176 resultados para Authorial revenge
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O trabalho analisa a história da produção do edifício da Faculdade de Arquitetura e Urbanismo da Universidade de São Paulo, projetado por João Batista Vilanova Artigas (1915-1985) em 1961 e concluído em 1969. Mais especificamente, o artigo se volta aos materiais do edifício, oferecendo insumos para uma discussão sobre o papel do chamado “brutalismo paulista” na década de 1960. O edifício da FAUUSP, como se sabe, é um marco na arquitetura moderna brasileira. Seu caráter paradigmático consiste na síntese das posições programáticas de Artigas, tanto em relação ao ensino de arquitetura como em relação à poética moderna, que ultrapassa o limite autoral e constitui uma escola. São características dessa escola – por vezes chamada de “paulista”, “brutalista” ou “artiguista” – alguns princípios como a continuidade espacial, o elogio das formas estruturais, a verdade dos materiais e o desenvolvimento das forças produtivas através da superação tecnológica. Esses princípios respondiam a algumas das questões mais urgentes da arquitetura moderna brasileira naquele período, deslocando a nova monumentalidade para uma dimensão construtiva. A nova poética, claramente exposta no projeto da FAUUSP, coincide com o surgimento de uma estética que atribuiu um novo valor político e crítico à produção. Passam a ser frequentes, por exemplo, interpretações do concreto armado brasileiro como síntese do subdesenvolvimento, por suas marcas de feitura artesanal e seus recordes tecnológicos. O objetivo deste artigo é contribuir com esse debate caracterizando em detalhe a produção do edifício em seus materiais: o concreto armado, a esquadria, os materiais de acabamento e os componentes industriais. O exame de aspectos históricos da produção do edifício, recolhidos em documentos originais e depoimentos, permite verificarmos de que modo a poética arquitetônica participa das decisões da obra e qual o seu impacto na economia do edifício e em sua forma de produção. Aprendemos, por exemplo, que o concreto armado apresenta manifestações visuais distintas e independentes de seu modo de produção (que foram pelo menos três: moldado in loco, protendido, e com agregados leves, sem função estrutural); que a empena da fachada exigiu uma fundação própria para seu cimbramento; que a modulação dos caixilhos não correspondia à modulação da estrutura; que a resina epóxi foi usada de modo pioneiro e experimental; que as fôrmas foram produzidas por um hábil carpinteiro português, mas as relações de trabalho eram precárias; que a contratação do projeto básico previa o detalhamento durante a obra pelo Escritório Técnico do Fundo para a Construção da Cidade Universitária. Essa noção ampla de material, entendida como a matéria mais o trabalho social que a define historicamente, nos permite tratar, simultaneamente, de aspectos técnicos, econômicos e artísticos da obra e assim compreender com maior exatidão dos termos do debate acerca da produção na arquitetura “brutalista” e seu papel político.
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[ES] Los inquisidores castigaron a Pablo de Olavide en 1776, pero fueron Grimaldi, ministro de Estado, y Carlos III los que le eligieron como castigo ejemplar para responder a la agitación política provocada por el conde de Aranda en su deseo de volver al poder. Como no podían tocar a un grande de España como Aranda, se vengaron en su protegido Olavide y lo llevaron a las cárceles secretas de la Inquisición. Todo se acordó con Su Majestad. [EN] Inquisitors punished Pablo de Olavide in 1776, but Grimaldi, Minister of State, Inquisitors punished Pablo de Olavide in 1776, but Grimaldi, Minister of State, and Charles III were the ones who chose his case as an exemplary punishment to respond to the political turmoil caused by the Count of Aranda after an attemp to return to power. As they could not punish a grandee of Spain such as Aranda, they took revenge on his protégé Olavide and took him to the secret prisons of the Inquisition. Everything was agreed with His Majesty.
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This study aims at analysing Brian O'Nolans literary production in the light of a reconsideration of the role played by his two most famous pseudonyms ,Flann Brien and Myles na Gopaleen, behind which he was active both as a novelist and as a journalist. We tried to establish a new kind of relationship between them and their empirical author following recent cultural and scientific surveys in the field of Humour Studies, Psychology, and Sociology: taking as a starting point the appreciation of the comic attitude in nature and in cultural history, we progressed through a short history of laughter and derision, followed by an overview on humour theories. After having established such a frame, we considered an integration of scientific studies in the field of laughter and humour as a base for our study scheme, in order to come to a definition of the comic author as a recognised, powerful and authoritative social figure who acts as a critic of conventions. The history of laughter and comic we briefly summarized, based on the one related by the French scholar Georges Minois in his work (Minois 2004), has been taken into account in the view that humorous attitude is one of manâs characteristic traits always present and witnessed throughout the ages, though subject in most cases to repression by cultural and political conservative power. This sort of Super-Ego notwithstanding, or perhaps because of that, comic impulse proved irreducible exactly in its influence on the current cultural debates. Basing mainly on Robert R. Provineâs (Provine 2001), Fabio Ceccarelliâs (Ceccarelli 1988), Arthur Koestlerâs (Koestler 1975) and Peter L. Bergerâs (Berger 1995) scientific essays on the actual occurrence of laughter and smile in complex social situations, we underlined the many evidences for how the use of comic, humour and wit (in a Freudian sense) could be best comprehended if seen as a common mind process designed for the improvement of knowledge, in which we traced a strict relation with the play-element the Dutch historian Huizinga highlighted in his famous essay, Homo Ludens (Huizinga 1955). We considered comic and humour/wit as different sides of the same coin, and showed how the demonstrations scientists provided on this particular subject are not conclusive, given that the mental processes could not still be irrefutably shown to be separated as regards graduations in comic expression and reception: in fact, different outputs in expressions might lead back to one and the same production process, following the general âEconomy Ruleâ of evolution; man is the only animal who lies, meaning with this that one feeling is not necessarily biuniquely associated with one and the same outward display, so human expressions are not validation proofs for feelings. Considering societies, we found that in nature they are all organized in more or less the same way, that is, in élites who govern over a community who, in turn, recognizes them as legitimate delegates for that task; we inferred from this the epistemological possibility for the existence of an added ruling figure alongside those political and religious: this figure being the comic, who is the person in charge of expressing true feelings towards given subjects of contention. Any community owns one, and his very peculiar status is validated by the fact that his place is within the community, living in it and speaking to it, but at the same time is outside it in the sense that his action focuses mainly on shedding light on ideas and objects placed out-side the boundaries of social convention: taboos, fears, sacred objects and finally culture are the favourite targets of the comic personâs arrow. This is the reason for the word a(rche)typical as applied to the comic figure in society: atypical in a sense, because unconventional and disrespectful of traditions, critical and never at ease with unblinkered respect of canons; archetypical, because the âvillage foolâ, buffoon, jester or anyone in any kind of society who plays such roles, is an archetype in the Jungian sense, i.e. a personification of an irreducible side of human nature that everybody instinctively knows: a beginner of a tradition, the perfect type, what is most conventional of all and therefore the exact opposite of an atypical. There is an intrinsic necessity, we think, of such figures in societies, just like politicians and priests, who should play an elitist role in order to guide and rule not for their own benefit but for the good of the community. We are not naïve and do know that actual owners of power always tend to keep it indefinitely: the âsocial comicâ as a role of power has nonetheless the distinctive feature of being the only job whose tension is not towards stability. It has got in itself the rewarding permission of contradiction, for the very reason we exposed before that the comic must cast an eye both inside and outside society and his vision may be perforce not consistent, then it is satisfactory for the popularity that gives amongst readers and audience. Finally, the difference between governors, priests and comic figures is the seriousness of the first two (fundamentally monologic) and the merry contradiction of the third (essentially dialogic). MPs, mayors, bishops and pastors should always console, comfort and soothe popular mood in respect of the public convention; the comic has the opposite task of provoking, urging and irritating, accomplishing at the same time a sort of control of the soothing powers of society, keepers of the righteousness. In this view, the comic person assumes a paramount importance in the counterbalancing of power administration, whether in form of acting in public places or in written pieces which could circulate for private reading. At this point comes into question our Irish writer Brian O'Nolan(1911-1966), real name that stood behind the more famous masks of Flann O'Brien, novelist, author of At Swim-Two-Birds (1939), The Hard Life (1961), The Dalkey Archive (1964) and, posthumously, The Third Policeman (1967); and of Myles na Gopaleen, journalist, keeper for more than 25 years of the Cruiskeen Lawn column on The Irish Times (1940-1966), and author of the famous book-parody in Irish An Béal Bocht (1941), later translated in English as The Poor Mouth (1973). Brian O'Nolan, professional senior civil servant of the Republic, has never seen recognized his authorship in literary studies, since all of them concentrated on his alter egos Flann, Myles and some others he used for minor contributions. So far as we are concerned, we think this is the first study which places the real name in the title, this way acknowledging him an unity of intents that no-one before did. And this choice in titling is not a mere mark of distinction for the sake of it, but also a wilful sign of how his opus should now be reconsidered. In effect, the aim of this study is exactly that of demonstrating how the empirical author Brian O'Nolan was the real Deus in machina, the master of puppets who skilfully directed all of his identities in planned directions, so as to completely fulfil the role of the comic figure we explained before. Flann O'Brien and Myles na Gopaleen were personae and not persons, but the impression one gets from the critical studies on them is the exact opposite. Literary consideration, that came only after O'Nolans death, began with Anne Clissmannâs work, Flann O'Brien: A Critical Introduction to His Writings (Clissmann 1975), while the most recent book is Keith Donohueâs The Irish Anatomist: A Study of Flann O'Brien (Donohue 2002); passing through M.Keith Bookerâs Flann O'Brien, Bakhtin and Menippean Satire (Booker 1995), Keith Hopperâs Flann O'Brien: A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Post-Modernist (Hopper 1995) and Monique Gallagherâs Flann O'Brien, Myles et les autres (Gallagher 1998). There have also been a couple of biographies, which incidentally somehow try to explain critical points his literary production, while many critical studies do the same on the opposite side, trying to found critical points of view on the authorâs restless life and habits. At this stage, we attempted to merge into O'Nolan's corpus the journalistic articles he wrote, more than 4,200, for roughly two million words in the 26-year-old running of the column. To justify this, we appealed to several considerations about the figure O'Nolan used as writer: Myles na Gopaleen (later simplified in na Gopaleen), who was the equivalent of the street artist or storyteller, speaking to his imaginary public and trying to involve it in his stories, quarrels and debates of all kinds. First of all, he relied much on language for the reactions he would obtain, playing on, and with, words so as to ironically unmask untrue relationships between words and things. Secondly, he pushed to the limit the convention of addressing to spectators and listeners usually employed in live performing, stretching its role in the written discourse to come to a greater effect of involvement of readers. Lastly, he profited much from what we labelled his âspecific weightâ, i.e. the potential influence in society given by his recognised authority in determined matters, a position from which he could launch deeper attacks on conventional beliefs, so complying with the duty of a comic we hypothesised before: that of criticising society even in threat of losing the benefits the post guarantees. That seemingly masochistic tendency has its rationale. Every representative has many privileges on the assumption that he, or she, has great responsibilities in administrating. The higher those responsibilities are, the higher is the reward but also the severer is the punishment for the misfits done while in charge. But we all know that not everybody accepts the rules and many try to use their power for their personal benefit and do not want to undergo lawâs penalties. The comic, showing in this case more civic sense than others, helped very much in this by the non-accessibility to the use of public force, finds in the role of the scapegoat the right accomplishment of his task, accepting the punishment when his breaking of the conventions is too stark to be forgiven. As Ceccarelli demonstrated, the role of the object of laughter (comic, ridicule) has its very own positive side: there is freedom of expression for the person, and at the same time integration in the society, even though at low levels. Then the banishment of a âsocialâ comic can never get to total extirpation from society, revealing how the scope of the comic lies on an entirely fictional layer, bearing no relation with facts, nor real consequences in terms of physical health. Myles na Gopaleen, mastering these three characteristics we postulated in the highest way, can be considered an author worth noting; and the oeuvre he wrote, the whole collection of Cruiskeen Lawn articles, is rightfully a novel because respects the canons of it especially regarding the authorial figure and his relationship with the readers. In addition, his work can be studied even if we cannot conduct our research on the whole of it, this proceeding being justified exactly because of the resemblances to the real figure of the storyteller: its âchaptersâ âthe daily articlesâ had a format that even the distracted reader could follow, even one who did not read each and every article before. So we can critically consider also a good part of them, as collected in the seven volumes published so far, with the addition of some others outside the collections, because completeness in this case is not at all a guarantee of a better precision in the assessment; on the contrary: examination of the totality of articles might let us consider him as a person and not a persona. Once cleared these points, we proceeded further in considering tout court the works of Brian O'Nolan as the works of a unique author, rather than complicating the references with many names which are none other than well-wrought sides of the same personality. By putting O'Nolan as the correct object of our research, empirical author of the works of the personae Flann O'Brien and Myles na Gopaleen, there comes out a clearer literary landscape: the comic author Brian O'Nolan, self-conscious of his paramount role in society as both a guide and a scourge, in a word as an a(rche)typical, intentionally chose to differentiate his personalities so as to create different perspectives in different fields of knowledge by using, in addition, different means of communication: novels and journalism. We finally compared the newly assessed author Brian O'Nolan with other great Irish comic writers in English, such as James Joyce (the one everybody named as the master in the field), Samuel Beckett, and Jonathan Swift. This comparison showed once more how O'Nolan is in no way inferior to these authors who, greatly celebrated by critics, have nonetheless failed to achieve that great public recognition OâNolan received alias Myles, awarded by the daily audience he reached and influenced with his Cruiskeen Lawn column. For this reason, we believe him to be representative of the comic figureâs function as a social regulator and as a builder of solidarity, such as that Raymond Williams spoke of in his work (Williams 1982), with in mind the aim of building a âculture in commonâ. There is no way for a âculture in commonâ to be acquired if we do not accept the fact that even the most functional society rests on conventions, and in a world more and more âconnectedâ we need someone to help everybody negotiate with different cultures and persons. The comic gives us a worldly perspective which is at the same time comfortable and distressing but in the end not harmful as the one furnished by politicians could be: he lets us peep into parallel worlds without moving too far from our armchair and, as a consequence, is the one who does his best for the improvement of our understanding of things.
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Oggetto di questo lavoro è un’analisi dettagliata di un campione ristretto di riprese televisive della Quinta Sinfonia di Beethoven, con l’obiettivo di far emergere il loro meccanismo costruttivo, in senso sia tecnico sia culturale. Premessa dell’indagine è che ciascuna ripresa sia frutto di un’autorialità specifica che si sovrappone alle due già presenti in ogni esecuzione della Quinta Sinfonia, quella del compositore e quella dell’interprete, definita perciò «terza autorialità» riassumendo nella nozione la somma di contributi specifici che portano alla produzione di una ripresa (consulente musicale, regista, operatori di ripresa). La ricerca esamina i rapporti che volta a volta si stabiliscono fra i tre diversi piani autoriali, ma non mira a una ricostruzione filologica: l’obiettivo non è ricostruire le intenzioni dell’autore materiale quanto di far emergere dall’esame della registrazione della ripresa, così com’è data a noi oggi (spesso in una versione già più volte rimediata, in genere sotto forma di dvd commercializzato), scelte tecniche, musicali e culturali che potevano anche essere inconsapevoli. L’analisi dettagliata delle riprese conferma l’ipotesi di partenza che ci sia una sorta di sistema convenzionale, quasi una «solita forma» o approccio standardizzato, che sottende la gran parte delle riprese; gli elementi che si possono definire convenzionali, sia per la presenza sia per la modalità di trattamento, sono diversi, ma sono soprattutto due gli aspetti che sembrano esserne costitutivi: il legame con il rito del concerto, che viene rispettato e reincarnato televisivamente, con la costruzione di una propria, specifica aura; e la presenza di un paradigma implicito e sostanzialmente ineludibile che pone la maggior parte delle riprese televisive entro l’alveo della concezione della musica classica come musica pura, astratta, che deve essere compresa nei suoi propri termini.
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Oggetto di questa tesi è l’analisi delle modalità di rappresentazione del trauma nel romanzo del Novecento e, in particolare, nelle opere di Samuel Beckett, Georges Perec e Agota Kristof. Fondamento dello studio sarà una disamina dei procedimenti linguistici e narrativi di rappresentazione del trauma nelle prose degli autori citati, al fine tracciare le linee di un’estetica in grado di descrivere le caratteristiche peculiari delle narrazioni in cui la dimensione antinarrativa della memoria traumatica assume il ruolo di principio estetico guida. L’analisi si soffermerà sulla cruciale relazione esistente, in tutti e tre gli autori, tra rappresentazione del trauma e sviluppo di strategie narrativi definibili come “denegative”. L’analisi dei testi letterari è condotta sulla base del corpus critico dei Trauma Studies, dell’ermeneutica della narrazione di stampo ricœuriano e della teoria del linguaggio psicoanalitica e affiancata, ove possibile, da uno studio filologico-genetico dei materiali d’autore. Alla luce di tali premesse, intendo rivalutare il carattere rappresentativo e testimoniale della letteratura del secolo scorso, in contrasto con la consuetudine a vedere nel romanzo novecentesco il trionfo dell’antimimesi e il declino del racconto. Dal momento che le narrazioni traumatiche si costruiscono intorno e attraverso i vuoti di linguaggio, la tesi è che siano proprio questi vuoti linguistici e narrativi (amnesie, acronie, afasie, lapsus, omissioni e mancanze ancora più sofisticate come nel caso di Perec) a rappresentare, in modo mimetico, la realtà apparentemente inaccessibile del trauma. Si tenterà di dimostrare come questi nuovi canoni di rappresentazione non denuncino l’impossibilità del racconto, bensì una sfida al silenzio, celata in più sottili e complesse convenzioni narrative, le quali mantengono un rapporto di filiazione indiretto − per una via che potremmo definire denegativa − con quelle del romanzo tradizionale.
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L’obiettivo primario di questo lavoro è quello di esplorare un insieme di documentari corti italiani di tipo etnografico e sociologico. Questi film hanno ricevuto pochissima attenzione critica, mentre sono essenziali alla comprensione del periodo di storia italiana compreso fra gli ultimi anni del Regime fascista e la fine del “Miracolo economico”. La prima parte della tesi è dedicata alla descrizione del contesto economico, sociologico, politico in cui questi lavori sono stati prodotti. La seconda parte si concentra su circa un centinaio di documentari corti analizzati sulla base di tre diversi criteri. Innanzitutto li abbiamo considerati a partire da un punto di vista autoriale, secondariamente a partire dalle loro caratteristiche produttive e distributive e infine sulla base di un criterio regionale. A partire dalla discussione antropologica coeva riguardante la scomparsa dei mondi contadini e su una precisa ricerca d’archivio focalizzata sullo stesso tema, abbiamo poi comparato il risultato dell’analisi del corpus con altre forme filmiche di rappresentazione dello stesso soggetto. Oltre a far riemergere un gruppo di autori e film quasi dimenticati, questo lavoro intende lanciare uno sguardo sul veloce, conflittuale e sbilanciato cambiamento compreso fra i mondi rurali tradizionali e la modernità, che ha caratterizzato la società italiana degli anni Cinquanta e Sessanta.
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This article focuses on the “social side” of pseudonymity—on how writers and readers compete to influence the critical destiny of a pseudonymous work. By analyzing pseudonymity and attribution in both the specific context of Voltaire’s 1760 staging of the play, Le café ou l’écossaise, and in larger debates in the emerging fields of anonymity, pseudonymity, and attribution studies, I hope to show how literary scholars at present can address the individuality of each pseudonymous case while not letting go of trans-historical, general problems of anonymous strategies. Voltaire’s use of multiple pseudonyms before and after releasing L’Ecossaise, a comédie sérieuse in which Voltaire attacks his enemy Elie-Cathérine Fréron, supports his philosophe friends at a crucial moment in history, and exemplifies his emerging taste for serious comedy and British drama calls into question traditional takes on pseudonymity, anonymity, and attribution by refusing to fit into the binary arguments of anonymous vs. attributed and authorial intent vs. the reader’s control.
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The sensitivity of crime rates to social, economic and political influences has long aroused the interest of sociologists who have attempted to explain what kind of relationships might be associated with variations in crime rates between different social groups at different times. The earliest views were put forward by Emil Durkheim, and while later writers have developed (R.K. Merton, L. Srole, A, K. Cohen, etc.) have developed some aspects of his ideas further, his basic ideas of the divorce of the individual from normative standards and the lack of social integration are still valid. Ms. Voicu-Minea looked at the theoretical background in detail but then limited it to a specific social group, the family, asking first why certain individual within vulnerable families and/or negative social influences commit offences while others do not. In modern times the family has undergone massive structural and functional changes. Its former economic function, which once endowed it with a great capacity for social inclusion, has generally vanished, while its formerly crucial role in children's education has been massively reduced. These changes, which are still not complete, can lead to dysfunction and in certain social contexts such as that in post-communist Romanian society, this risk of dysfunction is still greater as unfavourably social circumstances more easily affect such families. The number of cases of juvenile delinquency in Romania has increased sharply ever since the end of the communist system and in 1996 reached the level of 18,317 cases. The sample examined included 1012 juvenile delinquents aged between 14 and 18, taken from all areas of Bucharest. Over 80% of charges related to theft, with more serious offences being relatively rare. The children underwent a series of psychological tests, accompanied by a questionnaire relating to family situation. The results showed that juvenile delinquency in Romania is overwhelmingly male, with 91.8% of offences being committed by boys. Two thirds of the research group were under the age of 16 and only just over one third attended school, with over half having left school before the legal age. While the majority of subjects had a lower than average level of education, they did not always recognise this, with two thirds seeing their level of education as being as good as or better than average. Nearly half the children (43%) did not live with both natural parents and majority came from families with three or more children. This applied both to their original families and to the families in which they were living at the time of the survey. The overwhelming majority of families were living in or around Bucharest, but under one third originated from there. Almost 25% of parents were under-schooled and around one third were unqualified workers. At least 30% of families lived in inadequate accommodation and family incomes were generally low. Ms. Voicu-Minea does however point out that over half the minors from the sample saw their family income as satisfactory or even more than satisfactory. When factors such as bad relationships between parents, corporal punishment, alcohol consumption and criminal records of family members were taken into account, the picture was bleak, making it understandable why over 36% of subjects had run away from home at least once, and in many cases repeatedly and for longer periods. The overwhelming majority of offences (80.8%) were committed in groups of between 2 and 11 persons, usually "friends" but in about 10% of cases member's of the family. IQ tests put about 75% of the sample at slightly under average, the difference being too slight to account for the behaviour problems of the majority. Personality tests, however, showed a different picture. Over 70% of those tested manifested an acute need of tenderness and a similar number a high level of potential aggressiveness. Almost half of the minors expressed such feelings as intolerance or a desire for revenge, and Ms. Voicu-Minea found a clear weakness of the Self. Around half the sample expressed sentiments of abandonment, renunciation and solitude.
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Forgiveness is often assumed to be adaptive for psychological adjustment following interpersonal transgressions. Three hundred and forty seven individuals who had experienced a recent interpersonal transgression were surveyed on four occasions over the course of six weeks. Forgiveness was assessed with scales measuring interpersonal avoidance and revenge motivation and psychological adjustment was assessed with scales measuring depression and rumination. Latent growth curve analyses showed that intraindividual changes in forgiveness were positively correlated with changes in adjustment. Latent difference score analyses indicated that adjustment predicted subsequent change in forgiveness, but that forgiveness did not predict subsequent change in adjustment. The results suggest that adjustment facilitates forgiveness, but not that forgiveness facilitates adjustment.
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ContentsExpo displays talentsLow student turnout plagues runoff electionSeasonal disorder hits hard in winterSzopinski wins seat on Ames City CouncilCyclones seek revenge in Cy-Hawk seriesIowa State gets big win against Prairie View A&MNo justification for ignorance
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This article traces the networks in the Russian revolutionary underground from the 1860s untill 1917 and subsumes them under the term radical milieu. Though there existed ideological differences all Russian radicals shared a common identity as „anti-society“ against the tsarist regime. In the radical milieu with its own values the participants tried to create their own reality, where all members regardless of their social origin or sex were seen as equal. The radical milieu was backed by a sphere of sympathisers that constituted the main source of material support and the main recruiting field. But the radicals were very careful when selecting new members for their underground world. Applicants had to fulfil defined criteria. The radical milieu in Russia was in a permanent danger to be infiltrated by the secret police. This situation between fear and hope was the background where ideas of solidarity but also visions of violence and revenge against the “traitors” were ripening and then became realised.
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This article examines the issue of climate change in the context of ecocriticism. It analyzes some of the narrative forms employed in the mediation of climate change science, focusing on those used by mediators who are not themselves scientists in the transmission of scientific information to a nonspecialist readership or audience. It reviews four relevant works that combine the communication of scientific theories and facts with pedagogical and motivational impulses. These include David Guggenheimer’s documentary film An Inconvenient Truth, Fred Pearce’s book The Last Generation: How Nature Will Take Her Revenge for Climate Change and the climate change manuals The Live Earth Global Warming Survival Handbook and How to Save the Climate.
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by A. Goldfaden. Arr. for violin by Henry A. Russotta
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Für Klavier solo, ohne Gesang und ohne Text
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Theoretischer Hintergrund: Beschreibungen der posttraumatischen Belastungsstörung (PTB) besagen, dass Personen mit PTB häufig starke Rachegefühle erleben. Es besteht jedoch ein Mangel an bestätigenden empirischen Untersuchungen. Fragestellung: Der Zusammenhang zwischen Rachegefühlen und posttraumatischen Belastungsreaktionen wird untersucht. Methode: Die Daten wurden mittels Selbstbeurteilung bei 174 Opfern von Gewalttaten erfasst. Zur Messung der Belastungsreaktionen wurde die Impact of Event-Skala – revidierte Version (IES-R) eingesetzt. Ergebnisse: Rachegefühle korrelieren bedeutsam mit posttraumatischer Intrusion und Übererregung, jedoch nicht mit Vermeidung. Rachegefühle leisten einen Beitrag zur Varianzaufklärung, der über den Vorhersagebeitrag viktimologischer Standardvariablen hinausgeht. Der Zusammenhang wird jedoch erst mit wachsendem zeitlichen Abstand vom Ereignis enger. Schlussfolgerungen: Rachegefühle sind vermutlich als dysfunktionale Bewältigungsreaktion auf erlittene Ungerechtigkeit zu bewerten, jedoch nicht in der ersten Zeit nach einer kriminellen Viktimisierung.