902 resultados para Social reproduction strategy
Resumo:
In project management today, sustainability considerations are becoming increasingly necessary as an inclusion into project discovery, design and delivery phase methodologies. However, sustainability cannot always be tacked on to traditional project management approaches and still achieve the best project outcomes. Throw in the particular considerations for a culturally specific project, as for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, and the traditional project management approach is at risk of not meeting the needs of stakeholders or their engagement. In this presentation, we will briefly demonstrate how from beginning with sustainability considerations and integrating both project management principles and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander va lu es that QUT's Oodgeroo Unit is actioning a 'means to ends' integration approach for stakeholder engagement in two national Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander projects. The iterative discovery and design of the federally Higher Education Participation and Partnerships Program (HEPPP) funded Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Higher Education Social Marketing Strategy (Strategy) and the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Higher Education Portal (Portal) projects is being informed through a 'means' to 'ends' user- and design -led project management approach for inclusivity, visioning, and participation informing these projects for susta inable national deliverables. This approach draws upon the integration of Sustain ability Development Pillars and Project Management Pillars with the contextual lens of our proposed Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Pillars as the underpinning methodology of the Strategy and Portal Project's Communication and Collaboration Plan and approach with stakeholders. These th ree Pillars are integrated further through participatory consideration and inclu sion of comparative models: Daly's Sustainability Triangle, Walker's Object Design, Maslow's Hierarchy of Human Needs, Olsen's Four Layers of Communication,Project Management In stitute's (PMI's) Integrated Framework for Organisational Project Management, with the Aborig inal and Torres Strait Islander six core research ethics values. This presentation invites participants to join us in envisioning the 'ultimate means' of Environment, Del ivery and Sovereignty, through Economy, Design and Self-determination to the 'ultimate ends' of Social, Discove ry and Cultural Safety principles through stakeholder engagement.
Resumo:
This study examines the transformation of the society of estates in the Finnish Grand Duchy through the case study of Senator Lennart Gripenberg and his family circle. While national borders and state structures changed, the connections between old ruling elite families remained intact as invisible family networks, ownership relations, economic collaboration and power of military families. These were the cornerstones of trust, which helped to strengthen positions gained in society. Also, these connections often had a central if unperceivable impact on social development and modernization. Broadly speaking, the intergenerational social reproduction made it possible for this network of connections to remain in power and, as an imperceptible factor, also influenced short-term developments in the long run. Decisions which in the short term appeared unproductive, would in the long run produce cumulative immaterial and material capital across generations as long-term investments. Social mobility, then, is a process which clearly takes several generations to become manifest. The study explores long-term strategies of reproducing and transferring the capital accumulated in multinational elite networks. Also, what was the relationship of these strategies to social change? For the representatives of the military estate the nobility and for those men of the highest estates who had benefited from military training, this very education of a technical-military nature was the key to steering, controlling and dealing with the challenges following the industrial breakthrough. The disintegration of the society of estates and the rising educational standards also increased the influence of those professionals previously excluded, which served to intensify competition for positions of power. The family connections highlighted in this study overlapped in many ways, working side by side and in tandem to manage the economic and political life in Finland, Russia and Sweden. The analysis of these ties has opened up a new angle to economic co-operation, for example, as seen in the position of such family networks not only in Finnish, but also Swedish and Russian corporations and in the long historical background of the collaboration. This also highlights in a new way the role of women in transferring the cumulative social capital and as silent business partners. The marriage strategies evident in business life clearly had an impact on the economic life. The collaborative networks which transcended generations, national boundaries and structures also uncover, as far as the elites are concerned, serious problems in comparative studies conducted from purely national premises. As the same influential families and persons in effect held several leading positions in society, the line would blur between public and invisible uses of power. The power networks thus aimed to build monopolies to secure their key positions at the helm. This study therefore examines the roles of Lennart Gripenberg senator, business executive, superintendent of the Department of Industry, factory inspector, and founding member of industrial interest groups as part of the reproduction strategies of the elite. The family and other networks of the powerful leaders of society, distinguished by social, economic and cultural capital, provided a solid backdrop for the so-called old elites in their quest for strategies to reproducing power in a changing world. Crucially, it was easier for the elites to gain expertise to steer the modernization process and thereby secure for the next generation a leading position in society, something that they traditionally, too, had had the greatest interest in.
Resumo:
Is the early childhood day care facility possible? The research considering communal development of the early education. In Finland mothers and fathers look after 400 000 pre-school children. Half of these attend day care facilities, in which 50 000 staff are employed. The aim of this research is to develop co-operation practices within the day care centre. This research refines and expands my own interest in and knowledge of day care management and content development. The basis of the research draws upon ethnographic material covering the period 1999–2005. The day care centre chosen as a central informant was the first suburban centre founded in 1963, and it provided a rich local and welfare state research perspective. It became clear that the day care facility’s co-operation practices formed the basis of bringing up children and at the same time produced a new multi-operational and multi-layered community for child participation. Adult day care centre workers bringing up the children as a professional work and solutions defining the conditions for the work are expressed in a child’s upbringing. This obviously has an impact in where as the development of communities. From the human and community scientific point of view, the group of youngest children will take up a future position as key players in communities as essential actors and reformers. The research was carried out as multiphase and multiscientific practical research and iterative data formation. The results verified that the co-operation between parents and day care staff produces important benefits for all the stakeholders. However, the day care staff has difficulties in implementing the benefits. During the research process, it became clear that conceptually day care staff saw the practices as ”very important, but not easily realised in practice”. As a result this demanded further research to address this issue and to extend this to the carefacility’s co-operation practises and their communal and social conditions. The research looks at the carefacility’s co-operation with key stakeholders. At the same time it undertakes an analytical and historical examination of carefacilitys’s with an experimental focus as two day care centres chosen as experimental objects. The results of the research showed that the benefits gained by children were determined by the day care centre’s socio-political structure and the parent’s resources. The research framework categorised early childhood education as generational and gender based structures. As part of the research, the strains endemic to these formations have been examined. The system for bringing up children was created as part of a so called welfare state project by implemented by the Day Care Act in year 1973. The law secured the subjective right for every pre-school child to have access to day care facilities. The law also introduced a labour and sosiopolitical phase and the refinement of the day care facility’s education-care concept. The latest phase that started during the early 1990´s was called the market-based social services strategy. As a result of this phase, state support was limited and the screening function of the law was relaxed. This new strategy resulted in a divisive and bureaucratic social welfare system, that individualised and segregated children and their parents, leaving some families outside the communal and welfare state benefit net. The modern day care centre is a hybrid of different aims. Children spend longer and more irregular time in day care. The families are multicultural and that requires more training for the staff. The work in day care has been enhanced, for example he level of education for the staff has been lowered and productivity has been improved. However, administrative work and different kinds of support and net work functions together with the continuous change have taken over from the work done face to face with children. Staff experiences more pressure as the management and the work load has increased. Consequently the long-term planning and daily implementation of the nuclear task of the day care facility is difficult to control. This will have an effect on both motivation and manageability of the work. Overall quality of the early childhood upbringing has been weakened. The possibilities for the near future were tested in the two day care centres chosen as an experi-ment objects. The analysis of these experiments showed that generative interaction work will benefit everyone: children, parents and employees. The main results of the research are new concepts of an early support day care centre, which can be empirically and theoretically possi-ble for development the near future. Key words: Day care facility’s co-operation practises, early childhood education as generational structure, child’s multi-operational and multi-layered community, multi-subjective operator, generative interaction work, communal composition.
Reprodução e biopolítica: infertilidades e práticas de saúde em um serviço público no Rio de Janeiro
Resumo:
Apesar de a reprodução assistida possibilitar transformações importantes na parentalidade e nas relações familiares, suas tecnologias têm sido mais frequentemente usadas para reiterar o modelo tradicional de reprodução biológica e social. Este estudo qualitativo, de cunho exploratório, analisou quais normas estariam presentes nas práticas de saúde relativas à dificuldade de engravidar e o que poderia ser revelado a partir destas práticas. Foram observadas interações entre profissionais e pacientes atendidos em um serviço público de reprodução humana no Rio de Janeiro. A discussão dos diagnósticos de infertilidade e de risco, duas importantes estratégias biopolíticas usadas como critério de elegibilidade para o acesso às novas tecnologias reprodutivas, revelou como algumas práticas de saúde reiteram normas de gênero e de reprodução social. Atrelados à condição socioeconômica de seus usuários, estes diagnósticos tendem a agravar exclusões e desigualdades no exercício dos direitos reprodutivos no país. A análise da atenção médica possibilitou conhecer em parte o difícil cotidiano não apenas de homens e mulheres, que por anos persistem em seus desejos por filhos, mas também de profissionais que enfrentam antigas barreiras políticas, econômicas e burocráticas do serviço público de saúde. Este estudo corrobora a visão de que o serviço representa um avanço em termos de direitos sexuais e reprodutivos, apesar de ainda ser longo o caminho para o acesso igualitário e equânime às tecnologias reprodutivas pelo sistema único de saúde brasileiro (SUS).
Resumo:
A formação da consciência na sociedade capitalista é atravessada por relações de alienação e pela ideologia dominante que dificultam o desenvolvimento da consciência revolucionária, desenvolvida na militância coletiva voltada para a transformação social. Na particularidade das mulheres, esse processo é mais difícil por estarem envolvidas em relações patriarcais de dominação, apropriação e exploração advindas, fundamentalmente, da divisão sexual do trabalho que, associadas a uma ideologia de uma suposta natureza feminina, as constitui como submissas, subservientes, passivas e apolíticas. Por isso, partimos da pergunta: como ocorre o processo de formação da consciência militante feminista em uma sociedade patriarcal e capitalista? O sentido geral desta tese é compreender a formação da consciência militante feminista e seus principais desdobramentos na luta de classes no Governo Lula. A delimitação do estudo no Governo Lula é motivada pela necessidade de compreensão do feminismo na contemporaneidade, mas, também, pela inquietação de analisar a capacidade de envolvimento político desse governo no campo dos movimentos feministas. A apreensão da lógica transformista que preside esse governo é fundamental para análise das lutas feministas, pois, se por um lado o Brasil presenciou a institucionalização de políticas sociais para as mulheres; por outro, muitos entraves ocorreram para a efetivação das mesmas, desde a falta de orçamento até a dificuldade da incorporação de uma perspectiva verdadeiramente feminista por parte do projeto de governo petista. A tese busca apreender a consciência militante feminista e a sua relação com a luta de classes no governo Lula, em uma perspectiva de totalidade, com o esforço de ir além da sua aparência fenomênica, mas, no seio das relações sociais de classe, raça e sexo inseridas na dinâmica dos projetos societários em disputa: o patriarcal-capitalista e o feminista-socialista. Realizamos uma pesquisa bibliográfica, documental e de campo. Essa última foi desenvolvida por meio de entrevistas com 7 militantes orgânicas de cada um dos seguintes movimentos feministas: Articulação de Mulheres Brasileiras; Marcha Mundial de Mulheres e o Movimento de Mulheres Camponesas. Totalizamos, portanto, 21 entrevistas que articuladas à pesquisa documental de materiais produzidos por esses movimentos, bem como com a base teórica adquirida na pesquisa bibliográfica, obtivemos como principais conclusões: 1. O processo de formação da consciência militante feminista envolve como elementos indispensáveis às mulheres: (a) a apropriação de si e a ruptura com a naturalização do sexo; (b) o sair de casa; (c) a identificação na outra da sua condição de mulher; (d) a importância do grupo e da militância política em um movimento social; (e) a formação política associada às lutas concretas de reivindicação e de enfrentamento; 2. O feminismo contribui com a radicalização da democracia e com o tensionamento das relações de hierarquia presentes, inclusive, no interior de organizações de esquerda; 3. As políticas públicas para as mulheres no governo Lula, não corresponderam a uma perspectiva feminista, pois, não romperam com a responsabilização da mulher pela reprodução social antroponômica, tendo em vista o caráter familista das mesmas; 4. A autonomia política e financeira é o principal desafio para os movimentos feministas no Brasil.
Resumo:
A presente pesquisa se propõe a analisar a relação entre a escola e a família na experiência de trabalho do Programa Interdisciplinar de Apoio às Escolas Proinape no município do Rio de Janeiro. A partir de uma abordagem teórica sobre as duas instituições entendidas como fundamentais no processo de socialização dos sujeitos e de como que as relações entre o Estado e a sociedade civil se materializam na esfera da reprodução social na atualidade, este estudo objetiva apresentar as estratégias da nova pedagogia da hegemonia na obtenção do consenso social. Apresenta a educação sob o contexto da hegemonia do capital financeiro e a função educativa do Estado e o papel dos intelectuais na difusão da nova pedagogia da hegemonia vinculada aos interesses da burguesia internacional, sob a gerência direta dos organismos multilaterais. Analisa as formas de intervenção do Estado sobre a família pobre da classe trabalhadora, as dimensões históricas dessa relação, os novos arranjos familiares, a relação entre o Estado e a família na constituição do Pluralismo de bem-estar e do familismo e a diminuição da capacidade protetora das famílias em tempos de reestruturação produtiva. Dá destaque as particularidades da política de educação no Brasil frente às novas exigências do capital monopolista e os reflexos dos programas de ação federais e da gestão privada da política educacional no município do Rio de Janeiro na gestão do prefeito Eduardo Paes. Através do levantamento de dados, da análise documental e dos relatórios de avaliação final das equipes do Proinape da 4 Coordenadoria Regional de Educação expõe as bases legais e os programas sociais que sustentam a ação do Estado junto às famílias pobres da classe trabalhadora na área de educação, assim como as ações da Secretaria Municipal de Educação do Rio de Janeiro junto às famílias com a ênfase no disciplinamento para a elevação dos indicadores educacionais.
Resumo:
A presente dissertação se insere no campo de estudo sobre o trabalho informal, tendo como universo empírico de investigação a experiência de trabalho dos trabalhadores ambulantes integrantes do Programa Renda Alternativa, em Rio das Ostras/RJ. Portanto, a pesquisa foi desdobrada em três dimensões: 1) levantamento e estudo bibliográfico; 2) levantamento de dados sobre a formação sócio-histórica da cidade de Rio das Ostras; e, 3) trabalho de campo com ambulantes. Por meio desses dispositivos, a pesquisa buscou compreender os laços entre informalidade do trabalho e dinâmica capitalista, por meio da tradição de estudos das Ciências Sociais nessa área. Seguidamente, a pesquisa se ocupou do estudo de outras investigações sobre trabalho ambulante visando conhecer e ampliar o escopo de análise das peculiaridades desse tipo de trabalho no contexto de reprodução social da chamada superpopulação relativa. Esse universo de questões teóricas, analíticas e empíricas foi confrontado com as especificidades do contexto socioeconômico da cidade de Rio das Ostras, recentemente recomposta como um dos elos da cadeia produtiva do petróleo. Outro eixo da investigação de campo foi conhecer o trabalho, o que foi realizado por meio de entrevistas semi-estruturadas com os trabalhadores ambulantes do município, buscando perceber a relação do trabalhador com o trabalho ao longo de sua vida, as marcas das conjunturas socioeconômicas nas trajetórias e o papel da família e do associativismo na ocupação ambulante. Os achados da pesquisa mostram que o trabalho ambulante acomete gerações de trabalhadores como consequência do desenvolvimento desigual e dependente do capitalismo que limita a oferta de emprego. Somado a isso temos os processos de transformações socioeconômicas das últimas décadas que intensificam as formas de precarização do trabalho potencializando a chamada informalidade do trabalho. Esse processo se intensifica na região em estudo através dos impactos trazidos pelo intenso incremento das indústrias de petróleo e gás que não absorvem a força de trabalho disponível no local e atraída, engendrando uma densa superpopulação relativa para o capital, no município. A experiência de trabalho dos ambulantes que participaram da pesquisa mostra que a mesma é entrecortada por formas laborativas variadas, baixa qualificação profissional, além de dependência dos familiares, de ações públicas do Estado e do associativismo. A expropriação do direito ao emprego empurra os trabalhadores para experiências laborativas inseguras, incertas e sem proteção social. A repetição dessa história entre familiares amplia a percepção da perenidade da expropriação social entre gerações de trabalhadores.
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Essa dissertação de mestrado apresenta um estudo com os trabalhadores demitidos de uma Empresa Pública, na década de 1990, por força da implementação de medidas neoliberais no Brasil. Apesar dos inúmeros impactos gerados a esses trabalhadores, após esta decisão do Estado, a proposta é analisar os impactos objetivos, sofridos pelos trabalhadores, originários da perda repentina de um contrato de trabalho formal e consequentemente, da perda de salários diretos, de salários indiretos, com a ausência de políticas sociais corporativas, e de direitos garantidos enquanto trabalhadores protegidos. As estratégias de sobrevivência adotadas por estes trabalhadores foram as mais variadas, porém, a grande maioria teve o trabalho por conta própria como a principal alternativa de reprodução social, saindo completamente do ramo de produção em que trabalhavam. Insatisfeitos com a demissão, esse grupo de trabalhadores lutou para retornar ao quadro de empregados da Corporação. Após cerca de uma década e meia, os trabalhadores conquistaram o direito de retornar e ser admitido pela Empresa V, uma das que compõem a Corporação, tendo em vista a extinção daquelas a que pertenciam. Com essa decisão, os trabalhadores e suas famílias estavam novamente assegurados pelas políticas corporativas e com novas possibilidades. No entanto, a adequação aos novos requisitos da Empresa V, fez com que alguns indivíduos não atendessem ao novo perfil de trabalhador exigido pela instituição e pelo mercado de trabalho, devido à idade e ao tipo de qualificação. Assim, ao mesmo tempo em que o retorno lhes trouxe novas possibilidades, com o acesso a um salário mensal e políticas empresariais de qualidade, por outro lado, também trouxe grandes desafios para alguns trabalhadores, devido a sua dificuldade de inserção nos processos de trabalho e nas normas da empresa. Conclui-se então, que o retorno à Corporação, após mais de uma década de luta, foi para esse grupo de trabalhadores, um processo contraditório, pois, ao mesmo tempo em que tiveram diversos direitos assegurados, alguns não conseguiram desenvolver suas atividades nos moldes do atual modo de produção.
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This paper presents and discusses a social justice strategy that may progress inclusion in schools. The framework for this strategy is grounded in the theoretical discussions by Nancy Fraser and Trevor Gale about distributive, redistributive, and recognitive models of social justice. None of these theoretical frameworks, however, in themselves, offer a clear way forward for marginalised and misrecognised groups, such as disabled children, who need both educational resources and recognition in inclusive classrooms. The authors propose, however, that the work of Fraser and Gale combines into a social justice strategy, which consists of three elements (agency, competency, and diversity, or ‘a, c, d’) that can lead to inclusion. When disabled children are provided with the opportunity to exercise their agency, demonstrate their competence, and transform and affirm notions of diversity, then inclusion is more likely to occur in the classroom. Data from two research projects are presented using this framework to illustrate this argument, and the proposed ‘a, c, d’ social justice strategy towards inclusion.
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This paper explores the tensions between civility and sectarianism in contemporary Belfast. Drawing on interviews with mothers engaged in raising young children in the largely working class and divided inner city, the paper offers a pragmatic account of the dynamics of social reproduction and change. This is pursued through an analysis of the interplay between expectations of civility and sectarianism in four specific situations: walking, shopping, playing and schooling. The tensions and dilemmas of maternal action as the divided inner city is navigated indicate the constitutive role situations play in shaping maternal action. The situation of motherhood itself, both at the centre of ethno-national reproduction and at the interface of public and private life, is not insignificant in routinely drawing mothers into the everyday dynamics of post-conflict continuity and change.
Resumo:
Abstract This research takes the lens of social reproduction as a starting point for an examination of the effects of recent social welfare reforms on the lives o.fsingle mothers. As the cumulative effects o.f diminishing state provided benefits take hold, tensions are heightened as single mothers internalize the insecurity of earning an income in 11 capitalist labour market, while trying to carry out all that is involved in social reproduction with inadequate means of survival. Through interviewing single mothers who are the recipients of mUltiple state provided benefits (social assistance, student loans, subsidized housing and subsidized childcare), this thesis illuminates the cOl1linued regulation of women in an effort to assure that social reproduction is occurring at the lowest cost possible. State provided benefits are set lip in such a way that it is near impossible for single mothers to make ends meet without entering the labour force or entering into co-residential relationships. This push towards the labour force and/or marriage via punitive welfare policies illuminates the devaluation of the labour that is done at home. Through interviewing 5 single mothers, I will demonstrate the extensive labour that goes into maintaining their households. In addition .J case managers are interviewed. The employees of social assistance, subsidized hOllsing, subsidized childcare and student loans, have much agency in deeming who is worthy of receiving benefits. The employees of these agencies have the ability to make these women's lives easier or more complicated by how the workers interpret the policy regulations. Social policies are of paramount importance in the quest for women's equality and thus have consequences for how women's daily lives are organized. The rules and regulations that govern the individual policies are complex and bureaucratic and have implications for the ways in which women must organize their lives in order to survive. The shifts in social policy have been guided by neo-liberal assumptions with a focus on individual responsibility and a market-modeled welfare state. The caring work that is involved in raising children to be productive in a capitalist society is ignored or devalued in current policies. The emphasis in each polic.:v is on getting women who receive benefits into the paid work force, with little facilitation or investment into the caring work these women do on a daily basis that in turn supports capitalism. Policies, such as social assistance, subsidized housing, subsidized childcare and student loans, are set up in such a way that ignores the reality of women's day-to-day lives and devalues the necessary work done at home. It takes an abundance of labour and strategizing for women to seek out necessary means of survival, labour that is amplified when a woman is dealing with mUltiple slate provided benefits.
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The purpose of the present study was first to determine what influences international students' perceptions of prejudice, and secondly to examine how perceptions of prejudice would affect international students' group identification. Variables such as stigma vulnerability and contact which have been previously linked with perceptions of prejudice and intergroup relations were re-examined (Berryman-Fink, 2006; Gilbert, 1998; Nesdale & Todd, 2000), while variables classically linked to prejudicial attitudes such as right-wing authoritarianism and openness to experience were explored in relation to perceptions of prejudice. Furthermore, the study examined how perceptions of prejudice might affect the students' identification choices, by testing two opposing models. The first model was based on the motivational nature of social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1986) while the second model was based on the cognitive nature of self-categorization theory/ rejection-identification model (Turner, Hogg, Oakes, Reicher, & Wetherell, 1987; Schmitt, Spears, & Branscombe,2003). It was hypothesized that stigma vulnerability, right-wing authoritarianism, openness to experience and contact would predict both personal and group perceptions of prejudice. It was also hypothesized that perceptions of prejudice would predict group identification. If the self-categorizationlrejection-identification model was supported, international students would identify with the international students. If the social mobility strategy was supported, international students would identify with the university students group. Participants were 98 international students who filled out questionnaires on the Brock University Psychology Department Website. The first hypothesis was supported. The combination of stigma vulnerability, right-wing authoritarianism, openness to experience and contact predicted both personal and group prejudice perceptions of international students. Furthermore, the analyses supported the self-categorizationlrejectionidentification model. International identification was predicted by the combination of personal and group prejudice perceptions of international students.
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This thesis aims to uncover the dynamics, causes and outcomes of women's reliance on unregulated home-based child care in Ontario, Canada, and the implications ofthis form of care for women's equality. Drawing on a longitudinal qualitative study, I examine the diverse experience of 14 women using home-based child care and engaged in both paid work/training and care work for children under the age of six, and draw comparisons with users of other forms of child care. I argue that home-based child care involves high levels of instability for continuity of care and is chosen largely as a default position based on economic considerations. It represents a compromise between the demands of social reproduction and paid work/training that entangles mothers in relations of exploitation with care providers. Doing so leaves both mothers and care providers socially and economically vulnerable and relying on social networks to fill in the gaps.
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This qualitative research project uses a Deleuzo-Guattarian theoretical framework to address the question: “How are the politically oriented social forums in Gaia Online experienced as a continuum of overlapping of lines, including molar lines, lines of flight, and molecular lines?” Although smooth lines of flight may occur in Gaia, there are always mechanisms that work to re-territorialize them as more striated molar operations. Conversely, while more striated molar lines may be evident in Gaia, there are also smooth lines of flight that attempt to deterritorialize them as smooth space. Founded in 2003, Gaia is a virtual community in which members use 3D avatars to socialize with others, create content, and play games. Deleuze and Guattari (1987) have defined space with three systems: on one end is state-oriented static space, on the other end is nomadic fluid space, and situated in the middle is molecular space which contains both smooth and striating elements. While state-oriented striated space is based on routines, rules, and specifications, nomadic smooth space is flexible, always changing, and full of possibility. Some of the smoother operations that are evident in Gaia include becoming other, decentred communications, desire as resistance, and lines of flight. Some of the more striated operations include social reproduction of gender norms/expectations, capitalist mechanisms, violence and intolerance linked to categories and binaries (racism/sexism/ageism), the regulation of desire, and the organisation of bodies.
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Nous avons constaté, au Québec, que les grands-parents étaient les grands oubliés de la littérature sur la famille. En effet, les recherches sociologiques sur les grands-parents au Québec sont trop peu nombreuses et il nous semble donc important de les développer davantage. Avec les changements que connaissent les familles aujourd’hui (divorce, recomposition, etc.), les relations entre grands-parents et petits-enfants en sont des plus affectées. Cette relation est souvent laissée au bon vouloir des parents qui ont le rôle de génération intermédiaire. Ces derniers contrôlent l’accès de leurs enfants aux relations avec leurs grands-parents et aux représentations qu’ils en ont. Manifestement, il semble que la relation grand-parent et petit-enfant soit à penser de manière triangulaire. Il peut sembler alors que cette triangulation caractérise la qualité de la relation entre les grands-parents et leurs petits-enfants. En fait, il est des plus intéressant d’étudier l’importance du rôle médiateur que jouent les parents, à l’intersection du lien grands-parents et petits-enfants dans la transmission des valeurs au Québec. Il ressort également de l’analyse le rapport à la grand-parentalité à travers plusieurs générations ainsi que le résultat de reproduction sociale du rôle de grands-parents.