965 resultados para humanitarian aid


Relevância:

60.00% 60.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Relevância:

60.00% 60.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Under President Ronald Reagan, the White House pursued a complex foreign policy towards the Contras, rebels in trying to overthrow the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua, in Nicaragua. In 1979, the leftist Sandinista government seized power in Nicaragua. The loss of the previous pro-United States Somoza military dictatorship deeply troubled the conservatives, for whom eradication of communism internationally was a top foreign policy goal. Consequently, the Reagan Administration sought to redress the policy of his predecessor, Jimmy Carter, and assume a hard line stance against leftist regimes in Central America. Reagan and the conservatives within his administration, therefore, supported the Contra through military arms, humanitarian aid, and financial contributions. This intervention in Nicaragua, however, failed to garner popular support from American citizens and Democrats. Consequently, between 1982 and 1984 Congress prohibited further funding to the Contras in a series of legislation called the Boland Amendments. These Amendments barred any military aid from reaching the Contras, including through intelligence agencies. Shortly after their passage, Central Intelligence Agency Director William Casey and influential members of Reagan¿s National Security Council (NSC) including National Security Advisor Robert McFarlane, NSC Aide Oliver North, and Deputy National Security Advisor John Poindexter cooperated to identify and exploit loopholes in the legislation. By recognizing the NSC as a non-intelligence body, these masterminds orchestrated a scheme in which third parties, including foreign countries and private donors, contributed both financially and through arms donations to sustain the Contras independently of Congressional oversight. This thesis explores the mechanism and process of soliciting donations from private individuals, recognizing the forces and actors that created a situation for covert action to continue without detection. Oliver North, the main actor of the state, worked within his role as an NSC bureaucrat to network with influential politicians and private individuals to execute the orders of his superiors and shape foreign policy. Although Reagan articulated his desire for the Contras to remain a military presence in Nicaragua, he delegated the details of policy to his subordinates, which allowed this scheme to flourish. Second, this thesis explores the individual donors, analyzing their role as private citizens in sustaining and encouraging the policy of the Reagan Administration. The Contra movement found non-state support from followers of the New Right, demonstrated through financial and organizational assistance, that allowed the Reagan Administration¿s statistically unpopular policy in Nicaragua to continue. I interpret these donors as politically involved, but politically philanthropic, individuals, donating to their charity of choice to further the principles of American freedom internationally in a Cold War environment. The thesis then proceeds to assess the balance of power between the executive and other political actors in shaping policy, concluding that the executive cannot act alone in the formulation and implementation of foreign policy.

Relevância:

60.00% 60.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

En los manuales españoles de 1ro de Bachillerato, los pueblos indígenas quedan relegados a lugares marginales en la enseñanza de la Historia, no se presentan o se ocultan los procesos de usurpación territorial y agresión sufridos a manos principalmente de los occidentales. Tanto los libros como los alumnos aceptan además la arcaica doctrina de la terra nullius, despreocupándose por los derechos de propiedad de las sociedades más débiles. El alumnado no se interesa en general por los pueblos indígenas excepto como curiosidades, fuentes de ridículo o víctimas, aunque simultáneamente maneja una visión romantizada como pueblos felices y pacíficos a los que hay que conservar, defendiendo la ayuda humanitaria y el respeto a las otras culturas. Desconoce mayoritariamente la historia precolonial y especialmente aquella de las sociedades no industrializadas y conceptos básicos de antropología, estando más interesado por las grandes potencias y la historia nacional. El desinterés consiguió evitarse mediante material audiovisual emotivo, visualmente impactante y crítico con consumidores que la ignoraban. Los resultados incitan a un replanteamiento de la didáctica de las ciencias sociales que la libere de prejuicios etnocéntricos a través de paradigmas como el de la world history, y del recurso a actividades centradas en las necesidades e intereses del alumnado

Relevância:

60.00% 60.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

En los manuales españoles de 1ro de Bachillerato, los pueblos indígenas quedan relegados a lugares marginales en la enseñanza de la Historia, no se presentan o se ocultan los procesos de usurpación territorial y agresión sufridos a manos principalmente de los occidentales. Tanto los libros como los alumnos aceptan además la arcaica doctrina de la terra nullius, despreocupándose por los derechos de propiedad de las sociedades más débiles. El alumnado no se interesa en general por los pueblos indígenas excepto como curiosidades, fuentes de ridículo o víctimas, aunque simultáneamente maneja una visión romantizada como pueblos felices y pacíficos a los que hay que conservar, defendiendo la ayuda humanitaria y el respeto a las otras culturas. Desconoce mayoritariamente la historia precolonial y especialmente aquella de las sociedades no industrializadas y conceptos básicos de antropología, estando más interesado por las grandes potencias y la historia nacional. El desinterés consiguió evitarse mediante material audiovisual emotivo, visualmente impactante y crítico con consumidores que la ignoraban. Los resultados incitan a un replanteamiento de la didáctica de las ciencias sociales que la libere de prejuicios etnocéntricos a través de paradigmas como el de la world history, y del recurso a actividades centradas en las necesidades e intereses del alumnado

Relevância:

60.00% 60.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

En los manuales españoles de 1ro de Bachillerato, los pueblos indígenas quedan relegados a lugares marginales en la enseñanza de la Historia, no se presentan o se ocultan los procesos de usurpación territorial y agresión sufridos a manos principalmente de los occidentales. Tanto los libros como los alumnos aceptan además la arcaica doctrina de la terra nullius, despreocupándose por los derechos de propiedad de las sociedades más débiles. El alumnado no se interesa en general por los pueblos indígenas excepto como curiosidades, fuentes de ridículo o víctimas, aunque simultáneamente maneja una visión romantizada como pueblos felices y pacíficos a los que hay que conservar, defendiendo la ayuda humanitaria y el respeto a las otras culturas. Desconoce mayoritariamente la historia precolonial y especialmente aquella de las sociedades no industrializadas y conceptos básicos de antropología, estando más interesado por las grandes potencias y la historia nacional. El desinterés consiguió evitarse mediante material audiovisual emotivo, visualmente impactante y crítico con consumidores que la ignoraban. Los resultados incitan a un replanteamiento de la didáctica de las ciencias sociales que la libere de prejuicios etnocéntricos a través de paradigmas como el de la world history, y del recurso a actividades centradas en las necesidades e intereses del alumnado

Relevância:

60.00% 60.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Resumen Ushahidi es el programa africano de mayor difusión mundial, que permite mapear información vital, desde el punto de vista social, en zonas de catástrofe o de conflicto. Originalmente concebida para reunir las múltiples denuncias de fraude en relación a las elecciones kenianas, ha sido utilizada posteriormente en todo el mundo en centenares de situaciones diversas, generalmente relacionadas con situaciones de amenazas, crisis, ayuda humanitaria, etc. Este artículo presenta el fenómeno Ushahidi y sus aplicaciones, a fin de entender su alcance y sus posibles repercusiones. También se introducen temas de gran interés para el desarrollo humano como el Crowdsourcing, la GeoWeb, la Neogeografía y la Información Geográfica Voluntaria, dada su estrecha relación con el objeto del trabajo. Abstract Ushahidi is the African program of global outreach greater, which allows to map vital information from the social point of view, in areas of disaster or conflict. Originally designed to meet the multiple allegations of fraud in relation to the Kenyan elections, has since been used worldwide in hundreds of different situations, usually related to situations of threat, crisis, humanitarian aid, etc. This paper presents the Ushahidi phenomenon and its applications, in order to understand its scope and possible implications. Topics of great interest to human development, as Crowdsourcing, the GeoWeb, the Neogeography and Volunteered Geographic Information, given its close relationship with the object of labor are also introduced.

Relevância:

60.00% 60.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

German Tornado Recce aircraft have been engaged in reconnaissance operations over Syria since January 2016. In December 2015 the German government and parliament decided that up to 1,200 Bundeswehr soldiers would take part in the international coalition fighting Islamic State in Syria. This decision marks a new chapter in Germany’s activity in the Middle East. The increasing destabilisation of the southern neighbourhood and the consequences this has for the EU and Germany have forced the German government to increase its level of engagement in the region. Even though Germany is a third-rate player in the Middle Eastern game, it is nonetheless ever more engaged politically and wants to be viewed as a neutral mediator between the competing actors in the region. It has also allocated more funds on regional development co-operation and humanitarian aid. Germany, whose attention has been directed towards Europe’s eastern neighbourhood, is currently turning its attention to the South. The Middle East (and Africa) is taking on increasing significance in German foreign and security policy. This may affect NATO’s eastern flank and the EU’s eastern neighbourhood since part of Germany’s instruments and funds may be redirected to the South.

Relevância:

60.00% 60.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

This paper analyses the EU budgetary responses to the ‘refugee crisis’ in Europe. The European Commission has proposed several changes to the EU budget as well as the establishment of new funding instruments. The paper explores what the announced funding consists of, what role it plays in policy-making and what issues it generates. Throughout these budgetary responses the search for flexibility has been dominant, motivated by the need to respond more swiftly to humanitarian and operational needs. In addition, the paper argues that beyond implementation or management, the role of funding is also symbolic and communicative. In light of limited competences that are difficult to exercise, funding represents a powerful tool enabling the Commission to shape policy-making in times of crisis. At the same time, the dominant search for flexibility also challenges established funding rules and procedures. It has furthermore led to reduced space for democratic scrutiny by the European Parliament. More profoundly, EU funding for cooperation with third countries to prevent the inflow of refugees and asylum seekers has monetised questions over the responsibility for these individuals. As the EU–Turkey agreement shows, this has created a self-imposed dependence on third countries, with the risk of potentially insatiable demands for EU funding. This paper questions the proportionality and rule of law compliance of allocating funding for the implementation of this agreement. Moreover, it proposes that the Commission take steps to practically safeguard the humanitarian aid principles in the management structures of the new funding instruments, and it stresses the need for more scrutiny of the reconfigured funding landscape by the European Parliament and the European Court of Auditors.

Relevância:

60.00% 60.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

A snapshot of two Tuareg-dominated 'communes rurales' in the pastoral-agricultural transition zones of Maradi and Tahoua regions, Central Niger, shows that, despite the openly shared 'inevitable natural hazard' drought discourse, risk-taking action in response to drought-related dangers is sharply polarized according to social position. On the one hand the dominant Tuareg minority perceive drought not only as danger for their herds but also as opportunity to increase their political following through the channelling of drought relief benefits to their supporters. On the other hand, the majority of commune households, living on the brink of economic viability, cultivate social links with the dominant families in order to secure access to water, land and humanitarian aid; and household members are forced into more and more frequent and distant out-migration. Certain leaders, well-informed about national land policy and practice, focus their efforts for a better future on the consolidation of community land rights through the promotion of certain sedentarization and land privatization initiatives; however the resulting increased land pressure in key locations may unwittingly expose inhabitants to even worse drought-linked crises in the future. Bibliogr., notes, sum. in English and French

Relevância:

60.00% 60.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Large scale disasters, such as the one caused by the Typhoon Haiyan, which devastated portions of the Philippines in 2013, or the catastrophic 2010 Haiti earthquake, which caused major damage in Port-au-Prince and other settlements in the region, have massive and lasting effects on populations. Nowadays, disasters can be considered as a consequence of inappropriately managed risk. These risks are the product of hazards and vulnerability, which refers to the extent to which a community can be affected by the impact of a hazard. In this way, developing countries, due to their greater vulnerability, suffer the highest costs when a disaster occurs. Disaster relief is a challenge for politics, economies, and societies worldwide. Humanitarian organizations face multiple decision problems when responding to disasters. In particular, once a disaster strikes, the distribution of humanitarian aid to the population affected is one of the most fundamental operations in what is called humanitarian logistics. This term is defined as the process of planning, implementing and controlling the effcient, cost-effective ow and storage of goods and materials as well as related information, from the point of origin to the point of consumption, for the purpose of meeting the end bene- ciaries' requirements and alleviate the suffering of vulnerable people, [the Humanitarian Logistics Conference, 2004 (Fritz Institute)]. During the last decade there has been an increasing interest in the OR/MS community in studying this topic, pointing out the similarities and differences between humanitarian and business logistics, and developing models suited to handle the special characteristics of these problems. Several authors have pointed out that traditional logistic objectives, such as minimizing operation cost, are not the most relevant goals in humanitarian operations. Other factors, such as the time of operation, or the design of safe and equitable distribution plans, come to the front, and new models and algorithms are needed to cope with these special features. Up to six attributes related to the distribution plan are considered in our multi-criteria approach. Even though there are usually simple ways to measure the cost of an operation, the evaluation of some other attributes such as security or equity is not easy. As a result, several attribute measures are proposed and developed, focusing on different aspects of the solutions. Furthermore, when metaheuristic solution methods are used, considering non linear objective functions does not increase the complexity of the algorithms significantly, and thus more accurate measures can be utilized...

Relevância:

60.00% 60.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Since the end of the Cold War, recurring civil conflicts have been the dominant form of violent armed conflict in the world, accounting for 70% of conflicts active between 2000-2013. Duration and intensity of episodes within recurring conflicts in Africa exhibit four behaviors characteristic of archetypal dynamic system structures. The overarching questions asked in this study are whether these patterns are robustly correlated with fundamental concepts of resiliency in dynamic systems that scale from micro-to macro levels; are they consistent with theoretical risk factors and causal mechanisms; and what are the policy implications. Econometric analysis and dynamic systems modeling of 36 conflicts in Africa between 1989 -2014 are combined with process tracing in a case study of Somalia to evaluate correlations between state characteristics, peace operations and foreign aid on the likelihood of observed conflict patterns, test hypothesized causal mechanisms across scales, and develop policy recommendations for increasing human security while decreasing resiliency of belligerents. Findings are that observed conflict patterns scale from micro to macro levels; are strongly correlated with state characteristics that proxy a mix of cooperative (e.g., gender equality) and coercive (e.g., security forces) conflict-balancing mechanisms; and are weakly correlated with UN and regional peace operations and humanitarian aid. Interactions between peace operations and aid interventions that effect conflict persistence at micro levels are not seen in macro level analysis, due to interdependent, micro-level feedback mechanisms, sequencing, and lagged effects. This study finds that the dynamic system structures associated with observed conflict patterns contain tipping points between balancing mechanisms at the interface of micro-macro level interactions that are determined as much by factors related to how intervention policies are designed and implemented, as what they are. Policy implications are that reducing risk of conflict persistence requires that peace operations and aid interventions (1) simultaneously increase transparency, promote inclusivity (with emphasis on gender equality), and empower local civilian involvement in accountability measures at the local levels; (2) build bridges to horizontally and vertically integrate across levels; and (3) pave pathways towards conflict transformation mechanisms and justice that scale from the individual, to community, regional, and national levels.

Relevância:

60.00% 60.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Actualmente la relación que existe entre la logística humanitaria y la seguridad agroalimentaria es muy estrecha, estos dos conceptos constituyen un elemento sumamente importante en situaciones que se presentan hoy en día a nivel mundial, como por ejemplo en los diferentes tipos de desastres naturales como terremotos, tsunamis, sequías, hambrunas, entre otros, o simplemente, en zonas de alta pobreza. La logística humanitaria es hoy en día un concepto novedoso que nace de la necesidad de poder suministrar los recursos adecuados en zonas que han sido afectadas por desastres naturales, o situaciones de orden público, como por ejemplo los conflictos armados. Estos recursos deben asegurarle a la población afectada que puedan mantener a lo largo de un tiempo sus necesidades básicas, y así mismo, que estos recursos aseguren a la población afectada que puedan tener una vida digna y segura, lo que conlleva entre otras cosas, tener una seguridad agroalimentaria. A medida que se presentan diferentes escenarios de desastres naturales, la ayuda humanitaria a nivel mundial es necesaria, y el tiempo de respuesta juega un papel sumamente importante. En consecuencia, esta investigación presenta un enfoque que involucra los conceptos de logística humanitaria y de seguridad agroalimentaria, con el fin de contextualizar su evolución y los estudios que se llevan a cabo hoy en día.

Relevância:

60.00% 60.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

La Agencia Española de Cooperación Internacional para el desarrollo (AECID) es un agente estatal que se encarga de desarrollar estrategias, comprendidas en sectores de cooperación como: la construcción de paz, crecimiento económico, desarrollo de género y gobernabilidad, con el objetivo de restablecer los derechos humanos en comunidades vulnerables víctimas del conflicto armado. En el caso de Colombia, este tipo de cooperación se da en el departamento del Chocó, a través de estrategias que emplean la ayuda humanitaria en busca de restablecer los derechos fundamentales de las comunidades tras el conflicto armado interno establecido en esta parte del país. En tal contexto, este estudio de caso pretende determinar si la AECID, a través de diferentes proyectos, logra restablecer los derechos humanos de los individuos del Chocó, además de analizar cómo la función de este agente estatal presenta un acercamiento entre el Estado colombiano y la población, teniendo en cuenta que la función de este ha sido casi nula.

Relevância:

60.00% 60.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Con el fin de la Segunda Guerra Mundial y el escenario que planteaba la Guerra Fría, la manera de entender y explicar la seguridad en la comunidad internacional se amplió, y pasó de ser concebida únicamente en términos políticos y militares, a incluir aspectos como el medio ambiente, la economía y la sociedad. Por esta razón el concepto de seguridad se complejizó dando paso a la construcción de distintas definiciones y debates alrededor de la ampliación de la agenda de seguridad y los temas que en ella se debían tratar. Así pues el fin principal del presente trabajo es el análisis de un fenómeno socialmente relevante en el marco de las relaciones internacionales como lo es la configuración de seguridad, a partir de intervenciones de terceros actores que involucran poblaciones afectadas como en el caso somalí, la cual enfrentó una situación de crisis como producto de la emergencia de seguridad que se produce en el año 1991 con la expulsión de Siad Barre del poder. Su importancia radica en la reivindicación de la trascendencia tanto de los derechos humanos, como de la relevancia del papel de las organizaciones internacionales y de los Estados más poderosos del Sistema Internacional, en la protección de esos derechos y de las comunidades vulnerables que conforman dicho sistema.