Non-parametric stability analyses of dough properties in wheat

AbstractLiterature has unveiled that a paper has not been published yet on using non-parametric stability statistics (NPSSs) for evaluating genotypic stability in dough properties of wheat. Accordingly, the effects of genotype (G), environment (E) and GE interaction (GEI) on alveograph parameters, i.e. dough baking strength (W) and its tenacity (P)/extensibility (L), of 18 wheat (T. aestivum L.) genotypes were studied under irrigated field conditions in an 8-year trial (2006-2014) in central Turkey. Furthermore, genotypic stability for W and P/L was determined using 8 NPSSs viz. RM-Rank mean, RSD-Rank’s standard deviation, RS-Rank Sum, TOP-Ranking, Si(1), Si(2), Si(3) and Si(6) rank statistics. The ANOVA revealed that W and P/L were primarily controlled by E, although G and GEI also had significant effects. Among the 8 NPSSs, only RM, RS and TOP statistics were suitable for detecting the genotypes with high stable and bread making quality (e.g. G1 and G17). In conclusion, using RM, RS and TOP statistics is advisable to select for dough quality in wheat under multi-environment trials (METs).

Development of a rapid method for the determination of antibiotic residues in honey using UPLC-ESI-MS/MS

Abstract An accurate, reliable and fast multianalyte/multiclass ultra-performance liquid chromatography–tandem mass spectrometry (UPLC–MS/MS) method was developed and validated for the simultaneous analysis of 23 pharmaceuticals, belonging to different classes amphenicols, sulfonamides, tetracyclines, in honey samples. The method developed consists of ultrasonic extraction followed by UPLC–ESI–MS/MS with electrospray ionization in both positive mode and negative mode. The influence of the extraction solvents and mobile phase composition on the sensitivity of the method, and the optimum conditions for sample weight and extraction temperature in terms of analyte recovery were extensively studied. The identification of antibiotics is fulfilled by simultaneous use of chromatographic separation using an Acquity BEH C18 (100 mm x 2.1 mm, 1.7 µm) analytical column with a gradient elution of mobile phases and tandem mass spectrometry with an electrospray ionization. Finally, the method developed was applied to the determination of target analytes in honey samples obtained from the local markets and several beekeepers in Muğla, Turkey. Ultrasonic-extraction of pharmaceuticals from honey samples is a well-established technique by UPLC–ESI–MS/MS, the uniqueness of this study lies in the simultaneous determination of a remarkable number of compounds belonging to 23 drug at the sub-nanogram per kilogram level.

Presence of central nervous system tissues as bovine spongiform encephalopathy specified risk material in Turkish raw meat ball (cig kofte)

Abstract Bovine Spongiform Encephalopathy (BSE) is a virulent disease which may infect by affecting the central nervous system (CNS) tissues in cattle and causes degeneration in nerves. Central nervous system tissues such as brain and spinal cord which are classified as specified risk materials (SRMs) are regarded to be main source of infection. The contamination of the meat with the specific risk materials (SRMs) can occur in phases of slaughter, fragmentation of carcass and processing. This study was conducted in order to investigate the existence of CNS tissues in raw meat ball (cig kofte) which is commonly consumed in the Southeastern Region of Turkey, particularly in Şanlıurfa. For this purpose, 145 samples of raw meat ball were tested. The enzyme-linked immunosorbent assay (ELISA) kits (Ridascreen risk material 10/5, R-biofarm GmbH) which determine glial fibrillary acidic protein (GFAP) as determinant were used. As a result of the analyses, positivity was detected in 21 of totally 145 samples of raw meat ball (14.48%). 6 (4.14%) of the samples gave low level of positivity (≥ 0.1 standard absorbance), 10 (6.90%) gave medium level of positivity (>0.2 standard absorbance) and 5 (3.45%) gave high level of positivity (≥0.5 standard absorbance). As a consequence, meats are contaminated in any phase of both slaughter and meat production even if accidentally. Regarding this matter, necessary measures should be taken and hygiene rules should be applied.

Performance improvement in mediterranean operations using risk management analysis : Case study of Containerships Group Ltd

Emerging markets of Northern Africa and Turkey provide growth opportunities for logistics service companies in the middle of low growth environment of European Union. The purpose of this research is to explore and analyze the risk factors in container shipping industry and third party logistics (3PL) services. The research empirically examined the risk factors, which are related within the interaction between these two parties in emerging markets of Mediterranean area. The previous studies have provided a valuable insight into the operational risks faced by container shipping industries. However, most of these studies have focused on one or several operational risk factors from a single point of view, and no studies have inclusively examined the possible operational risks faced in the container shipping industry from dual perspective of 3PL provider and its customers. A questionnaire has been deployed to collect related data; and the impacts of the risks were then be assessed and ranked using the method of risk mapping. Respondents were located in Turkey, Algeria, Tunisia, and Libya. Research presents the most important risk factors identified, and compares them between 3PL provider and its customers. The research also provide some risk mitigation strategies for the key risk factors, and tried to figure out a common risk picture, which guides the managers in both sides to have a better decisions and as a result, improve the performance of the container shipping operations. Challenge during project execution time was that customers identified vast amount of more risks than what was the case with logistics service operator.

POLITICAL RISK IN FOREIGN DIRECT INVESTMENT IN THE RUSSIAN ELECTRIC POWER SECTOR

Russia approved ambitious reform plan for the electricity sector in 2001 including privatisation of the country’s huge thermal generation assets. So far the sector had suffered from power shortages, aging infrastructure, substantial electricity losses, and weak productivity and profitability numbers. There was obvious need for foreign investments and technologies. The reform was rather successful; the generation assets were privatised in auctions in 2007-2008 and three European energy companies, E.On, Enel and Fortum, invested in and obtained together over 10% of the Russian production assets. The novelty of these foreign investments serves unique object for the study. The political risk is involved in the FDI due to the industry’s social and economic importance. The research’s objective was to identify and analyse the political risk that foreign investors face in the Russian electricity sector. The research had qualitative study method and the empirical data was collected by interviewing. The research’s theoretical framework was based on the existing political risk theories and it focused to understand the Russian government in relation to the country’s stability and define both macro-level and micro-level sources of political risk for the foreign direct investments in the sector. The research concludes that the centralised and obscure political decision-making, economic constriction, high level of governmental control in economy and corruption form the country’s internal macro-level risk sources for the foreign investors in the sector. Additionally the retribution due to the companies’ home country actions, possible violent confrontations at the Russian borders and the currency instability are externally originated risk sources. In the electricity industry there is risk of tightened governmental control and increased regulation and taxation. Similarly the company-level risk sources link to the unreformed heating sector, bargaining with the authorities, diplomatic stress between host and home countries and to companies and government’s divergent perspective for the profit-making. The research stresses the foreign companies’ ability to cope with the characteristics of Russian political environment. In addition to frequent political and market risk assessment, the companies need to focus on currency protection against rouble’s rate fluctuation and actively build good company-citizenship in the country. Good relationship is needed with the Russian political authorities. The political risk identification and the research’s conclusive framework also enable political risk study assessments for other industries in Russia

Le relazioni Italo - Finlandesi nella documentazione del Ministero degli Affari Esteri italiano e nel "Memoriale" di Attilio Tamaro (1929-1935)

My doctoral thesis may be placed within the branch of studies on the history of international relations and it examines the development of Italian-Finnish bilateral relations during the mandate of Attilio Tamaro, the plenipotentiary Minister (1929-1935). The research is based exclusively on Italian sources, on the private documentation of the diplomat and on his “Memoriale”, which have been critically analysed, using theories, such as those on the policies of power, on the soft power and on foreign trade. This research aims to draw attention to the bilateral dynamics, and to bridge the gaps of the specific historiography, paying attention to the relations between the Lapua movement and Italian fascism, and to the role that the Minister Tamaro played. The 1929-1935 period is the most intense one in the bilateral relations, and it expands those already begun in the Twenties, thereby replacing the idea of a poor and backward Italy with that of a modern, strong and orderly country that fascism had been capable of building. The need for Finland to solve its internal problems led to the development of the lappist movement in the first few months of 1930 which, with its anticommunism and anti-parliamentarism, led conservative Finland to look towards the Italian political model with particular fondness. The Italian diplomacy, at least during the Grandi ministry, distinguished itself for its moderate involvement in its connections with lappism. After 1932, with the spread of universal fascism, opposing national-socialism, the relationships between fascism and the lappist movement intensified and led the IKL (Patriotic People’s Movement) into the Italian sphere. Actually, especially after 1933, what was the most effective instrument of Tamaro’s political action was culture: the Italian Readership, the cultural associations, and the use of the cinematic arts and art were the channels for the expansion of a cultural imperialism which abounded in political propaganda. With the War of Ethiopia in 1935, the good Italian-Finnish relationships partly cooled down because Italy appeared to be a dangerous nation for the stability of the security system of Finland. The research results are stimulating: they bring to light the ambitions of great power of monarchist-fascist Italy; they show the importance of the Italian example in inspiring the conservative Finnish right-wing; they allow one to hypothesize that there was at least an indirect influence of the Italian model on the development of Finnish events. The aspiration of our research is to stimulate further studies on diplomatic, military and trade relations between Italy and the Scandinavian countries from 1919 to today.

헌종대왕국장도감의궤 하 [憲宗大王國葬都監儀軌 下]

Deuxième volume du cérémonial prévu par les conseillers à de l'occasion des funérailles nationales du roi Hōn joñ.

헌종대왕국장도감의궤 하 [憲宗大王國葬都監儀軌 下]

Deuxième volume du cérémonial prévu par les conseillers à de l'occasion des funérailles nationales du roi Hōn joñ.

Titre hangeul. titre hanja. ūi kue

Cérémonial prévu par les conseillers pour .

The Midnight express phenomenon : a historical materialist approach to the reception of the film Midnight express /

This thesis examines the Midnight Express phenomenon focusing on the film's reception by audiences in Europe, North America, and Turkey between 1978-2003. Using and enhancing the "historical materialist approach" to film reception developed by Janet Staiger, the thesis considers the historical determinants of the film's nationally and culturally differential readings in different periods and of the transformations in those readings. The thesis argues that while Midnight Express was most likely read in the late 1970s as an attempt to reaffirm American social identity by projecting Turks as an instance of the negative Other, there has been an important shift in the reception of the film in the West during the 1990s due to the changes in the discursive contexts in which the film has been circulating. One does not observe any specific reference to Turkish prisons as a part of the issue of human rights violations in Turkey in the initial reception of the film by European and American critics, whereas these issues appear to be important constituents of a particular reception of the film in the West in the present. The thesis explains this shift by pointing to the constitution of a particular discourse on human rights violations in Turkey after 1980, and especially throughout the 1990s, which has become a part of the discursive repertoires of the Western audience. Therefore, the thesis argues that today, Midnight Express functions as a more legitimate political statement about Turkey in the eyes of some Western audiences than it had been in the 1970s. On the other hand, parallel to the increasing desire of Turkey to connect itself to the West, particularly to become a member of the European Union, one observes an immense increase in the belief in and defense against the negative effects of Midnight Express on Turkey's international representation since the 1990s. The historical and current discourses that audiences, both in Turkey and abroad, bring into play suggest that these audiences engage with Midnight Express by assuming or denying not only the subject positions constructed by the film text but also certain history-specific extra-filmic subject positions produced by other social and discursive formations.

Ethnic conflicts and international politics : an analysis of the communal regional, and global dimensions of the Cyprus problem

The thesis assesses the impact of international factors on relations between Greek and Turkish Cypriots during and after the Cold War. Through an analysis of the Cyprus problem it explores both why external actors intervene in communal conflicts and how they influence relations between ethnic groups in plural societies. The analytical framework employed throughout the study draws on contributions of International Relations theorists and students of ethnic conflict. The thesis argues that, as in the global political system, relations between ethnic groups in unranked communal systems are anarchic; that is, actors within the system do not recognize a sovereign political authority. In bipolar communal systems dominated by two relatively equal groups, the struggle for security and power often leads to appeals for assistance from external actors. The framework notes that neighboring states and Great Powers may heed calls for assistance, or intervene without a prior request, if it is in their interest to do so. The convergence of regional and global interests in communal affairs exacerbates ethnic conflicts and precludes the development of effective political institutions. The impact of external intervention in ethnic conflicts has the potential to alter the basis of communal relations. The Cyprus problem is examined both during and after the Cold War in order to gauge how global and regional actors and the structure of their respective systems have affected relations between ethnic groups in Cyprus. The thesis argues that Cyprus's descent into civil war in 1963 was due in part to the entrenchment of external interests in the Republic's constitution. The study also notes that power politics involving the United States, Soviet Union, Greece and Turkey continued to affect the development of communal relations throughout the 1960s, 70s, and, 80s. External intervention culminated in July and August 1974, after a Greek sponsored coup was answered by Turkey's invasion and partition of Cyprus. The forced expulsion of Greek Cypriots from the island's northern territories led to the establishment of ethnically homogeneous zones, thus altering the context of communal relations dramatically. The study also examines the role of the United Nations in Cyprus, noting that its failure to settle the dispute was due in large part to a lack of cooperation from Turkey, and the United States' and Soviet Union's acceptance of the status quo following the 1974 invasion and partition of the island. The thesis argues that the deterioration of Greek-Turkish relations in the post-Cold War era has made a solution to the dispute unlikely for the time being. Barring any dramatic changes in relations between communal and regional antagonists, relations between Greek and Turkish Cypriots will continue to develop along the lines established in July/August 1974. The thesis concludes by affirming the validity of its core hypotheses through a brief survey of recent works touching on international politics and ethnic conflict. Questions requiring further research are noted as are elements of the study that require further refinement.

The law of the sea: the United States, Canada and the deep seabed

The Falkland Islands War of 1982 was fought over competing claims to sovereignty over a group of islands off the east coast of South America. The dispute was between Argentina and the United Kingdom. Argentina claims the islands under rights to Spanish succession, the fact that they lie off the Argentine coast line and that in 1833 Great Britain took the islands illegally and by force. The United Kingdom claims the islands primarily through prescription--the fact that they have governed the islands in a peaceful, continuous and public manner since 1833. The British also hold that the population living on the islands, roughly eighteen hundred British descendants, should be able to decide their own future. The United Kingdom also lays claim to the islands through rights of discovery and settlement, although this claim has always been challenged by Spain who until 1811 governed the islands. Both claims have legal support, and the final decision if there will ever be one is difficult to predict. Sadly today the ultimate test of sovereignty does not come through international law but remains in the idea that "He is sovereign who can defend his sovereignty." The years preceding the Argentine invasion of 1982 witnessed many diplomatic exchanges between The United Kingdom and Argentina over the future of the islands. During this time the British sent signals to Argentina that ii implied a decline in British resolve to hold the islands and demonstrated that military action did more to further the talks along than did actual negotiations. The Argentine military junta read these signals and decided that they could take the islands in a quick military invasion and that the United Kingdom would consider the act as a fait accompli and would not protest the invasion. The British in response to this claimed that they never signaled to Argentina that a military solution was acceptable to them and launched a Royal Navy task force to liberate the islands. Both governments responded to an international crisis with means that were designed both to resolve the international crisis and increase the domestic popularity of the government. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was facing an all-time low in popularity for post-War Prime Ministers while Argentine President General Galtieri needed to gain mass popular support so he could remain a viable President after he was scheduled to lose command of the army and a seat on the military junta that ran the country. The military war for the Falklands is indicative of the nature of modern warfare between Third World countries. It shows that the gap in military capabilities between Third and First World countries is narrowing significantly. Modern warfare between a First and Third World country is no longer a 'walk over' for the First World country.

Message from the President of the United States transmitting documents relative to the execution of the first article of the late treaty between the United States and Great Britain.

"February 7, 1817, ordered to be printed for the use of the Senate." Message addressed to the Senate and dated February 7th, 1817. Consists of the covering letter from the President and a report from the Secretary of State, dated Department of State, February 5th, 1817; which itself consists largely of diplomatic correspondence between the United States and Great Britain Relates to the restitution of captured slaves by the British during the War of 1812-1814.