INTERVENÇÕES LÚDICO-MUSICAIS FRENTE AO ESTRESSE DE CRIANÇAS ACOLHIDAS VÍTIMAS DE VIOLÊNCIA DOMÉSTICA

Este estudo investiga o nível de estresse de crianças acolhidas vítimas de violência doméstica, antes e após intervenções lúdico-musicais em grupo, através de pesquisa exploratória descritiva de caráter quali-quantitativo. Caracteriza inicialmente a população da instituição, de 100 acolhidos, seu perfil sócio-demográfico, tipo de violência e motivo do acolhimento. Aplica a seguir, a Escala de Stress Infantil, ESI em 20 sujeitos, selecionados por conveniência. Realiza em seguida, intervenção com oito desses 20 participantes, também selecionados por conveniência, em oito sessões semanais, baseadas em técnicas de musicoterapia, que incluem relaxamento e atividades lúdicas, com abordagem winnicottiana. Ao final, realiza pós-teste da ESI nos 20 participantes. Os dados do perfil sócio-demográfico dos 100 acolhidos revelam 65% por cento do sexo feminino e 35% do masculino; faixa etária média de 6,66; violências sofridas por: negligência (52%); violência física (19%); dificuldade financeira (15%); abandono (12%); abuso sexual (2%). No pré-teste da ESI, foi constatado estresse em 80% dos casos, com predomínio nas meninas, sendo que o pós-teste não mostrou diferença significativa (p=0,944). A análise da intervenção mostrou-se positiva, revelando boa aceitação dos participantes, que expressaram seus sentimentos e emoções num setting acolhedor que promoveu a criatividade e a espontaneidade por meio de jogos sonoros, com abertura para novas experiências e socialização, caracterizando-se como medida de promoção da saúde da criança acolhida, com redução de seu estresse.

Spectatorship and the war on terror:creating consensus through global audiences

This paper considers the staging of violence, atrocities, and sexuality in the conduct of the war on terror. The piece discusses the manner in which the terms of the war on terror appear to shut down possible debate and examines the rhetorical and representational strategies that cause this. The paper argues that the war on terror includes a cultural project that seeks to create a consenting global audience. This cultural project appears more diffuse and less immediately instrumental than the military and diplomatic activities of this global battle. The piece argues that it is through the circulation of open secrets and accounts of torture and abuse that a global audience is constructed as both witness and participant in the practices and objectives of the war and that this positioning is designed to corral audience understanding into the suggested narratives of the proponents of the war. Este documento considera el escenario de la violencia, las atrocidades y la sexualidad en la conducta de la guerra contra el terror. El artículo plantea la manera en que los términos de la guerra contra el terror parecen suspender un posible debate y examina las estrategias retóricas y representativas que causaron esto. El documento plantea que la guerra contra el terror incluye un proyecto cultural que busca crear una audiencia global de común acuerdo. Este proyecto cultural parece más difuso y menos útil en el momento, que las actividades militares y diplomáticas de esta batalla global. El artículo sostiene que es mediante la circulación de secretos abiertos y de informes sobre la tortura y el abuso, que se forma una audiencia global tanto testigos como participantes de las prácticas y los objetivos de la guerra y que esa posición está designada a encerrar el conocimiento de la audiencia dentro de los relatos sugeridos por los proponentes de guerra.

Harnessing linked knowledge sources for topic classification in social media

Topic classification (TC) of short text messages offers an effective and fast way to reveal events happening around the world ranging from those related to Disaster (e.g. Sandy hurricane) to those related to Violence (e.g. Egypt revolution). Previous approaches to TC have mostly focused on exploiting individual knowledge sources (KS) (e.g. DBpedia or Freebase) without considering the graph structures that surround concepts present in KSs when detecting the topics of Tweets. In this paper we introduce a novel approach for harnessing such graph structures from multiple linked KSs, by: (i) building a conceptual representation of the KSs, (ii) leveraging contextual information about concepts by exploiting semantic concept graphs, and (iii) providing a principled way for the combination of KSs. Experiments evaluating our TC classifier in the context of Violence detection (VD) and Emergency Responses (ER) show promising results that significantly outperform various baseline models including an approach using a single KS without linked data and an approach using only Tweets. Copyright 2013 ACM.

Latin America and the Caribbean in 2011 and Beyond: A conversation among Latin America and Caribbean Specialists.

For the first time in more than fifty years, the domestic and external conflicts in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) are not primarily ideological in nature. Democracy continues to thrive and its promise still inspires hope. In contrast, the illegal production, consumption, and trading of drugs – and its links to criminal gangs and organizations – represent major challenges to the region, undermining several States’ already weak capacity to govern. While LAC macroeconomic stability has remained resilient, illegal economies fill the region, often offering what some States have not historically been able to provide – elements of human security, opportunities for social mobility, and basic survival. Areas controlled by drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) are now found in Central America, Mexico, and the favelas of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, reflecting their competition for land routes and production areas. Cartels such as La Familia, Los Zetas, and Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC-Brazil), among others, operate like trade and financial enterprises that manage millions of dollars and resources, demonstrating significant business skills in adapting to changing circumstances. They are also merciless in their application of violence to preserve their lucrative enterprises. The El Salvador-Guatemala-Honduras triangle in Central America is now the most violent region in the world, surpassing regions in Africa that have been torn by civil strife for years. In Brazil’s favelas and Guatemala’s Petén region, the military is leaving the barracks again; not to rule, however, but to supplement and even replace the law enforcement capacity of weak and discredited police forces. This will challenge the military to apply lessons learned during the course of their experience in government, or from the civil wars that plagued the region for nearly 50 years during the Cold War. Will they be able to conduct themselves according to the professional ethics that have been inculcated over the past 20 years without incurring violations of human rights? Belief in their potential to do good is high according to many polls as the Armed Forces still enjoy a favorable perception in most societies, despite frequent involvement in corruption. Calling them to fight DTOs, however, may bring them too close to the illegal activities they are being asked to resist, or even rekindle the view that only a “strong hand” can resolve national troubles. The challenge of governance is occurring as contrasts within the region are becoming sharper. There is an increasing gap between nations positioned to surpass their “developing nation” status and those that are practically imploding as the judicial, political and enforcement institutions fall further into the quagmire of illicit activities. Several South American nations are advancing their political and economic development. Brazil in particular has realized macro-economic stability, made impressive gains in poverty reduction, and is on track to potentially become a significant oil producer. It is also an increasingly influential power, much closer to the heralded “emerging power” category that it aspired to for most of the 20th century. In contrast, several Central American States have become so structurally deficient, and have garnered such limited legitimacy, that their countries have devolved into patches of State controlled and non-State-controlled territory, becoming increasingly vulnerable to DTO entrenchment. In the Caribbean, the drug and human trafficking business also thrives. Small and larger countries are experiencing the growing impact of illicit economies and accompanying crime and violence. Among these, Guyana and Suriname face greater uncertainty, as they juggle both their internal affairs and their relations with Brazil and Venezuela. Cuba also faces new challenges as it continues focusing on internal rather than external affairs and attempts to ensure a stable leadership succession while simultaneously trying to reform its economy. Loosening the regime’s tight grip on the economy while continuing to curtail citizen’s civil rights will test the leadership’s ability to manage change and prevent a potential socio-economic crisis from turning into an existential threat. Cuba’s past ideological zest is now in the hands of Venezuela’s President Hugo Chavez, who continues his attempts to bring the region together under Venezuelan leadership ideologically based on a “Bolivarian” anti-U.S. banner, without much success. The environment and natural disasters will merit more attention in the coming years. Natural events will produce increasing scales of destruction as the States in the region fail to maintain and expand existing infrastructure to withstand such calamities and respond to their effects. Prospects for earthquakes, tsunamis, and hurricanes are high, particularly in the Caribbean. In addition, there are growing rates of deforestation in nearly every country, along with a potential increase in cross-sector competition for resources. The losers might be small farmers, due to their inability to produce quantities commensurate to larger conglomerates. Regulations that could mitigate these types of situations are lacking or openly violated with near impunity. Indigenous and other vulnerable populations, including African descendants, in several Andean countries, are particularly affected by the increasing extraction of natural resources taking place amongst their terrain. This has led to protests against extraction activities that negatively affect their livelihoods, and in the process, these historically underprivileged groups have transitioned from agenda-based organization to one that is bringing its claims and grievances to the national political agenda, becoming more politically engaged. Symptomatic of these social issues is the region’s chronically poor quality of education that has consistently failed to reduce inequality and prepare new generations for jobs in the competitive global economy, particularly the more vulnerable populations. Simultaneously, the educational deficit is also exacerbated by the erosion of access to information and freedom of the press. The international panorama is also in flux. New security entities are challenging the old establishment. The Union of South American Nations, The South American Defense Council, the socialist Bolivarian Alliance, and other entities seem to be defying the Organization of American States and its own defense mechanisms, and excluding the U.S. And the U.S.’s attention to areas in conflict, namely Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan – rather than to the more stable Latin America and Caribbean – has left ample room for other actors to elbow in. China is now the top trading partner for Brazil. Russian and Iran are also finding new partnerships in the region, yet their links appear more politically inclined than those of China. Finally, the aforementioned increasing commercial ties by LAC States with China have accelerated a return to the preponderance of commodities as sources of income for their economies. The increased extraction of raw material for export will produce greater concern over the environmental impact that is created by the exploitation of natural resources. These expanded trade opportunities may prove counterproductive economically for countries in the region, particularly for Brazil and Chile, two countries whose economic policies have long sought diversification from dependence on commodities to the development of service and technology based industries.

Lan American Coups: Have They Vanished or Taken New Shapes?

In the following pages, three well-known Latinoamericanists share their views on the current prospects for coups in Latin America. They are: Rut Diamint of the University Torcuatto de Tella in Buenos Aires, Argentina; Pablo Policzer of the University of Calgary in Canada; and Michael Shifter of the Inter-American Dialogue in Washington, DC. Each looks at the potential for coups from different perspectives but, all three come to similar conclusions. That is, that despite substantial gains in democracy, the threat of coups in Latin America remains latent. The authors agree that democracy is growing in the region. Opinion surveys such as the Americas Barometer consistently show that citizens in Latin America have gradually incorporated democracy as part of their core value system. Yet, the authors argue convincingly that Latin America faces new types of interruptions to its democratic process that should be considered coups, even if not following the traditional style of military coup that predominated in the past. Situations that have taken place in Peru, Ecuador, Nicaragua, Honduras and other countries serve to illustrate the new trends. More specifically, Professor Diamint argues that in Latin America a culture of intolerance, demonization of the opposition, and the utilization of any method to achieve power prevails. In a region with a very high threshold of violence, governments fail to set an example of establishing a culture of debate, consensus, and transparency. This culture is inclined to uncontrollable political expressions, preferring confrontational means to resolve conflict. Within this scenario, “messianic” solutions are promoted and coups cannot be discarded as an option that would never transpire. Professor Policzer looks more closely to the constitutional loopholes that allow for a transformation of limited into absolute power. He argues that coups can be constitutional or unconstitutional, and that a constitutional coup can occur when violations to democracy actually stem from the constitutions themselves. In Honduras, for example specific provisions in the Constitution itself created conditions for a constitutional crisis; similar provisions have also led to constitutional authoritarianism in Venezuela and other countries. Dr. Policzer stresses that when a head of state or the military take absolute power, even temporarily, based on provisions in their constitutions; they are in essence staging a constitutional coup. These blind spots in constitutions, he argues, may be more serious threat to democracy than that of traditional coups. Lastly, Dr. Shifter argues that some kind of coup should be expected in Latin America in coming years, not only because fundamental institutions remain weak in some countries, but because the regional political environment is less prepared to respond effectively to transgressions than it was a few years ago. The good news, however, is that only a handful of countries, show no interest in governing. The bad news is that in those few countries where situations are indeed shaky, they are also in some cases aggravated by rising food and fuel prices, and spreading criminality, which pose serious risks to the rule of law and democratic governance.

Mapping Transnational Crime in El Salvador: New Trends and Lessons from Colombia

Since El Salvador’s civil war formally ended in 1992 the small Central American nation has undergone profound social changes and significant reforms. However, few changes have been as important or as devastating as the nation’s emergence as a central hub in the transnational criminal “pipeline” or series of recombinant, overlapping chains of routes and actors that illicit organizations use to traffic in drugs, money weapons, human being, endangered animals and other products. The erasing of the once-clear ideological lines that drove the civil war and the ability of erstwhile enemies to join forces in criminal enterprises in the post-war period is an enduring and dangerous characteristic of El Salvador’s transnational criminal evolution. Trained, elite cadres from both sides, with few legitimate job opportunities, found their skills were marketable in the growing criminal structures. The groups moved from kidnapping and extortion to providing protection services to transnational criminal organizations to becoming integral parts of the organizations themselves. The demand for specialized military and transportation services in El Salvador have exploded as the Mexican DTOs consolidate their hold on the cocaine market and their relationships with the transportista networks, which is still in flux. The value of their services has risen dramatically also because of the fact that multiple Mexican DTOs, at war with each other in Mexico and seeking to physically control the geographic space of the lucrative pipeline routes in from Guatemala to Panama, are eager to increase their military capabilities and intelligence gathering capacities. The emergence of multiple non-state armed groups, often with significant ties to the formal political structure (state) through webs of judicial, legislative and administrative corruption, has some striking parallels to Colombia in the 1980s, where multiple types of violence ultimately challenged the sovereignty of state and left a lasting legacy of embedded corruption within the nation’s political structure. Organized crime in El Salvador is now transnational in nature and more integrated into stronger, more versatile global networks such as the Mexican DTOs. It is a hybrid of both local crime – with gangs vying for control off specific geographic space so they can extract payment for the safe passage of illicit products – and transnational groups that need to use that space to successfully move their products. These symbiotic relationships are both complex and generally transient in nature but growing more consolidated and dangerous.

Essays in economic growth, political economy and institutions

This dissertation analyzes the effects of political and economic institutions on economic development and growth.^ The first essay develops an overlapping-generations political economy model to analyze the incentives of various social groups to finance human capital accumulation through public education expenditures. The contribution of this study to the literature is that it helps explain the observed differences in the economic growth performance of natural resource-abundant countries. The results suggest that the preferred tax rates of the manufacturers on one hand and the political coalition of manufacturers and landowners, on the other hand, are equal to the socially optimal tax rate. However, we show that owners of natural resources prefer an excessively high tax rate, which suppresses aggregate output to a suboptimal level.^ The second essay examines the relationship between the political influence of different social classes and public education spending in panel data estimation. The novel contribution of this paper to the literature is that I proxy the political power and influence of the natural resource owners, manufacturers, and landowners with macroeconomic indicators. The motivation behind this modeling choice is to substantiate the definition of the political power of social classes with economic fundamentals. I use different governance indicators in the estimations to find out how different institutions mediate the overall impact of the political influence of various social classes on public education spending. The results suggest that political stability and absence of violence and rule of law are the important governance indicators.^ The third essay develops a counter argument to Acemoglu et al. (2010) where the thesis is that French institutions and economic reforms fostered economic progress in those German regions invaded by the Napoleonic armies. By providing historical data on urbanization rates used as proxies for economic growth, I demonstrate that similar different rates of economic growth were observed in the regions of France in the post-Napoleonic period as well. The existence of different economic growth rates makes it hard to argue that the differences in economic performance in the German regions that were invaded by the French and those that were spared a similar fate follow from regional differences in economic institutions.^

Different Wars Require Different Strategies: Separating the “War on Drugs” from the “War on Drug [Traffickers]”

Using the securitization framework to highlight the arguments that facilitated the “War on Drugs”, this paper highlights a separate war against drug traffickers. Facilitated by ideology through the rhetoric promoted by the “War on Drugs,” the fear of communist expansion and democratic contraction, the “War on Drug Traffickers” was implemented, requiring its own strategy separate from the “War on Drugs.” This is an important distinction because the play on words changes the perception of the issue from one of drug addiction to one of weak institutions and insurgent/terrorist threat to those institutions. Furthermore, one cannot propose strategy to win, lose, or retreat in a war that one has been unable to identify properly. And while the all-encompassing “War on Drugs” has motivated tremendous discourse on its failure and possible solutions to remedy its failure, the generalizations made as a result of the inability to distinguish between the policies behind drug addiction and the militarized policies behind drug trafficking have discounted the effect of violence perpetrated by the state, the rationale for the state perpetrating that violence, and the dependence that the state has on foreign actors to perpetrate such violence. This makes it impossible to not only propose effective strategy but also to persuade states that participate in the “War on Drug Traffickers” to adopt the proposed strategy.

La representacion de la masculinidad y la violencia de genero en la novela Espanola de la posguerra

While it may be argued that aggression against women is part of a culture of violence deeply rooted in Spanish society, the gender-related violence that exists in today’s Spain is more specifically a legacy of Franco’s dictatorship (1939-1975). Franco’s Spain endorsed unequal gender relations, championed patriarchal dominance and power over women, and imposed models of hegemonic and authoritarian masculinities that internalized violence by rendering it a feature inseparable from manhood and virility. ^ This dissertation provides a comprehensive analysis of masculinity and gender violence in Franco’s Spain, by analyzing the novel as the primary cultural vehicle of social criticism and political dissent against the new regime during a period (1939-1962) dominated by silence and censorship. The first part of this work defines and elucidates the concepts of masculinity and gender violence and the relationship between them. It also compares the significant social and cultural achievements of Spanish women during the Second Republic (1931-1939) with the reactionary curbing of those achievements during Francoism. The second part of this research presents a multidisciplinary analysis of masculinity and gender violence in three novels: Nada (1944) by Carmen Laforet, Juegos de manos (1954) by Juan Goytisolo and Tiempo de silencio (1962) by Luis Martin Santos. ^ Through the literary representation of different models of masculinity and the psychological and social parameters that encourage and incite gender violence, these authors conceptualize and express their political ideology, as well as their symbolic interpretation of Francoist Spain.^

A representação discursiva da vítima e do réu no gênero sentença judicial

This dissertation aims to identify and describe the phenomenon of discursive representation of victim and defendant in court judgment genre. Researchis part of general theoretical framework of text linguistics and more specifically in textual discourse analysis (ATD) theory developed by Jean-Michel Adam ([2008] 2011). Discursive representation notion proposed by ATD is one of the most important aspects of semantic dimension of the text, being complemented in the work of Grize (1990, 1996) from schematization notion. In this perspective, this work is guided by studies of text linguistics with Koch (2012, 2005, 2004), Marcuschi (2012, 2008, 2005), Rodrigues, Passeggi and Silva Neto (2010, 2012, 2014), with genre Bazerman (2005), Bakhtin (1992) and the juridical discourse with Capez (2012), Pimenta (2007), Lourenço (2013) and Gomes (2013) . Methodologically, is a documentary research, presenting qualitative and descriptive characters and is guided by the inductivedeductive method. Corpus consists of a judicial sentence, criminal, collected electronically from Court of Justice of São Paulo - Judiciary website in consultation Judged1st Degree, with the theme of violence against women. Analysis procedures use semantic categories of discursive representation, such as referencing, predication, modification and the spatial and temporal location. Results are focused on the construction of discursive representation of (victim and defendant) from PdV distinct enunciators, which may approach or distance themselves according to argumentative text orientation. Thus, considering social importance of forensic text and, in particular, court judgment in the lives of citizens, it was possible to realize the importance of developing research that addresses the study of text semantic dimension, especially in construction of representations of discourse objects

“Eu quero ver se a justiça vai funcionar mesmo”: a resolubilidade dos casos de abuso sexual contra crianças e adolescentes no município de Natal/RN

This study presents the issue of Children and Youth sexual violence from a critical eye in assessing the actions of the organs of defense and protection in cases of sexual abuse against children and adolescents in the city of Natal / RN. We aimed to perform this evaluation from the investigation of 05 cases of child and adolescent victims of sexual abuse that were answered by Precinct Specializing in Defense of Children and Adolescents (DCA), considering the service flow of cases, the articulation between the organs that make up System Warranty rights (SGD), the record of the complaint, as well as the elapsed time between the record of the complaint and the accountability of the offender. Thus, the present study consists in an analysis from the quantitative and qualitative theoretical-methodological approach assuming 'sexual violence in their social, historical, cultural, legal and economic dimensions. The route established between the knowledge about the object and the method of analysis involved: literature about the conceptual discussion on sexual violence, analyzing quantitative data provided by DCA, as well as semi-structured interviews with victims and those responsible for the professionals working in institutions of the defense agencies. Is apprehended in this study that the situations of violence against children is a multifaceted phenomenon that has expressions from ancient societies, assuming a peculiarity in contemporary society to consider the juvenile population as subjects of rights. Furthermore, it was possible to identify the lack of effectiveness, with respect to the actions of the organs of defense in intervention situations of sexual abuse now investigated as yet not actually configure a process of articulation between these bodies from the perspective of ensuring rights and break the cycle of violence.

Lei Maria da Penha: da convivência com as práticas do sistema de justiça no submédio do Vale do São Francisco

The inequalities that mark the women’s lives in societies around the world have been the subject of intense discussion by the feminist movement, with developments in questioning about possibilities of full citizenship. In this scenario the Brazilian feminist movement has achieved steadily, in recent decades, an effort to participate in the formulation of the public policy agenda, as well as the realization of demands to institutionalize the legal parameters as regulations for the issue of violence against women. On the grounds of social justice, many discourses are made with a focus on reframing the institutional role of the state in the areas of constitutional law and criminal law. Considering these discourses, proposals were reformulated and the action of the state was resized, what ended in the enactment of Law 11,340 / 2006 (Maria da Penha Law), with a great impact on the Brazilian criminal justice system. Taking this perspective as its starting point, this research is focused on understanding the struggles for access to the legal field regarding the implementation of the Maria da Penha Law. This qualitative and quantitative research analyses the way the social practices and social representations which involve activists of the feminist movement and operators from the justice system are established in Juazeiro/ BA and Petrolina/PE before the institutional reshuffles of the state. As a result, it was revealed that, despite inconsistencies in the performance of the criminal justice system, the positioning of feminist activism is grounded on the assumption.

Cartografia do trabalho de agentes penitenciários: reflexão sobre o “dispositivo prisão”

The Brazilian prison system is going through a serious crisis, not only due to the growth in the number of prisoners and the consequent overcrowding of prisons, but also for the violation of human rights, institutionalization and difficulty in social rehabilitation of inmates. Furthermore, the harmful effects of the prison system affect their workers, who generally are not prioritized by researchers, health programs and government policies. The literature pointing to some consequences of work in prison, among them, the mental illness, stress, alcohol abuse, etc., but little is known about this profession, their problems, the difficulties of their work routine, so as subjective processes involved. So, what are the effects of this work in the prison in the lives of correctional officers? What strategies developed to address the work in prison? This research aims to analyze the effects of this work in the prison in the lives of correctional officers from the state prison in Parnamirim, located in the metropolitan region of Natal-RN. Within the theoretical and methodological perspective of institutional analysis and cartography were carried conversation circles, interviews, in addition to participant observation of the correctional officers work’s routine. The results point to a working routine marked by the performance of procedures that involve risk to the worker, generating situations of tension and stress. Besides, the culture of violence (which is implemented in jail everyday) as well as the training and initial learning of the profession, are responsible for the militarization process of the subjectivities of the correctional officers, producing hard subject, disciplined, stiff, likely to violent practices and other rights violations. Other mapped effects relate to the acquisition of knowledge about the human (“psy” knowledge) responsible for forging the conception of the criminal as "dangerous subject", which, in turn, acts as subjectivity vector in the daily life of prison guards by setting up a way of life crossed by fear and insecurity outside the work environment. Produces a control in the open about their lives and their families, limiting them with regard to family and community life and the realization of leisure activities in public spaces. In this sense, it appears that the arrest acts producing “bad meetings” (from Espinosa's perspective), once it produces sad affections responsible for weakening the conatus, limiting the possibilities of action of these subjects. Although agents develop some strategies to deal with the difficulties of working in prison (among which stand out the development of other professional or leisure activities, spirituality / religiosity and the ability to separate the labor moments from those of their the personal lives, is advocated that such strategies do not offer significant resistance, since they do not question the contemporary legal-criminal logic. The thesis presented supports the proposals of penal abolitionism to present other conceptions of crime and justice through the invention of other practical and conceptual strategies.

A inserção da família no processo socioeducativo de adolescentes em privação de liberdade

This master thesis has the main goal investigate how families are inserted in the socioeducational process of teenagers who are undergoing social measures of liberty deprivation. The specific objectives are: to characterize the family´s living together of adolescents deprived of their freedom and their families, from the actions and routines of the socio-educational system; to assess the professional working links in the context of socio-education, in order to care and strengthening families of the adolescents; to investigate how families evaluate the operation of socio-educational process in which adolescents are met. Method: to achieve the proposed objectives, data collection occurred in complementary steps: the first phase took place from visits to socioeducational units of liberty deprivation of RN, and dialogues with professionals working in socio-education. Subsequently, action research stage was carried out, from the insertion of the researcher in the extension project Family and the struggle for the effectiveness of the National Socio Service System, that aimed to strengthen monitoring the adolescents socio-education by their families, and had as methodology the conversation circles and thematic workshops. Lastly, were performed reading and analysis of the references to the family in the Individual Care Plans (PIAs) for adolescents. The information gathered was recorded in field diaries and subjected to thematic content analysis. This research was guided by the Marxist theoretical framework, structured on the understanding of the involvement of adolescents with illegal acts as a development and expression of the social question. From this theoretical framework, the prevailing view in the capitalist society of adolescents in conflict with the law as individuals who are treated by means of repression and segregation and the weakness of social policies is questioned, both in the execution of their own socioeducational measures as the articulation of network services for adolescent protection and strengthening your family. Results: in relation to the operation of the socioeducational system in RN in general, it was observed a state of unhealthy physical spaces and institutional practices that violate human rights, idleness and lack of access to social rights, and criminalization and institutionalization of poor young people and their families. With regard to family´s living together, it was noticed great distance between principles and guidelines recommended by the SINASE, about acquaintanceship and family strengthening, and every day practices of socio-education in RN: serious violations were observed that undermine the family´s living together, as the distance between the socio-educational units of deprivation of liberty and the cities where families live; absence, irregularity and poor conditions in carrying out the family visits; lack of conjugal visits; restricted and unarticulated actions for the care and strengthening of the families of adolescents, most of whom live in poverty or extreme poverty. Finally, it was found a number of blamefully and punishments to the family, including practices such as inward inspection (visual inspection while naked and squant), plus a series of violence and omissions care that sick family members and weaken the links between adolescents and their families.

Violência contra mulher: expressões da opressão às mulheres sob a égide do capitalismo e do patriarcado

This dissertation is the result of a research process that sought , from the speech of women in situations of violence , examine the difficulties these women to access the "network " of assistance to women victims of violence in the city of Natal/RN . Therefore , we made a critical analysis from the perspective of totality on the processual ontological " being a woman " and " be a man " , articulating the determinations of the subjective and objective dimensions in the lives of women at this juncture . Thus , also reflecting on the system of oppression of women through Capitalism / Patriarchate , articulated with other determinations of reality , as race / ethnicity , sexual orientation , generation and territoriality . Because of the oppression of women in all aspects of social life , the feminist movement led to the public domain claims against the oppressions of women and fight for Public Social Policies that aim to the particularities of women , among them, the social policies of coping violence against women . The speeches of the women interviewed show the contradictory aspect of work in women's lives . On the one hand , can become a means to financial independence ( with the possibility of exit from violent means). On the other , it can become "cause " of justification for the exercise of violence against women by their partners or former partners . Also show that despite legal advances , there is no effective implementation of policies aimed at women . This occurs as a result of capitalism / patriarchy and the context of neoliberal management of big capital . Thus , the feminist movement , as well as the social movement of the working class , must seek the empowerment of women through the struggle to end all forms of oppression , exploitation and domination among humans.