A agenda da transformação: a grande imprensa e a hegemonia neoliberal no Brasil (o governo Itamar Franco - 1993-1994 - e o refluxo da agenda)

Esta pesquisa analisa a consolidação da hegemonia ultraliberal no Brasil, num período particularmente crítico: o impeachment de Collor e a efetivação de Itamar Franco na presidência entre 1993 e 1994, através da grande imprensa nacional, isto é, os periódicos Folha de S. Paulo, O Estado de S. Paulo, Jornal do Brasil e O Globo, e a revista Veja. Por tratar-se de veículo ideológico, a imprensa possui papel-chave no que tange tanto à formulação quanto à transmissão de uma dada agenda com vistas a obter a hegemonia, no caso ultraliberal. Tais órgãos lutaram decididamente para evitar que houvesse um refluxo na agenda iniciada por Collor tendo em vista as posições desenvolvimentistas do novo presidente. Concretamente, temas como, dentre outros, privatização e abertura/ internacionalização da economia nacional constituíram a nova agenda, em substituição ao modelo intervencionista (desenvolvimentista) vigente entre os anos 30 e os anos 80. Aos que se opuseram a este receituário, seja quanto à forma seja quanto ao conteúdo, foram desqualificados e estigmatizados, demonstrando o papel ideológico e não democrático dos órgãos em foco.

Estratégia, legitimidade e biocombustíveis: uma perspectiva geopolítica

A temática ambiental está cada vez mais presente, não apenas na esfera de governos, organizações internacionais e de grandes corporações, como também em pesquisas e trabalhos acadêmicos na área de Estratégia de negócios. Apesar da histórica negligência a essa temática, a literatura de gestão estratégica vem incorporando crescentemente elementos relacionados ao meio ambiente no âmbito da estratégia. Uma das formas de se obter desempenho condizente com demandas ambientais tem sido protagonizada por meio de investimentos em biocombustíveis, passando a ter implicações práticas nas estratégias de diversas organizações no mundo. O objetivo de pesquisa deste trabalho foi o de investigar por que e como o etanol foi incorporado na estratégia formal de uma organização brasileira historicamente vinculada ao setor petrolífero no Brasil. Partindo de uma perspectiva geopolítica, esta tese argumenta que a dinâmica que envolve a incorporação do etanol na estratégia dessa organização não pode ser compreendida apenas por meio de uma dimensão estritamente econômica. No decorrer da tese, é considerada a pertinência de se levar em conta ou não uma dimensão de poder para compreender o fenômeno investigado. Para a condução da pesquisa, buscou-se para mostrar a importância do conceito de legitimidade na dinâmica das estratégias relacionadas aos biocombustíveis. No decorrer da investigação, a distinção entre Norte e Sul global foi apontada como uma das facetas do processo de incorporação do meio ambiente em estratégias e políticas no nível internacional, na qual perspectivas neoliberais buscam sustentar a centralidade da dimensão econômica, tornando menos visível as assimetrias de poder entre países do Norte e Sul global. As implicações do processo de incorporação do etanol na estratégia da organização estudada também foram analisadas nos níveis organizacional e nacional, na qual foram ressaltados os conflitos de interesses existentes em cada um desses níveis. Conclui-se que a incorporação do etanol está imersa em um contexto caracterizado por disputas geopolíticas, tanto no nível nacional quanto internacional, mostra a pertinência de considerar outras dimensões de análise em investigações na área de Estratégia, como os aspectos relacionados a poder e espaço geográfico.

How the full opening of the capital account to highly liquid financial markets led Latin America to two and a half cycles of ‘mania, panic and crash’

Latin America has recently experienced three cycles of capital inflows, the first two ending in major financial crises. The first took place between 1973 and the 1982 ‘debt-crisis’. The second took place between the 1989 ‘Brady bonds’ agreement (and the beginning of the economic reforms and financial liberalisation that followed) and the Argentinian 2001/2002 crisis, and ended up with four major crises (as well as the 1997 one in East Asia) — Mexico (1994), Brazil (1999), and two in Argentina (1995 and 2001/2). Finally, the third inflow-cycle began in 2003 as soon as international financial markets felt reassured by the surprisingly neo-liberal orientation of President Lula’s government; this cycle intensified in 2004 with the beginning of a (purely speculative) commodity price-boom, and actually strengthened after a brief interlude following the 2008 global financial crash — and at the time of writing (mid-2011) this cycle is still unfolding, although already showing considerable signs of distress. The main aim of this paper is to analyse the financial crises resulting from this second cycle (both in LA and in East Asia) from the perspective of Keynesian/ Minskyian/ Kindlebergian financial economics. I will attempt to show that no matter how diversely these newly financially liberalised Developing Countries tried to deal with the absorption problem created by the subsequent surges of inflow (and they did follow different routes), they invariably ended up in a major crisis. As a result (and despite the insistence of mainstream analysis), these financial crises took place mostly due to factors that were intrinsic (or inherent) to the workings of over-liquid and under-regulated financial markets — and as such, they were both fully deserved and fairly predictable. Furthermore, these crises point not just to major market failures, but to a systemic market failure: evidence suggests that these crises were the spontaneous outcome of actions by utility-maximising agents, freely operating in friendly (‘light-touch’) regulated, over-liquid financial markets. That is, these crises are clear examples that financial markets can be driven by buyers who take little notice of underlying values — i.e., by investors who have incentives to interpret information in a biased fashion in a systematic way. Thus, ‘fat tails’ also occurred because under these circumstances there is a high likelihood of self-made disastrous events. In other words, markets are not always right — indeed, in the case of financial markets they can be seriously wrong as a whole. Also, as the recent collapse of ‘MF Global’ indicates, the capacity of ‘utility-maximising’ agents operating in (excessively) ‘friendly-regulated’ and over-liquid financial market to learn from previous mistakes seems rather limited.

A note on financial regulation and the brazilian response to the 2008‐09 financial crisis

Brazil was frequently criticized for its interventionist and heavy financial regulation up until the 2008‐09 world financial crisis.  According to the neo‐liberal or pro‐market view that predominated in academic and financial circles during the early 2000s, economic development came together with financial deepening, which in its turn could only be achieved through financial liberalization and deregulation. The currency crises of the 1990s notwithstanding, by the mid‐2000s Brazil’s segmented financial market and its restrictive reserve and capital requirements were seen as a symbol of inefficiency and backwardness by most financial specialists.  To the luck of the Brazilian population, most of the advices of such specialists were ignored by the Brazilian authorities, so that, when the 2008 financial crisis hit the world economy, Brazil still had powerful and efficient instruments to deal with the problem.  The objective of this note is to present the mains aspects of the Brazilian financial regulation and how they helped the economy to deal with the consequences of 2008‐09 financial meltdown.

How the full opening of the capital account to highly liquid financial markets led Latin America to two and a half cycles of ‘mania, panic and crash’

Latin America has recently experienced three cycles of capital inflows, the first two ending in major financial crises. The first took place between 1973 and the 1982 ‘debt-crisis’. The second took place between the 1989 ‘Brady bonds’ agreement (and the beginning of the economic reforms and financial liberalisation that followed) and the Argentinian 2001/2002 crisis, and ended up with four major crises (as well as the 1997 one in East Asia) — Mexico (1994), Brazil (1999), and two in Argentina (1995 and 2001/2). Finally, the third inflow-cycle began in 2003 as soon as international financial markets felt reassured by the surprisingly neo-liberal orientation of President Lula’s government; this cycle intensified in 2004 with the beginning of a (purely speculative) commodity price-boom, and actually strengthened after a brief interlude following the 2008 global financial crash — and at the time of writing (mid-2011) this cycle is still unfolding, although already showing considerable signs of distress. The main aim of this paper is to analyse the financial crises resulting from this second cycle (both in LA and in East Asia) from the perspective of Keynesian/ Minskyian/ Kindlebergian financial economics. I will attempt to show that no matter how diversely these newly financially liberalised Developing Countries tried to deal with the absorption problem created by the subsequent surges of inflow (and they did follow different routes), they invariably ended up in a major crisis. As a result (and despite the insistence of mainstream analysis), these financial crises took place mostly due to factors that were intrinsic (or inherent) to the workings of over-liquid and under-regulated financial markets — and as such, they were both fully deserved and fairly predictable. Furthermore, these crises point not just to major market failures, but to a systemic market failure: evidence suggests that these crises were the spontaneous outcome of actions by utility-maximising agents, freely operating in friendly (light-touched) regulated, over-liquid financial markets. That is, these crises are clear examples that financial markets can be driven by buyers who take little notice of underlying values — investors have incentives to interpret information in a biased fashion in a systematic way. ‘Fat tails’ also occurred because under these circumstances there is a high likelihood of self-made disastrous events. In other words, markets are not always right — indeed, in the case of financial markets they can be seriously wrong as a whole. Also, as the recent collapse of ‘MF Global’ indicates, the capacity of ‘utility-maximising’ agents operating in unregulated and over-liquid financial market to learn from previous mistakes seems rather limited.

A proposta do estado empregador de ultima instância e o experimentalismo democrático: uma reflexão teórica sobre a compatibilidade desses dois programas

This paper aims to make a theoretical reflection on the theoretical compatibility between the program State Employer of Last Resort (ELR) and the Democratic experimentalism (ED). The ED arises in political thought as an alternative to neo-liberal and social democratic programs in order to rescue the discussion about the institutional organization of society and the market economy. About the involuntary unemployment, it proposes tax changes incidents on payroll and proposes work fronts to the most vulnerable or poorly trained. The hypothesis of this paper is that this approach is compatible with the ELR program, the post- Keynesian line. The ELR is presented as transgression of the mainstream of economic thought by proposing that the State acts as guarantor of employment, working as a stabilizing anchor for the economy. On the edge, the ELR proposes eliminate completely involuntary unemployment. The implementation of the ELR, however, requires the construction of institutions that aim to remake the market economy, as well as deepen and energize politics and democracy, goals that are part of the ED program. Thus, the ED would, in theory, an environment conducive to innovative policies guarantors of training and occupation of the individual, essential for their emancipation institutional environment. In Brazil, which has serious infrastructure problems and qualification of manpower, such a program has enormous potential benefit. However when transposed to the Northeast of Brazil through the Plan for the region based on the principles of the ED and the hypothetical coupling to the ELR could not confirm or reject the hypothesis sub-compatibility of these two theoretical frameworks. The findings point to a partial convergence between these two programs

As pessoas com deficiência no mercado de trabalho: expressão das desigualdades sociais

This work was developed in the extent of the Post Graduation Program in Social Service of the Federal University of Rio Grande do Norte. It talks about the process of inclusion of the disabled people in the Job market in Mossoró-RN, bringing for the academic debate relevant thematic for the Brazilian society, for the profession of Social Service and similar areas and for the people with deficiency. It has the objective to apprehend the determiners that make possible the process of the disabled people's inclusion in the Job market in Mossoró, having as parameter the National Politics for the Integration of People Bearers of Deficiency. The critical theoretical perspective is backed in Marx's ideas for the understanding concerning the work, as well as in Pochamann, concerning the job market, regarding the exclusion/inclusion category is based in Martins, Yasbek and Sposati and on deficiency in the National Politics for the Integration of the Disabled People. The research is of qualitative nature and it took as subjects 26 (twenty-six) people, being 09 (nine) people with deficiency, inserted in the formal job and regulated market, and 17 (seventeen) managers of private companies and public institutions of the city of Mossoró-RN. For the collection of data we used techniques of nonsystemic observation, semi-structured interview and documental analysis. The results of the research mark that any modality of the human workforce used in the current context, they are functional to the capitalism and they move forward towards exploration, alienation and subordination of the work to the capital; the National Politics for the Integration of the People with Deficiency expresses and reproduces the contradictory dynamics of the class society, it reflects the neo liberal shades through the selectivity and of the articulation among the federated beings and organizations of the civil society for its operational system; there is a misproportion between the percentages of the quotas and the amount of people with deficiency inserted in the job market, just corresponding to a tiny numeric magnitude; the developed activities are of low social status and it is expressive the amount of workers that receives between one and two minimum wages. These data drive us to infer that the mentioned politics make possible, partly, the inclusion of the disabled people in the job market, though, such inclusion is executed in the selective or focused dimensions, marginal, precarious and unstable

Adolescência e violência: um estudo da medida socioeducativa de prestação de serviço a comunidade no município do Natal

This Project was built to reflect about juvenile violence and the socio-educational´s range of community services provision. It is known that the juvenile violence is a phenomenon inserted on the capitalism system, backed on neo liberal project. Though, it is essential a historical analysis, showing the economical, political, social and cultural mechanisms which determine the juvenile violence personality. On this way, it is seek understand the elements that leads on work world changes, on the State and public politics sphere, that deepens social dissimilarities. On this propose, it is known that there is a relation among the violence, while one of many manifestations of social question on society and the macroestructuals´determinant that lead the teenager to a social rick situation. This research focused on a inquiry quail-quantitative, using the theoric-metodological procedures of observation, interview and documental quest techniques. The universe had been defined by the intentional sample of 22 interviewed on total, during August and October 2008, covering adolescents and their relatives, technical and the coordinator, which subsidized the Socio educational program of community services provision from Natal analysis of limits and their range. The results of this investigation indicate the necessity of development, with the teenagers authors of infringement acts, a care system that is grounded on a professional formation, respect on human rights and citizenship conquest, regarding that children and teenagers are designed as people on development, that have theirs rights and integral protection, being the State, society and family responsibility assure the integral development of them

Atlas escolares municipais: a moda e os professores

Neste artigo abordamos o crescimento das pesquisas e da produção de atlas escolares municipais e a relação entre pesquisadores e professores, considerando o atual contexto curricular e a concepção do trabalho docente segundo a racionalidade técnica que caracteriza as reformas educacionais na sociedade neoliberal. em uma análise dos trabalhos apresentados sobre o tema atlas escolares, nos cinco eventos científicos realizados no Brasil sobre cartografia para crianças, notamos que predomina a produção desses materiais por pesquisadores e especialistas, externa ao âmbito do trabalho dos professores.

A questão do desenvolvimento à luz da globalização da economia capitalista

Cet article cherche à dresser, sous la perspective historique, le bilan de la situation des pays périphériques dans les dernières trentes années. Pour cela, il aborde particulièrement les enjeux du développement dans la phase de la globalisation du capital. Ce travail s'appuie surtout sur les études de la vaste bibliographie publiée récemment. Dans quelle mesure la relance du développement concernant plusieurs secteurs stagnés de la périphérie deviendrait-elle une réelle possibilité? Autour de cette question, que nous trouvons centrale dans l'actuelle conjoncture, nous entamons quelques réflexions. Nous envisageons montrer que la stagnation économique à laquelle des nombreux pays non développés font face ne découle pas en partie d'une crise sociale et économique ouverte dans les années soixante-dix et qui s'élargit jusqu'à nos jours malgré les tentatives de restructuration de la société capitaliste. Les stratégies et les mesures politiques à caractère néo-liberal aussi auraient énormément contribué à cette situation étant donné qu'elles ont renforcé les amarres financières qui ont étranglé pour une part les économies périphériques. Outre ces difficultés, ces pays affronteraient les limites écologiques du capitalisme. La relance du développement dans un nouveau stade exigeant la croissance économique, la justice sociale et la préservation de la nature amènerait à une rupture face au capitalisme.

A relação entre modernização neoliberal e práticas políticas atrasadas no Brasil dos anos 1990

Our goal is to investigate the reasons behind the presence of clientelist-type practices among the popular classes in Brazil, highlighting the decade of the 1990s. Our proposal gives salience to factors regarding the phenomenon's socio-political conjuncture, thereby taking us beyond explanations that rely exclusively on historical-cultural aspects or that sustain an economic bias. We use bibliographic and journalistic sources, from which we develop our own interpretation of the period. Thus, we observe that clientelist practices are encouraged to manifest themselves at the level of national political organization particularly within the federal sphere yet are also reflected at state and municipal levels, due to the coalition of political forces created through the implantation of a neoliberal project in Brazil. The latter has joined modern Brazilian social democracy and old regional oligarchies situated primarily within the PFL, PP, PTB and certain sectors of the PMDB, whose representatives are known for their attachment to patrimonialist and paternalistic practices. The inclusion of the latter in the conservative pact that has promoted neo-liberal political reform has thus meant awarding new value to such practices. Herein lies partial explanation for the vigor with which practices such as fisiologismo, apadrinhamento, abuse of state machinery, buying and selling of votes and clientelism have manifested themselves on the national scene over the course of the 1990s.

La reforma educativa en Uruguay (1995-2000): virtudes y problemas de una iniciativa heterodoxa

Incluye Bibliografía

Desarrollo social, reforma del Estado y de la seguridad social, al umbral del siglo XXI

Incluye Bibliografía

Poder político, território e crise ambiental na Colômbia

Political power, territory and environmental crisis in Colombia. We describe some forms of operation of the political power of the Colombian State and their impacts on the territory. The analysis uses some results of a doctoral research that sought to understand the institutional and regulatory foundations and the water management practices in two metropolitan areas of South America, Cali in Colombia, and Campinas in Brazil. The theoretical framework, primarily based on critical thought, starts by making an approach to the concept of power and then links it with the concepts of territory and governance. We present empirical evidence on how the political power of the Colombian State operates on the environmental institutional structure. We concluded that the authoritarian interference of the executive power has generated crisis on the institutional framework and facilitated the advancement of the neo-liberal capitalist model.