Elements of physics: or, Natural philosophy, general and medical: written for universal use, in plain or non-technical language; and containing new disquisitions and practical suggestions. In two volumes.

Mode of access: Internet.

A collection of problems, designed to facilitate the application of algebra to geometry, and of the principles of natural philosophy to practical questions.

Mode of access: Internet.

Annual of scientific discovery; or, Year-book of facts in science and art, for [1850]-1871, exhibiting the most important discoveries and improvements in mechanics, useful arts, natural philosophy, chemistry, astronomy, geology, biology, botany, mineralogy, meteorology, geography, antiquities, etc., together with notes on the progress of science, a list of recent scientific publications; obituaries of eminent scientific men, etc

Title varies slightly

A natural philosophy : embracing the most recent discoveries in the various branches of physics, and exhibiting the application of scientific principles in every-day life : adapted to use with or without apparatus, and accompanied with full descriptions of experiments, practical exercises, and numerous illustrations /

Includes index.

Scientific memoirs, selected from the transactions of foreign academies of science, and from foreign journals. Natural philosophy

No more published?

Memoir of John Griscom, LL.D., late professor of chemistry and natural philosophy; ...Comp. from an autobiography and other sources

Mode of access: Internet.

Rules and orders relating to a Professor of the Mathematicks, of Natural and Experimental Philosophy, in Harvard College, 18 January 1726

This folder contains a single document describing the "rules and orders" of the Hollis Professor of Mathematics and Natural Philosophy. The document begins by defining the subjects to be taught by the Hollis Professor including natural and experimental philosophy, elements of geometry, and the principles of astronomy and geography. It then outlines the number of public and private lectures to be given to students, how much extra time the professor should spend with students reviewing any difficulties they may encounter understanding class subject matter discussed, and stipulates that the professor's duties shall be restricted solely to his teaching activities and not involve him in any religious activities at the College or oblige him to teach any additional studies other than those specified for the Hollis Professor of Mathematics and Natural Philosophy. Furthermore, the rules establish the professor's salary at £80 per year and allow the professor to receive from students, except those students studying theology under the Hollis Professor of Divinity, an additional fee as determined by the Corporation and Board of Overseers, to supplement his income. Moreover, the rules assert that all professorship candidates selected by the Harvard Corporation must be approved by Thomas Hollis during his lifetime or by his executor after his death. Finally, the rules state that the Hollis professor take an oath to the civil government and declare himself a member of the Protestant reformed religion. This document is signed by Thomas Hollis and four witnesses, John Hollis, Joshua Hollis, Richard Solly, and John Williams.

A synopsis of naturall philosophy according to the method of the ancients, but improved & augmented with the notions of later philosophers : manuscript, 1677-1679

Possibly autograph, dated at end of volume: Finitu[m] mart: 14, 1678/9. Imperfect copy with title page missing; supplied from a MS copy, dated 29 March 1680, now in the Bodleian Library.

Conrad Summenhart's theory of individual rights and its medieval background

This study focuses on the theory of individual rights that the German theologian Conrad Summenhart (1455-1502) explicated in his massive work Opus septipartitum de contractibus pro foro conscientiae et theologico. The central question to be studied is: How does Summenhart understand the concept of an individual right and its immediate implications? The basic premiss of this study is that in Opus septipartitum Summenhart composed a comprehensive theory of individual rights as a contribution to the on-going medieval discourse on rights. With this rationale, the first part of the study concentrates on earlier discussions on rights as the background for Summenhart s theory. Special attention is paid to language in which right was defined in terms of power . In the fourteenth century writers like Hervaeus Natalis and William Ockham maintained that right signifies power by which the right-holder can to use material things licitly. It will also be shown how the attempts to describe what is meant by the term right became more specified and cultivated. Gerson followed the implications that the term power had in natural philosophy and attributed rights to animals and other creatures. To secure right as a normative concept, Gerson utilized the ancient ius suum cuique-principle of justice and introduced a definition in which right was seen as derived from justice. The latter part of this study makes effort to reconstructing Summenhart s theory of individual rights in three sections. The first section clarifies Summenhart s discussion of the right of the individual or the concept of an individual right. Summenhart specified Gerson s description of right as power, taking further use of the language of natural philosophy. In this respect, Summenhart s theory managed to bring an end to a particular continuity of thought that was centered upon a view in which right was understood to signify power to licit action. Perhaps the most significant feature of Summenhart s discussion was the way he explicated the implication of liberty that was present in Gerson s language of rights. Summenhart assimilated libertas with the self-mastery or dominion that in the economic context of discussion took the form of (a moderate) self-ownership. Summenhart discussion also introduced two apparent extensions to Gerson s terminology. First, Summenhart classified right as relation, and second, he equated right with dominion. It is distinctive of Summenhart s view that he took action as the primary determinant of right: Everyone has as much rights or dominion in regard to a thing, as much actions it is licit for him to exercise in regard to the thing. The second section elaborates Summenhart s discussion of the species dominion, which delivered an answer to the question of what kind of rights exist, and clarified thereby the implications of the concept of an individual right. The central feature in Summenhart s discussion was his conscious effort to systematize Gerson s language by combining classifications of dominion into a coherent whole. In this respect, his treatement of the natural dominion is emblematic. Summenhart constructed the concept of natural dominion by making use of the concepts of foundation (founded on a natural gift) and law (according to the natural law). In defining natural dominion as dominion founded on a natural gift, Summenhart attributed natural dominion to animals and even to heavenly bodies. In discussing man s natural dominion, Summenhart pointed out that the natural dominion is not sufficiently identified by its foundation, but requires further specification, which Summenhart finds in the idea that natural dominion is appropriate to the subject according to the natural law. This characterization lead him to treat God s dominion as natural dominion. Partly, this was due to Summenhart s specific understanding of the natural law, which made reasonableness as the primary criterion for the natural dominion at the expense of any metaphysical considerations. The third section clarifies Summenhart s discussion of the property rights defined by the positive human law. By delivering an account on juridical property rights Summenhart connected his philosophical and theological theory on rights to the juridical language of his times, and demonstrated that his own language of rights was compatible with current juridical terminology. Summenhart prepared his discussion of property rights with an account of the justification for private property, which gave private property a direct and strong natural law-based justification. Summenhart s discussion of the four property rights usus, usufructus, proprietas, and possession aimed at delivering a detailed report of the usage of these concepts in juridical discourse. His discussion was characterized by extensive use of the juridical source texts, which was more direct and verbal the more his discussion became entangled with the details of juridical doctrine. At the same time he promoted his own language on rights, especially by applying the idea of right as relation. He also showed recognizable effort towards systematizing juridical language related to property rights.

O que há de metafísica na mecânica do século XVIII?

Ao contrário do período precedente de criação da chamada ciência moderna, o século XVIII parece não desempenhar um papel fundamental no desenvolvimento da física. Na visão de muitos autores, o século das luzes é considerado como uma fase de organização da mecânica que teve seu coroamento com as obras de Lagrange, imediatamente precedidas por Euler e dAlembert. Muitos autores afirmam que na formulação da mecânica racional houve uma eliminação gradual da metafísica e também da teologia e que o surgimento da física moderna veio acompanhado por uma rejeição da metafísica aristotélica da substância e qualidade, forma e matéria, potência e ato. O ponto central da tese é mostrar que, no século XVIII, houve uma preocupação e um grande esforço de alguns filósofos naturais que participaram da formação da mecânica, em determinar como seria possível descrever fenômenos através da matemática. De uma forma geral, a filosofia mecanicista exigia que as mudanças observadas no mundo natural fossem explicadas apenas em termos de movimento e de rearranjos das partículas da matéria, uma vez que os predecessores dos filósofos iluministas conseguiram, em parte, eliminar da filosofia natural o conceito de causas finais e a maior parte dos conceitos aristotélicos de forma e substância, por exemplo. Porém, os filósofos mecanicistas divergiam sobre as causas do movimento. O que faria um corpo se mover? Uma força externa? Uma força interna? Força nenhuma? Todas essas posições tinham seus adeptos e todas sugeriam reflexões filosóficas que ultrapassavam os limites das ciências da natureza. Mais ainda: conceitos como espaço, tempo, força, massa e inércia, por exemplo, são conceitos imprescindíveis da mecânica que representam uma realidade. Mas como a manifestação dessa realidade se torna possível? Como foram definidos esses conceitos? Embora não percebamos explicitamente uma discussão filosófica em muitos livros que versam sobre a mecânica, atitudes implícitas dessa natureza são evidentes no tratamento das questões tais como a ambição à universalidade e a aplicação da matemática. Galileu teve suas motivações e suas razões para afirmar que o livro da natureza está escrito em liguagem matemática. No entanto, embora a matemática tenha se tornado a linguagem da física, mostramos com esta tese que a segunda não se reduz à primeira. Podemos, à luz desta pesquisa, falarmos de uma mecânica racional no sentido de ser ela proposta pela razão para organizar e melhor estruturar dados observáveis obtidos através da experimentação. Porém, mostramos que essa ciência não foi, como os filósofos naturais pretendiam que assim fosse, obtidas sem hipóteses e convenções subjetivas. Por detrás de uma representação explicativa e descritiva dos fenômenos da natureza e de uma consistência interna de seus próprios conteúdos confirmados através da matemática, verificamos a presença da metafísica.

A ?Perfect Circle'? Alchemy in the Poetry of Hester Pulter

Archer, Jayne, 'A ?Perfect Circle'? Alchemy in the Poetry of Hester Pulter', Literature Compass (2005) 2(1) pp.1-14 RAE2008

Alegoría: su pertinencia en la predicación y uso en "La novena maravilla"

En este artículo se focaliza el recurso de la alegoría como método exegético en la composición de los sermones panegíricos de Juan Espinosa Medrano (Perú, siglo XVII). Se traza el recorrido de la alegoría (y las humanidades en general) en relación –siempre tensa– con el cristianismo a lo largo de su historia; y se llega a la Contrarreforma y el uso exacerbado del método en la predicación barroca; particularmente en la oratoria sagrada de Espinosa Medrano, quien abarca elementos diversos y extraídos de distintas fuentes (filosofía natural, mitología clásica, tradición emblemática, relatos bíblicos), a los que hace funcionar como signos de otra verdad mayor, la sagrada. Si bien las preceptivas sagradas impulsaban una predicación más llana y simple, la profusión de alegorías mitológicas, que el autor resemantiza según su interés de guiar la interpretación, pueden explicarse por varias circunstancias, motivos de estudio en este trabajo.

Thomas d'Aquin et l'astrologie des corps

Malgré l’acceptation théorique et pratique que l’astrologie médiévale rencontre au 13e siècle latin, son statut philosophique ambigu tient, au moins en partie, à son double partage en art mécanique et en science libérale. Plus mystérieux encore reste le fait qu’elle apparaisse en Occident sans devoir violenter les cadres philosophiques où elle s’inscrit, aussi chrétiens soient-ils. Du point de vue de l’histoire de la philosophie, ce que cette arrivée en douceur passe sous silence, c’est l’enracinement conceptuel toujours déjà préétabli du projet astrologique à l’intérieur d’un contexte philosophique plus global, dans et par lequel l’idée d’influence astrale valide sa raison d’être. En passant par la philosophie naturelle et la métaphysique de Thomas d’Aquin, ce travail veut montrer comment l’astrologie médiévale survient en terres chrétiennes à partir de la rencontre de la hiérarchie causale de l’être propre à l’arabo-aristotélisme néo-platonisant avec une théologie de la providence divine. D’aporie en aporie, la déconstruction de ce que toute astrologie présuppose prend place, de sorte qu’il devient possible de comprendre l’aspect rationnel et proprement philosophique de l’entreprise astrologique au Moyen Âge.

El problema de Alhacén

El presente documento es un estudio detallado del problema conocido bajo el título de Problema de Alhacén. Este problema fue formulado en el siglo X por el filósofo y matemático árabe conocido en occidente bajo el nombre de Alhacén. El documento hace una breve presentación del filósofo y una breve reseña de su trascendental tratado de óptica Kitab al-Manazir. A continuación el documento se detiene a estudiar cuidadosamente los lemas requeridos para enfrentar el problema y se presentan las soluciones para el caso de los espejos esféricos (convexos y cóncavos), cilíndricos y cónicos. También se ofrece una conjetura que habría de explicar la lógica del descubrimiento implícita en la solución que ofreció Alhacén. Tanto los lemas como las soluciones se han modelado en los software de geometría dinámica Cabri II-Plus y Cabri 3-D. El lector interesado en seguir dichas modelaciones debe contar con los programas mencionados para adelantar la lectura de los archivos. En general, estas presentaciones constan de tres partes: (i) formulación del problema (se formula en forma concisa el problema); (ii) esquema general de la construcción (se presentan los pasos esenciales que conducen a la construcción solicitada y las construcciones auxiliares que demanda el problema), esta parte se puede seguir en los archivos de Cabri; y (iii) demostración (se ofrece la justificación detallada de la construcción requerida). Los archivos en Cabri II plus cuentan con botones numerados que pueden activarse haciendo “Click” sobre ellos. La numeración corresponde a la numeración presente en el documento. El lector puede desplazar a su antojo los puntos libres que pueden reconocerse porque ellos se distinguen con la siguiente marca (º). Los puntos restantes no pueden modificarse pues son el resultado de construcciones adelantadas y ajustadas a los protocolos recomendados en el esquema general.