of an international comparative research carried out in four Portuguese-speaking countries: Angola, Cape Verde, Mozambique and Portugal. The purpose is, firstly, to find these countries cultural profile according to Hofstede/ Minkov dimensions as well as to measure the citizens` level of trust in institutions and, secondly, to analyze the relation between cultural values and level of trust. A bibliographic and theoretical review has been made on the main theoretical references about trust as far as its multiple forms and dimensions are concerned. Then, a scale of confidence in institutions has been drawn. An extensive analysis has been carried out, using qualitative and quantitative methods, including factorial analysis and simple linear regression. The results provide relevant information on what makes the four target countries very alike and on what differentiates them the most. In Portugal, a tendency towards a growing trust in institutions of public offering has been registered, whereas in the African countries, citizens tend to trust institutions of private offering more. All the institutions connected with the judicial and political sphere of society have been negatively qualified by the respondents in all countries, in a relatively similar way.

La paz Caliente (Coyuntura)

Este artículo pasa revista a los acontecimientos que han caracterizado las relaciones internacionales desde la publicación del número anterior. Analiza los pasos que se han dado en la campaña contra el terrorismo internacional que Estados Unidos y una coalición de estados iniciaron a raíz de los atentados del 11 de septiembre. En ese contexto considera que el proceso de estabilización política y reconstrucción de Afganistán no ha registrado mayores avances y que la situación actual en ese país bien podría desembocar en una reanudación de las confrontaciones políticas, si no en una nueva guerra civil. Se analizan también las nuevas tensiones que han surgido en el conflicto del Medio Oriente y en las legendarias disputas entre la India y Pakistán. En América Latina se vive una combinación de turbulencias económicas y financieras y de inestabilidad política y social.

Diagnóstico de la frontera Ecuador-Colombia (Informe Especial)

Este documento describe la situación actual imperante en la frontera, en el lado ecuatoriano, concretamente en las provincias de Esmeraldas, Carchi y Sucumbíos, tomando en cuenta cuatro áreas temáticas: presencia institucional del Estado ecuatoriano, seguridad, comercio binacional Ecuador-Colombia y tejido sociocultural, con indicadores específicos para cada una de ellas. Este diagnóstico describe cómo el conflicto colombiano y la política de seguridad del Estado ecuatoriano están afectando a la institucionalidad política, la economía y la sociedad de la frontera Ecuador-Colombia.

A concise summary of the International System of Units, the SI

The Bureau International des Poids et Mesures, the BIPM, was established by Article 1 of the Convention du Mètre, on 20 May 1875, and is charged with providing the basis for a single, coherent system of measurements to be used throughout the world. The decimal metric system, dating from the time of the French Revolution, was based on the metre and the kilogram. Under the terms of the 1875 Convention, new international prototypes of the metre and kilogram were made and formally adopted by the first Conférence Générale des Poids et Mesures (CGPM) in 1889. Over time this system developed, so that it now includes seven base units. In 1960 it was decided at the 11th CGPM that it should be called the Système International d’Unités, the SI (in English: the International System of Units). The SI is not static but evolves to match the world’s increasingly demanding requirements for measurements at all levels of precision and in all areas of science, technology, and human endeavour. This document is a summary of the SI Brochure, a publication of the BIPM which is a statement of the current status of the SI. The seven base units of the SI, listed in Table 1, provide the reference used to define all the measurement units of the International System. As science advances, and methods of measurement are refined, their definitions have to be revised. The more accurate the measurements, the greater the care required in the realization of the units of measurement.

Eternal peace, perpetual war? A critical investigation into Kant's conceptualisations of war

Most discussions of Immanuel Kant's political theory of international politics focus on his work on Eternal Peace and its normative and empirical relevance for contemporary international relations and international law. Yet for all his concern with peace, Kant's work is characterised by a fascinating preoccupation with the concept of war and its role in human history. The purpose of this essay is to investigate critically Kant's different conceptualisations of war and to evaluate his writing as a critique against contemporary versions of Liberal war and peace, as well as recent attempts to reduce war to an immanent logic of biopolitics.

The theme that dare not speak its name: Geopolitik, geopolitics and German foreign policy since unification

The purpose of this chapter is to trace the emergence of a new security imaginary in the foreign policy discourse in Germany during the 1990s and to determine whether it constitutes a return of Geopolitik in German foreign policy making. Does the re- appearance of geopolitical terms and expressions in the official and the academic discourses in post-unification Germany indicate such a shift? The essay will argue that the claims about a return of Geopolitik cannot be sustained. To the extent that the rhetoric of German government officials changes during the 1990s, this does not produce a coherent geopolitical security imaginary that stands diametrically opposed to the definition of political and institutional spaces of the Bonner Republik.

Another Waltz? Methodological rhetoric and practice in theory of international politics

Although Theory of International Politics is a standard-bearer for explanatory theory in international relations (IR), Waltz’s methodology has been subject to numerous quite disparate analyses. One reason why it has proved hard to pin down is that too little attention has been paid to how, in practice, Waltz approaches real-world problems. Despite his neopositivist rhetoric, Waltz applies neorealism in a notably loose, even indeterminate, fashion. There is therefore a disjunction between what he says and what he does. This is partly explained by his unsatisfactory attempt to reconcile his avowed neopositivism with his belief that international politics is characterized by organized complexity. The inconsistencies thus created also help to make sense of why competing interpretations of his methodology have emerged. Some aspects of his work do point beyond these particular methodological travails in ways that will continue to be of interest to IR theorists, but its most enduring methodological lesson may be that rhetoric and practice do not necessarily fit harmoniously together.

Small states, great power? Gaining influence through intrinsic, derivative, and collective power

In recent years, scholars have devoted increased attention to the agency of small states in International Relations. However, the conventional wisdom remains that while not completely powerful, small states are unlikely to achieve much of significance when faced by great power opposition. This argument, however, implicitly rests on resource-based and compulsory understandings of power. This article explores the implicit connections between the concept of "small state" and diverse concepts of power, asking how we should understand these states' attempts to gain influence and achieve their international political objectives. By connecting the study of small states with additional understandings of power, the article elaborates the broader avenues for influence that are open to many states but are particularly relevant for small states. The article argues that small states' power can be best understood as originating in three categories: “derivative,” collective, and particular-intrinsic. Derivative power, coined by Michael Handel, relies upon the relationship with a great power. Collective power involves building coalitions of supportive states, often through institutions. Particular-intrinsic power relies on the assets of the small state trying to do the influencing. Small states specialize in the bases and means of these types of power, which may have unconventional compulsory, institutional, structural, and productive aspects.

Civilian casualties – do we really care? The failure of the revolution in military affairs of non-lethal weapons in the U.S., Russia and Israel

Causing civilian casualties during military operations has become a much politicised topic in international relations since the Second World War. Since the last decade of the 20th century, different scholars and political analysts have claimed that human life is valued more and more among the general international community. This argument has led many researchers to assume that democratic culture and traditions, modern ethical and moral issues have created a desire for a world without war or, at least, a demand that contemporary armed conflicts, if unavoidable, at least have to be far less lethal forcing the military to seek new technologies that can minimise civilian casualties and collateral damage. Non-Lethal Weapons (NLW) – weapons that are intended to minimise civilian casualties and collateral damage – are based on the technology that, during the 1990s, was expected to revolutionise the conduct of warfare making it significantly less deadly. The rapid rise of interest in NLW, ignited by the American military twenty five years ago, sparked off an entirely new military, as well as an academic, discourse concerning their potential contribution to military success on the 21st century battlefields. It seems, however, that except for this debate, very little has been done within the military forces themselves. This research suggests that the roots of this situation are much deeper than the simple professional misconduct of the military establishment, or the poor political behaviour of political leaders, who had sent them to fight. Following the story of NLW in the U.S., Russia and Israel this research focuses on the political and cultural aspects that have been supposed to force the military organisations of these countries to adopt new technologies and operational and organisational concepts regarding NLW in an attempt to minimise enemy civilian casualties during their military operations. This research finds that while American, Russian and Israeli national characters are, undoubtedly, products of the unique historical experience of each one of these nations, all of three pay very little regard to foreigners’ lives. Moreover, while it is generally argued that the international political pressure is a crucial factor that leads to the significant reduction of harmed civilians and destroyed civilian infrastructure, the findings of this research suggest that the American, Russian and Israeli governments are well prepared and politically equipped to fend off international criticism. As the analyses of the American, Russian and Israeli cases reveal, the political-military leaderships of these countries have very little external or domestic reasons to minimise enemy civilian casualties through fundamental-revolutionary change in their conduct of war. In other words, this research finds that employment of NLW have failed because the political leadership asks the militaries to reduce the enemy civilian casualties to a politically acceptable level, rather than to the technologically possible minimum; as in the socio-cultural-political context of each country, support for the former appears to be significantly higher than for the latter.

Too Many Bad Cooks Spoiling the Broth? Effectiveness of NGOs in Addressing Child Labour in El Salvador

The reaction of the first world to the persevering plight of a large part of the third world varies. In response to the sometimes glaring disparities, many international organizations and multinational corporations have recently adopted a pro-development rhetoric with relation to the problem of global poverty. However, the rhetoric rarely translates into action. As David Bacon discusses, leaders of corporations and organizations now tend to conclude their speeches by expressing a desire to reduce the suffering of the third world. However, when it comes to agreeing on specific concessions that could indeed improve the world-wide economic situation, first world countries are reluctant to act. A good example of this type of behavior is the current negotiation of the WTO, the “development round of Doha,” in which the United States along with the European Union pressure countries of the developing South to open up their markets, while at the same time refusing to remove or even decrease their own agricultural subsidies. The first world civil society observes the behavior of international organizations and western based multinational corporations as ineffectual. Taking the matter in its own hands, especially in the past couple of decades, this civil society has created a countless number of development-oriented nongovernmental organizations. These are supposed to compensate for the lack of action by international organizations. Development NGOs are believed to be more locally responsive as well as free of business or political considerations in choosing their strategies, and thus generally more efficient than IOs. However, if they really were how they are alleged to be, the problems of the third world would already be ameliorated by a significant amount, if not completely eradicated. Do development-NGOs indeed possess the characteristics that they claim to possess? What is their real affect on human rights? And how effective are they in their work?