932 resultados para democratic consolidation
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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.
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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.
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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.
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Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.
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The prospect of water wars and conflict over water are ideas that are frequently dramatized in media and also studied by scholars. It is well-established that bona fide wars are not started over water resources, but conflict over water does exist and is not well understood. One would suppose, as scholars often do, that dyads composed of two democratic nations would be the best at mitigating conflict and promoting cooperation over freshwater resources. General conflict research supports that supposition, as does the argument that democracies must be best at avoiding conflicts over resources because they excel at distributing public goods. This study provides empirical evidence showing how interstate dyads composed of various governance types conflict and cooperate over general water and water quantity issues relative to each other. After evaluating the water conflict mitigating ability of democratic-democratic, democratic-autocratic, and autocratic-autocratic dyads, this study found that democracy-autocracy dyads are less likely to cooperate over general water issues and water quantity issues than the other two dyad types. Nothing certain can be said about how the three dyad types compare to each other in terms of likelihood to conflict over water quantity issues. However, two-autocracy dyads seem to be most likely to cooperate over water quantity issues. These findings support the established belief that democratic-autocratic pairs struggle to cooperate while also encouraging greater scrutiny of the belief that democracies must be best at cooperating over water resources.
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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2016In her recent book, Democratic Reason, Hélène Landemore argues that, when evaluated epistemically, “a democratic decision procedure is likely to be a better decision procedure than any non-democratic decision procedures, such as a council of experts or a benevolent dictator” (p. 3). Landemore's argument rests heavily on studies of collective intelligence done by Lu Hong and Scott Page. These studies purport to show that cognitive diversity – differences in how people solve problems – is actually more important to overall group performance than average individual ability – how smart the individual members are. Landemore's argument aims to extrapolate from these results to the conclusion that democracy is epistemically better than any non-democratic rival. I argue here that Hong and Page's results actually undermine, rather than support, this conclusion. More specifically, I argue that the results do not show that democracy is better than any non-democratic alternative, and that in fact, they suggest the opposite – that at least some non-democratic alternatives are likely to epistemically outperform democracy.
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Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.
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Examining the spatial structure of clusters is essential for deriving regional development policy implications. In this study, we identify the manufacturing clusters in Cambodia, the Lao People's Democratic Republic, and Thailand, using two indices—global extent (GE) and local density (LD)—as proposed by Mori and Smith (2013). We also analyze four different combinations of these indices to highlight the spatial structures of industrial agglomerations. Since industrial clusters often spread over administrative boundaries, the GE and LD indices—along with cluster mapping—display how the detected clusters fit into specific spatial structures.
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The neurotransmitter dopamine (DA) plays an essential role in reward-related incentive learning, whereby neutral stimuli gain the ability to elicit approach and other responses. In an incentive learning paradigm called conditioned activity, animals receive a stimulant drug in a specific environment over the course of several days. When then placed in that environment drug-free, they generally display a conditioned hyperactive response. Modulating DA transmission at different time points during the paradigm has been shown to disrupt or enhance conditioning effects. For instance, blocking DA D2 receptors before sessions generally impedes the acquisition of conditioned activity. To date, no studies have examined the role of D2 receptors in the consolidation phase of conditioned activity; this phase occurs immediately after acquisition and involves the stabilization of memories for long-term storage. To investigate this possible role, I trained Wistar rats (N = 108) in the conditioned activity paradigm produced by amphetamine (2.0 mg/kg, intraperitoneally) to examine the effects of the D2 antagonist haloperidol (doses 0.10, 0.25, 0.50, 0.75, 1.0, & 2.0 mg/kg, intraperitoneally) administered 5 min after conditioning sessions. Two positive control groups received haloperidol 1 h before conditioning sessions (doses 1.0 mg/kg and 2.0 mg/kg). The results revealed that post-session haloperidol at all doses tested did not disrupt the consolidation of conditioned activity, while pre-session haloperidol at 2.0 mg/kg prevented acquisition, with the 1.0 mg/kg group trending toward a block. Additionally, post-session haloperidol did not diminish activity during conditioning days, unlike pre-session haloperidol. One possible reason for these findings is that the consolidation phase may have begun earlier than when haloperidol was administered, since the conditioned activity paradigm uses longer learning sessions than those generally used in consolidation studies. Future studies may test if conditioned activity can be achieved with shorter sessions; if so, haloperidol would then be re-tested at an earlier time point. D2 receptor second messenger systems may also be investigated in consolidation. Since drug-related incentive stimuli can evoke cravings in those with drug addiction, a better understanding of the mechanisms of incentive learning may lead to the development of solutions for these individuals.
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Democratic innovations face the challenge of realizing deliberative democratic ideals in the context of structural inequality. Consensus decision making and expertise have been said to have exclusive effects on marginalized groups like women and ethnic and sexual minorities, which obstructs diversity. Wisdom Councils as practiced in Austria attempt to counter inequalities by including marginalized groups through the moderation technique dynamic facilitation. Exploratory participatory observations and interviews with a moderator and the participants of two Wisdom Councils in Austria provide a deeper understanding of the inclusive processes at work in Wisdom Councils facilitating a productive combination of consensus and diversity.
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In this article we analyze the Debate on the State of the Nation 2014. The methodology consists in coding the speeches of the prime minister, Mariano Rajoy (PP) and the then opposition leader Alfredo Perez Rubalcaba (PSOE) through extracting word clouds, branched maps and word trees that have shown the most common concepts and premises. This preliminary analysis of two dimensions, quantitative and qualitative, makes it much easier and viable subsequent discourse analysis where we focus on the different types of arguments in the communicative act: claim/solution, circumstantial premises, goal premises, value premises, meansgoal premises, alternative options/addressing alternative options.
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The paper addresses the question of the stability of a democratic state and shows the shortcomings of the political and institutional structure for this purpose. It argues for the need of an additional factor of reasonableness as defined by John Rawls. We reflect on its articulation with rationality, its role regarding laws and the areas where its presence is crucial to the health and maintenance of a democratic political society. The analysis concludes by justifying the instrumental need of such faculty in the political arena as well as vindicating it as a mandatory civic duty.