La futura vida cotidiana en España: la sociedad de consumo

Las dinámicas que durante décadas han dado forma a la sociedad de consumo en España han entrado en crisis. Las consecuencias sociales e ideológicas van mucho más allá de lo económico. El consumo como fuente de identidad social y de legitimación política de las desigualdades inicia una nueva etapa matizada por la irrupción de las nuevas tecnologías. El futuro muestra una clara discontinuidad respecto al pasado. Las clases medias deberán reinventarse mediante formas alternativas de consumo, empleando estrategias que protejan su imagen de “status”. Este cambio afecta directamente a la legitimación del sistema y anticipa un periodo de tensión social, ya plasmado en la Spanish Revolution.

National Parliaments and their Role in European Integration: The EU’s Democratic Deficit in Times of Economic Hardship and Political Insecurity. Bruges Political Research Paper 28/2013

The article describes and assesses the role of national parliaments in EU legislation considering the reforms introduced by the Lisbon Treaty. This is closely connected with the understanding and (political) application of the principle of subsidiarity. After an analysis of the possibilities and limitations of the relevant legal regulations in the post-Lisbon age, alternative ways for participation of national legislators on the European level are being scrutinized and proposed. The issue of democratic legitimization is also interconnected with the current political reforms being discussed in order to overcome the Euro Crisis. Finally, the authors argue that it does not make sense to include national parliaments in the existing legislative triangle of the EU, but instead to promote the creation of a new kind of supervisory body.

The vacuous concept of dignity

Rights talk dominates contemporary moral discourse. It is also having a growing impact on the development of legal principle and doctrine. One of the best known general arguments in support of rights-based moral theories is the one given by John Rawls, who claims that only rights-based theories take seriously the distinction between human beings; only they can be counted on to protect certain rights and interests that are so paramount that they are beyond the demands of net happiness (Rawls 1971). Charges and assertions of this nature have been extremely influential. After the Second World War, there was an immense increase in rights talk, both in the sheer volume of that talk and in the number of supposed rights being claimed. Rights doctrine has progressed a long way since its original modest aim of providing “a legitimization of … claims against tyrannical or exploiting regimes” (Benn 1978: 61). As Tom Campbell points out: The human rights movement is based on the need for a counter-ideology to combat the abuses and misuses of political authority by those who invoke, as a justification for their activities, the need to subordinate the particular interests of individuals to the general good (Campbell 1996: 13).

Micro-redes de solidariedade e legitimação: A liderança de mulheres na periferia do poder clérigo-institucional das igrejas pentecostais clássicas na cidade de Diadema

Desde o surgimento do Movimento Pentecostal, mulheres tiveram participação ativa e fundamental para a consolidação do Movimento. Entretanto, com sua institucionalização, o Movimento Pentecostal passou a segregar as mulheres, restringindo sua atuação a funções eclesiais subalternas. Mulheres foram relegadas ao esquecimento. Contudo, a hegemonia do poder masculino não impediu que as mulheres criassem suas redes de sentido nas igrejas pentecostais, através de sociedades de mulheres que funcionam como espaços de socialização e humanização, geralmente em contextos de alta vulnerabilidade social. A presente pesquisa procura visibilizar e problematizar estas redes de socialização e de produção de sentido. O objeto de pesquisa são essas micro-redes sociais constituídas e lideradas por mulheres pentecostais. O método de pesquisa utilizado foi o da História Oral, o qual foi muito útil para compreender, através de depoimentos, como se formam as teias, tramas, interações e redes por onde flui a solidariedade entre as mulheres e a legitimação do poder que as próprias mulheres pentecostais alcançam e usufruem nessas micros-redes. Procurou-se deixar as mulheres falarem por si mesmas. Com a vez e a voz, as mulheres pentecostais!

Meeting the challenge on the path to democracy: discursive strategies in governmental declarations

The communicative practice in the ex-GDR was complex and diverse, although public political discourse had been fairly ritualized. Text-types characteristic of the Communist Party discourse were full of general (superordinate) terms semantic specification was hardly possible (propositional reduction). Changes in the social world result in changes in the communicative practice as well. However, a systematic comparision of text-types across cultures and across ideological boundaries reveals both differences in the textual macro- and superstructures and overlapping as well as universal features, probably related to functional aspects (discourse of power). Six sample texts of the text-type `government declaration', two produced in the ex-GDR, four in the united Germany, are analysed. Special attention is paid to similarities and differences (i) in the textual superstructure (problem-solution schema), (ii) in the concepts that reflect the aims of political actions (simple worlds), (iii) in the agents who (are to) perform these actions (concrete vs abstract agents). Similarities are found mainly in the discursive strategies, e.g. legitimization text actions. Differences become obvious in the strategies used for legitimization, and also in the conceptual domains referred to by the problem-solution schema. The metaphors of construction, path and challenge are of particular interest in this respect.

Organisational receptivity for change:combining context and capability to explain competitive advantage

This thesis explores efforts to conjoin organisational contexts and capabilities in explaining sustainable competitive advantage. Oliver (1997) argued organisations need to balance the need to conform to industry’s requirements to attain legitimization (e.g. DiMaggio & Powell, 1983), and the need for resource optimization (e.g. Barney, 1991). The author hypothesized that such balance can be viewed as movements along the homogeneity-heterogeneity continuum. An organisation in a homogenous industry possesses similar characteristics as its competitors, as opposed to a heterogeneous industry in which organisations within are differentiated and competitively positioned (Oliver, 1997). The movement is influenced by the dynamic environmental conditions that an organisation is experiencing. The author extended Oliver’s (1997) propositions of combining RBV’s focus on capabilities with institutional theory’s focus on organisational context, as well as redefining organisational receptivity towards change (ORC) factors from Butler and Allen’s (2008) findings. The authors contributed to the theoretical development of ORC theory to explain the attainment of sustainable competitive advantage. ORC adopts the assumptions from both institutional and RBV theories, where the receptivity factors include both organisational contexts and capabilities. The thesis employed a mixed method approach in which sequential qualitative quantitative studies were deployed to establish a robust, reliable, and valid ORC scale. The adoption of Hinkin’s (1995) three-phase scale development process was updated, thus items generated from interviews and literature reviews went through numerous exploratory factor analysis (EFA) and confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) to achieve convergent, discriminant, and nomological validities. Samples in the first phase (semi structured interviews) were hotel owners and managers. In the second phase, samples were MBA students, and employees of private and public sectors. In the third phase, samples were hotel managers. The final ORC scale is a parsimonious second higher-order latent construct. The first-order constructs comprises four latent receptivity factors which are ideological vision (4 items), leading change (4 items), implementation capacity (4 items), and change orientation (7 items). Hypotheses testing revealed that high levels of perceived environmental uncertainty leads to high levels of receptivity factor. Furthermore, the study found a strong positive correlation between receptivity factors and competitive advantage, and between receptivity factors and organisation performance. Mediation analyses revealed that receptivity factors partially mediate the relationship between perceived environmental uncertainty, competitive advantage and organisational performance.

O olhar das instituições de previdência sobre a casa e a cidade: promoção, financiamento e avaliação de imóveis

The investments of Caixas and Institutos de Aposentadoria e Pensões (CAP and IAP) in homes of Natal, between the decades of 1930-60, helped to boost up the local real estate market in consolidation at the time. Inserted in the first national policy on social housing in the country, these operations have demanded the creation of a wide qualified organizational structure, which would be from the "Central Offices" of Rio de Janeiro to the decentralized units of the federal states. The professionals linked to the Local Agencies have developed, on this matter, from activities related to the design and construction of residential complexes, to the daily study of financing proposals in isolated units. As from these studies, the evaluation of shelters was essential to the effectiveness of the policy, resulting in the production of data on the market value of the properties by observing and issuing judgments upon the living quarters of different social groups. Given these considerations, the aim here is to contribute to the understanding on how to operate these real estate actions in the legitimization of boundaries about the urban space and dwellings available to workers in Natal. Therefore, the views of the city and constructions expressed by the evaluating engineers in their technical reports have been taken as the focus. Being the main primary sources of work, these reports are part of the edifices process of CAP/IAP regarding Natal, whose content is systematized in the database "Enterprises", the HCUrb Research Group. In addition, there were used local newspapers at the time and interviews with professionals as complementary sources. It was found that, in general, the evaluations have configured – in a more everyday dimension of bureaucratic routines - a vehicle, among others, circulating ideas about "home" within the social security institutions, being imbued with assumptions historically constructed about the "modern habitat". Filled in loco, the reports expose the clash between modernizing ideals in vogue and clear limitations in the city scenario at the time. Fragmented images of the town are given to read through the labels assigned to the evaluated sites – these being coated of certain "scientific" character - which both legitimated and contributed to the dynamics of appreciation/depreciation of the soil and to the socio-spatial differentiation. Contradictions were evident in the endorsement given by the technicians when financing of admittedly precarious homes for insured disadvantaged categories at the local level - such as industrial workers - while strict regulations were imposed to new construction, designed, above all, to better paid categories. By identifying raters engineers as urban agents, members of a technical-focused operating system for safety and efficiency in the real estate investments of those authorities corporatist, it is desired the usefulness of further studies on these characters, their training, professional activity and participation in the construction of discourses and practices of intervention about the city and its buildings, discussing individual and grouped interests that were left behind.

Désensibilisation morale et légitimation de l'intimidation entre pairs au secondaire

Cette thèse doctorale, qui prend la forme de quatre articles, est une étude corrélationnelle mettant en relation le raisonnement moral et la légitimation des dynamiques d’intimidation par les pairs chez des adolescents de 3ème secondaire. L’objectif principal poursuivi était d’examiner la contribution de la désensibilisation morale aux conduites adoptées par les adolescents lors d’incidents d’intimidation à l’école. L’objectif secondaire était d’examiner l’importance accordée respectivement à des standards de conduite issus des domaines moral, conventionnel et personnel chez les adolescents impliqués dans des incidents d’intimidation. Le premier article expose la problématique de la légitimation des dynamiques d’intimidation par les jeunes en faisant état des croyances normatives et des caractéristiques des environnements scolaires qui y sont associées. L’article discute de l’écart qui s’observe entre l’opposition affirmée de la majorité des adolescents face aux conduites d’intimidation et leur récurrence dans les milieux scolaires et vient compléter une première section décrivant les conséquences de l’intimidation pour les communautés scolaires. Le deuxième article s’inscrit dans le cadre théorique de cette thèse et fait état des connaissances sur le raisonnement moral des élèves impliqués dans des dynamiques d’intimidation. Il présente une explication des conduites d’intimidation dans la perspective de la théorie des domaines de la connaissance sociale et dans celle de la théorie de l’agentivité morale. Ces approches ont été retenues pour opérationnaliser le concept de désensibilisation morale afin de rencontrer les objectifs de recherche poursuivis. Le troisième article rapporte la démarche utilisée pour vérifier l’hypothèse d’une relation positive entre les conduites d’intimidation et l’acceptabilité d’incidents d’intimidation hypothétiques, de même que l’hypothèse d’une relation positive entre les conduites d’intimidation et le désengagement moral chez les adolescents impliqués. Le quatrième article rapporte la démarche utilisée pour examiner les justifications sociomorales émises par différents profils d’adolescents impliqués dans des incidents d’intimidation de façon à associer leur conduite avec les domaines de connaissances normatives auxquels se rattachent leurs justifications. Les résultats obtenus sont ensuite discutés au chapitre suivant afin de mettre en évidence la contribution de chacune des approches morales retenues à l’explication des conduites en contexte d’intimidation et les caractéristiques du raisonnement moral associées aux rôles adoptés et des pistes d’intervention sont offertes. Finalement, cette thèse doctorale conclue que seul le niveau moyen de désengagement moral, un indice global de l’adhésion à des croyances normatives antisociales, contribue statistiquement à l’explication des conduites adoptées lors d’incident d’intimidation au-delà du sexe des participants. Quant au raisonnement sociomoral, il informe davantage sur la façon dont les circonstances d’incidents d’intimidation sont reliées à la désensibilisation morale des jeunes impliqués. Les adolescents qui prennent activement la défense de pairs intimidés étaient caractérisés par un raisonnement moral plus uniforme, tandis que le raisonnement des élèves qui intimident et de ceux qui demeurent passifs était caractérisé par la subordination de principes moraux, respectivement en faveur d’impératifs à caractère conventionnel et d’impératifs à caractère personnel.

La conception néolibérale de la justice: les cas comparés de Friedrich A. von Hayek et de Walter Lippmann

Le néolibéralisme, un terme qui désigne couramment la raison d’état contemporaine, est largement associé à un désinvestissement de l’État pour la cause sociale ainsi qu’à un discours de légitimation des disparités socio-économiques. Il s’agit, pour plusieurs, d’une idéologie qui ne considère pas la justice comme un idéal collectif à poursuivre. Un retour sur certains penseurs à qui l’on attribue la formulation des idées néolibérales permet toutefois de constater que la justice fut, au sein de leurs travaux, l’un des thèmes majeurs. L’objectif général de ce mémoire est donc de présenter la conception de la justice chez deux penseurs du néolibéralisme : le journaliste américain Walter Lippmann et l’économiste autrichien Friedrich A. von Hayek. Cette perspective comparée me permettra d’identifier ce que je nomme la «conception néolibérale» de la justice, conception qui s’articule à partir d’une compréhension singulière du marché. Dans le premier chapitre, je présente le problème central de la conception néolibérale de la justice, en abordant la posture épistémologique privilégiée par Hayek et Lippmann. Dans le deuxième chapitre, je présente certaines modalités de cette conception et soulève ses principales apories. Je soutiens aussi qu’une rupture survient entre Hayek et Lippmann autour de la notion de «responsabilité». Finalement, je compare la conception néolibérale de la justice avec la conception libertarienne présentée par Nozick. C’est à partir des critères de justice respectifs de chaque théorie que j’avance la distinction, au troisième chapitre, entre les deux conceptions pourtant similaires. Contrairement à une analyse courante qui fait du néolibéralisme un projet amoral, je soutiens que la reconnaissance de la dimension morale du discours néolibéral ouvre une fenêtre à partir de laquelle il devient possible de critiquer le projet sur des bases éthiques. C’est en identifiant la notion de justice à l’oeuvre dans le discours néolibéral contemporain et en l’inscrivant dans la tradition morale présentée dans le cadre de ce mémoire que nous sommes mieux à même de comprendre l’idéologie du néolibéralisme.

Un desafío a la justicia social peronista : La hidatidosis en la provincia de Buenos Aires, 1946-1952

Analiza las políticas sanitarias del gobierno de Domingo Alfredo Mercante (1946-1952) -mano derecha de Juan Domingo Perón- en la provincia de Buenos Aires, Argentina, atendiendo a lo que fue una de sus más instigantes líneas de intervención: la erradicación de la hidatidosis. Visibilizando un problema largamente olvidado por la historiografía, especificaremos de qué modo el gobierno mercantiano colocó a la hidatidosis en la agenda estatal a través de una legitimación estadística, socioeconómica y simbólica. Luego, especificaremos las estrategias de esta gestión: sanción de leyes regulatorias contra la endemia, creación de instituciones específicas antihidatídicas estatales, generación de espacios de información y educación interdisciplinaria, interministerial y hasta supranacionales con el fin de alcanzar el mayor conocimiento sobre la enfermedad e intercambiar experiencias que enriquecieran su propia práctica y, finalmente, la definición de acciones enfocadas en el relevo, tratamiento y profilaxis de animales y personas

Un desafío a la justicia social peronista : La hidatidosis en la provincia de Buenos Aires, 1946-1952

Analiza las políticas sanitarias del gobierno de Domingo Alfredo Mercante (1946-1952) -mano derecha de Juan Domingo Perón- en la provincia de Buenos Aires, Argentina, atendiendo a lo que fue una de sus más instigantes líneas de intervención: la erradicación de la hidatidosis. Visibilizando un problema largamente olvidado por la historiografía, especificaremos de qué modo el gobierno mercantiano colocó a la hidatidosis en la agenda estatal a través de una legitimación estadística, socioeconómica y simbólica. Luego, especificaremos las estrategias de esta gestión: sanción de leyes regulatorias contra la endemia, creación de instituciones específicas antihidatídicas estatales, generación de espacios de información y educación interdisciplinaria, interministerial y hasta supranacionales con el fin de alcanzar el mayor conocimiento sobre la enfermedad e intercambiar experiencias que enriquecieran su propia práctica y, finalmente, la definición de acciones enfocadas en el relevo, tratamiento y profilaxis de animales y personas

Un desafío a la justicia social peronista : La hidatidosis en la provincia de Buenos Aires, 1946-1952

Analiza las políticas sanitarias del gobierno de Domingo Alfredo Mercante (1946-1952) -mano derecha de Juan Domingo Perón- en la provincia de Buenos Aires, Argentina, atendiendo a lo que fue una de sus más instigantes líneas de intervención: la erradicación de la hidatidosis. Visibilizando un problema largamente olvidado por la historiografía, especificaremos de qué modo el gobierno mercantiano colocó a la hidatidosis en la agenda estatal a través de una legitimación estadística, socioeconómica y simbólica. Luego, especificaremos las estrategias de esta gestión: sanción de leyes regulatorias contra la endemia, creación de instituciones específicas antihidatídicas estatales, generación de espacios de información y educación interdisciplinaria, interministerial y hasta supranacionales con el fin de alcanzar el mayor conocimiento sobre la enfermedad e intercambiar experiencias que enriquecieran su propia práctica y, finalmente, la definición de acciones enfocadas en el relevo, tratamiento y profilaxis de animales y personas

Civic Humanism and the Classical Tradition in the Early Republic of Chile

The first decades of the 19th century constituted a period of profound change for Chile, the principal results of which were to be seen in the consolidation of the process of independence from Spanish dominion in 1818. The consequences were not limited to a revolution of military and political nature; they also included a renovation of the cultural panorama -at least among the educated patriots who made an effort to distance themselves ideologically from the Monarchy-, with the implicit challenge of establishing a new order for Chile, based on legitimate and universally recognizable foundations. The inspirational framework for these efforts is usually associated with other revolutionary examples -France and the United States- that preceded the emancipation processes in Spanish America, as well as with the discourses of illustrated liberalism. As we will attempt to demonstrate in this study, a new reading of the texts written by the Creoles that lead the Chilean independence process may, nonetheless, also reveal the relevance of the classical tradition as a model for the configuration and legitimization of the first Republican projects that especially admired the ideals of Republicanism.

"Everything was designed to make sure that this thing endured" : Processus de légitimation et la Responsabilité de protéger

L’objet de cette thèse est la « Responsabilité de protéger » (RdP), son émergence et les processus de légitimation qui ont contribué à son acceptation dans les arènes de la politique globale. Le principe d’une intervention militaire à des fins humanitaires gagne en légitimité dans les années 1990, bien qu’il soit marqué par d’intenses polémiques dans la pratique. Les situations de conflits où les civils sont brutalement persécutés et les interventions demandées et organisées pour y répondre sont maintenant largement justifiées dans les termes de la RdP. Est donc apparu d’abord un changement normatif. Ce changement s’est cristallisé dans le rapport de la Commission internationale sur l’intervention et la souveraineté des États (CIISE) qui a forgé l’expression « responsabilité de protéger ». Le point de départ ici est cependant que la RdP marque un changement discursif dans la manière de parler et de justifier ces pratiques. Je montre comment les termes de la RdP en sont venus à être ceux qui dégagent le plus large consensus autour de la question de l’intervention à des fins humanitaires. La thèse centrale de cette recherche est que le relatif succès de la RdP tient au fait que les architectes de la CIISE et les entrepreneurs de la RdP ont déployé un sens pratique aiguisé du champ de la politique globale. Le procédé principal employé est de mettre en lumière les processus de légitimation activement mis en oeuvre pour stimuler ce changement discursif. J’avance que les agents ont su placer la RdP, et par extension le principe de l’intervention à des fins humanitaires, dans le domaine du non problématique en déployant un langage et des pratiques vus comme ne posant pas problème. Concrètement, il s’est agi de choisir les agents à qui serait accordée la reconnaissance de parler, mais qui seraient aussi en mesure de proposer une solution d’une manière considérée comme légitime dans les arènes de la politique globale. Traquer les processus de légitimation est un procédé analytique qui permet de comprendre le succès de la RdP, mais qui révèle également des éléments fondamentaux du fonctionnement formel et informel de la politique globale.

Cultural Nationalism

Nationalism may involve the combination of culture and politics, but for many of its most prominent students, the former is subordinate to the latter. In this view, nationalist appeals to culture are a means to a political end; that is, the achievement of statehood. Hence, for Ernest Gellner (2006 [1983]: 124), culture is but an epiphenomenon, a ‘false-consciousness … hardly worth analyzing …’. For their part, Eric Hobsbawm and Terrence Ranger (1983) suggest that national traditions are ‘invented’ by elites concerned with the legitimization of state power. Similarly, John Breuilly (2006 [1982]: 11) defines national movements as ‘political movements … which seek to gain or exercise state power and justify their objectives in terms of nationalist doctrine’. A broadly similar characterization of nationalism can be found in the writings of many other esteemed scholars (Giddens, 1985; Laitin, 2007; Mann, 1995; Tilly, 1975). The privileging of politics over culture remains the dominant approach to understanding nationalism, but it is not without criticism. There is now a vast and rapidly growing body of literature insisting that the role of culture should be made more prominent. In opposition to the argument that nationalist appeals to culture are but an exercise in legitimation, this body of literature suggests that they can be ends unto themselves. This latter phenomenon, generally referred to as cultural nationalism, is the subject of this chapter. The chapter proceeds as follows. I begin with the definition and history of cultural nationalism before discussing several key themes in its study. To conclude, I briefly outline several lines of research that I believe hold particular potential for developing the field. In the light of the huge array of literature on cultural nationalism, the review is focused on seminal contributions.