China's 'Assertive’ South China Sea Policy And Rhetoric: Proactive, Reactive Or Myth?

In March 2010, Chinese State Councillor, Dai Bingguo, in a private meeting with US Deputy Secretary of State, James Steinberg, allegedly referred to the South China Sea (SCS) as one of the country’s ‘core interests’, a term normally only used to refer to regions like Taiwan, Tibet and Xinjiang upon whose sovereignty Beijing will make no compromises. This alleged wording by Mr Dai caused a strong global reaction, with many countries around the world expressing a fear that China, on the back of its rise to the status of the world's second largest economic power, was now about to implement a more assertive foreign policy more in keeping with its new status of global superpower. As the use of the term ‘core interest’ took place in a private meeting and appears to have been subsequently leaked, it is impossible to prove what was said or meant, yet in 2011, with China and the US continuing to eye each other with suspicion, the adverse repercussions of people trying to deduce what was meant are undeniable. By analysing the views of experts and the evolution or otherwise of Chinese rhetoric and policy towards the SCS, this thesis will show how the alleged use of a term in a private meeting can have consequences that far exceed what was originally intended. It will also show that it is highly unlikely that China’s maritime policy is becoming more assertive as, at China's present stage of social and economic development, it simply cannot afford the ill will and adverse consequences that would result from an act of international aggression. It will show how easy it seems to be for a country like the US to project a misleading image of another country’s intentions, which can in turn serve partially to mask its own intentions. Finally, it will show that the China’s stance on the SCS is starting to be seen by the world as a litmus test for the assertiveness of overall Chinese foreign policy.

Education policy and 21st Century skills

This article discusses how educational institutions should prepare their students for 21st Century job market.

Tireoidectomia unilateral no carcinoma diferenciado da tireóide de baixo risco: uma cirurgia inadequada

OBJETIVO: Caracterizar os doentes operados de carcinoma diferenciado da tireóide no Hospital Universitário Clementino Fraga Filho (HUCFF); avaliar a divisão destes doentes em alto e baixo riscos e a validade da cirurgia conservadora nos pacientes com carcinoma diferenciado de baixo risco. MÉTODO: Foram analisados 169 pacientes operados no HUCFF por carcinoma diferenciado da tireóide. Cento e cinqüenta e dois (90%) eram mulheres e 17 (10%) homens. A idade variou entre 13 e 85 anos com mediana de 39 anos. Cento e onze tumores (65,7%) eram papilíferos e 58 (34,3%) foliculares. RESULTADOS: Vinte e um por cento apresentaram metástases linfonodais cervicais quando vistos pela primeira vez e 1,7% metástases a distância. Houve 75 cirurgias unilaterais (lobectomia subtotal ou total) e 94 bilaterais (tireoidectomia subtotal, lobectomia total + lobectomia subtotal ou tireoidectomia total). 127 casos (75,2%) foram considerados pacientes de baixo risco e 42 casos (24,8%) de alto risco. O seguimento pós-operatório foi conseguido em 155 pacientes: 116 entre os de baixo risco, com seguimento médio de 8,4 anos (extremos: um ano a 21 anos) e 39 entre os de alto risco (seguimento médio cinco anos, extremos um ano e 17 anos). Foram encontrados 13 recidivas tumorais (8,3%) e cinco óbitos pelo tumor (3,2%) em toda a série: 10 (8,6% recidivas e nenhum óbito nos pacientes de baixo risco e três recidivas (7,5%) e cinco óbitos (12,5%) nos de alto risco. Nos pacientes de baixo risco submetidos à tireoidectomia parcial houve 7,5% de recidivas e nos pacientes com tireoidectomia total a ocorrência de recidivas foi de 10%. Não houve óbitos pelo tumor em nenhum dos grupos. CONCLUSÕES: Os pacientes com tumores de baixo risco apresentam evolução mais favorável: número igual de recidivas (relativamente aos tumores de alto risco), porém menos graves, e nenhum faleceu pelo tumor. Nos pacientes de baixo risco a cirurgia unilateral mostrou resultados idênticos aos da bilateral.

Policy guidelines, the National Digital Library and Europeana

Minna Karvosen esitys Europeana työpajassa 20.11.2012 Helsingissä.

“THE PATIENT SURVIVED DESPITE THE TREATMENT”. A study of Finnish health policy and New Public Management. Case: The Government Resolution on the Health 2015 public health programme.

Internationally, Finland has been among the most respected countries during several decades in terms of public health. WHO has had the most significant influence on Finnish health policy and the relationship has traditionally been warm. However, the situation has slightly changed in the last 10-20 years. The objectives of Finnish national health policy have been to secure the best possible health for the population and to minimize disparities in health between different population groups. Nevertheless, although the state of public health and welfare has steadily improved, the socioeconomic disparities in health have increased. This qualitative case study will demonstrate why health is political and why health matters. It will also present some recommendations for research topics and administrative reforms. It will be argued that lack of political interest in health policy leads to absence of health policy visions and political commitment, which can be disastrous for public health. This study will investigate how Finnish health policy is defined and organised, and it will also shed light on Finnish health policy formation processes and actors. Health policy is understood as a broader societal construct covering the domains of different ministries, not just Ministry of Social Affairs and Health (MSAH). The influences of economic recession of the 1990s, state subsidy reform in 1993, globalisation and the European Union will be addressed, as well. There is not much earlier Finnish research done on health policy from political science viewpoint. Therefore, this study is interdisciplinary and combines political science with administrative science, contemporary history and health policy research with a hint of epidemiology. As a method, literature review, semi-structured interviews and policy analysi will be utilised. Institutionalism, policy transfer, and corporatism are understood as the theoretical framework. According to the study, there are two health policies in Finland: the official health policy and health policy generated by industry, media and various interest organisations. The complex relationships between the Government and municipalities, and on the other hand, the MSAH and National Institute for Health and Welfare (THL) seemed significant in terms of Finnish health policy coordination. The study also showed that the Investigated case, Health 2015, does not fulfil all necessary criteria for a successful public health programme. There were also several features both in Health 2015 and Finnish health policy, which can be interpreted in NPM framework and seen having NPM influences.

Venäjän imperiumin paluu

Venäläiset ovat eurooppalainen sivistyskansa, joka on vaikuttanut merkittävällä tavalla maailman kohtaloihin. Kommunismin kukistuttua ja Neuvostoliiton hajottua venäläiset joutuivat hämmennyksen tilaan. Kansakunnan uusi nousu alkoi maantieteellisestä, sivistykselliseltä ja historialliselta pohjalta. Länsimaille oli yllätys, ettei Venäjä seurannut läntisiä demokraattisia esikuvia, vaan lähti luomaan uutta yhteiskuntaa omaa tietään kulkien. Valtion johtoon astuivat turvallisuusmiehet, jotka määrittelivät Venäjän kehitysstrategiat ja poliittiset tavoitteet. Heidän mukaansa Venäjän federaatio on imperiumi, eikä se alistu muiden johdettavaksi. Venäjä ei hyväksy Yhdysvaltojen johtamaa yksinapaista maailmaa. Venäjän pyrkimyksenä on kohota yhdeksi tärkeäksi maailmanpolitiikan keskukseksi ja haastaa muiden vaikuttajien kuten EU:n, Kiinan, Japanin ja Intian kanssa Yhdysvaltojen johtoasema. Tavoitteeseen pääseminen edellyttää yhteiskunnan voimavarojen keskittämistä. Vuodesta 1996 lähtien poliittinen valta on keskitetty tiukasti presidentille ja hänen johtamalleen hallintokoneistolle. Vladimir Putinin johdolla yhteiskunta vakautettiin autoritaariseen tyyliin. Vuosina 2008–2012 muodollisena, joskin vaaleilla valittuna, presidenttinä oli Putinin luottomies Dmitri Medvedev. Tuolloin todellisena Venäjän johtajana toimi pääministeri Putin. Medvedevin nelivuotiskauden päätyttyä Putin jatkaa valtion johdossa presidenttinä. Taloudelliset edellytykset harjoitetulle politiikalle ovat Venäjällä itsellään. Maa on maailman ainoa suurvalta, joka on riippumaton ulkomaisista energia- ja raaka-ainelähteistä, ja vuodesta 2002 vuoden 2008 lopulle jatkunut energian ja raaka-aineiden hintojen nousu on tukenut Venäjän talouskehitystä. Lisääntyneillä tuloilla on voitu monipuolisesti kehittää yhteiskuntaa, ja väestön enemmistö on tyytyväinen harjoitettuun politiikkaan. Venäjä selvisi nopeasti vuonna 2009 maailmaa kuristaneesta taloudellisesta kriisistä ja pääsi jälleen kasvu-uralla. Suurena ongelmana on vientiteollisuuden yksipuolinen painottuminen energia- ja raaka-ainesektoreille, jolloin talous on hyvin riippuvainen maailmantalouden kehityksestä. Suurten valtion omistamien yhtiöiden hallitsema elinkeinoelämä ei myöskään ole omiaan edistämään yrittäjyyttä, joka on kaiken innovatiivisuuden perusedellytys. Valtiojohtoinen autoritaarisuus ei ole tyydyttänyt kaikkia, mutta vanhaan venäläiseen tyyliin protestit on tukahdutettu, ja ulkomaisille arvostelijoille venäläiset ovat kertoneet kehittävänsä venäläistä, ”ohjattua” demokratiaa. Imperiumille erittäin tärkeän instrumentin muodostavat vahvat asevoimat, ja valtiojohtoinen autoritaarinen talouselämä antaa mahdollisuudet niiden kehittämiselle. Asevoimien kehityksen esteenä ei ole niinkään talous, vaan teknologinen ja innovatiivinen jälkeenjääneisyys. Vuonna 2003 käynnistetty asevoimien reformi on lähtenyt liikkeelle ja sen tuloksia oli havaittavissa elokuussa 2008 käydyssä Venäjän ja Georgian välisessä sodassa, joka päättyi Venäjän aseille voitokkaasti. Tuolloin kuitenkin todettiin asevoimien tekninen ja taktinen jälkeenjääneisyys, mikä johti asevoimien ja niitä tukevan teollisuuden uudistamiseen tähtäävien uudelleenjärjestelyiden kiirehtimiseen ja kehittämiseen.

Adult education policy in the European Union during the Lisbon decade : the shift to vocational adult learning and work skills matching

This doctoral dissertation investigates the adult education policy of the European Union (EU) in the framework of the Lisbon agenda 2000–2010, with a particular focus on the changes of policy orientation that occurred during this reference decade. The year 2006 can be considered, in fact, a turning point for the EU policy-making in the adult learning sector: a radical shift from a wide--ranging and comprehensive conception of educating adults towards a vocationally oriented understanding of this field and policy area has been observed, in particular in the second half of the so--called ‘Lisbon decade’. In this light, one of the principal objectives of the mainstream policy set by the Lisbon Strategy, that of fostering all forms of participation of adults in lifelong learning paths, appears to have muted its political background and vision in a very short period of time, reflecting an underlying polarisation and progressive transformation of European policy orientations. Hence, by means of content analysis and process tracing, it is shown that the new target of the EU adult education policy, in this framework, has shifted from citizens to workers, and the competence development model, borrowed from the corporate sector, has been established as the reference for the new policy road maps. This study draws on the theory of governance architectures and applies a post-ontological perspective to discuss whether the above trends are intrinsically due to the nature of the Lisbon Strategy, which encompasses education policies, and to what extent supranational actors and phenomena such as globalisation influence the European governance and decision--making. Moreover, it is shown that the way in which the EU is shaping the upgrading of skills and competences of adult learners is modeled around the needs of the ‘knowledge economy’, thus according a great deal of importance to the ‘new skills for new jobs’ and perhaps not enough to life skills in its broader sense which include, for example, social and civic competences: these are actually often promoted but rarely implemented in depth in the EU policy documents. In this framework, it is conveyed how different EU policy areas are intertwined and interrelated with global phenomena, and it is emphasised how far the building of the EU education systems should play a crucial role in the formation of critical thinking, civic competences and skills for a sustainable democratic citizenship, from which a truly cohesive and inclusive society fundamentally depend, and a model of environmental and cosmopolitan adult education is proposed in order to address the challenges of the new millennium. In conclusion, an appraisal of the EU’s public policy, along with some personal thoughts on how progress might be pursued and actualised, is outlined.

Overview on the Cost-effectiveness of Maritime Safety Policy Instruments

Maritime safety is an issue that has gained a lot of attention in the Baltic Sea area due to the dense maritime traffic and transportation of oil in the area. Lots of effort has been paid to enhance maritime safety in the area. The risk exists that excessive legislation and other requirements mean more costs for limited benefit. In order to utilize both public and private resources efficiently, awareness is required of what kind of costs maritime safety policy instruments cause and whether the costs are in relation to benefits. The aim of this report is to present an overview of the cost-effectiveness of maritime safety policy instruments focusing on the cost aspect: what kind of costs maritime safety policy causes, to whom, what affects the cost-effectiveness and how cost-effectiveness is studied. The study is based on a literature review and on the interviews of Finnish maritime experts. The results of this study imply that cost-effectiveness is a complicated issue to evaluate. There are no uniform practices for which costs and benefits should be included in the evaluation and how they should be valued. One of the challenges is how to measure costs and benefits during the course of a longer time period. Often a lack of data erodes the reliability of evaluation. In the prevention of maritime accidents, costs typically include investments in ship structures or equipment, as well as maintenance and labor costs. Also large investments may be justifiable if they respectively provide significant improvements to maritime safety. Measures are cost-effective only if they are implemented properly. Costeffectiveness is decreased if a measure causes overlapping or repetitious work. Costeffectiveness is also decreased if the technology isn’t user-friendly or if it is soon replaced with a new technology or another new appliance. In future studies on the cost-effectiveness of maritime safety policy, it is important to acknowledge the dependency between different policy instruments and the uncertainty of the factors affecting cost-effectiveness. The costs of a single measure are rarely relatively significant and the effect of each measure on safety tends to be positive. The challenge is to rank the measures and to find the most effective combination of different policy instruments. The greatest potential offered for the analysis of cost-effectiveness of individual measures is their implementation in clearly defined risk situations, in which different measures are truly alternative to each other. Overall, maritime safety measures do not seem to be considered burdening for the shipping industry in Finland at the moment. Generally actors in the Finnish shipping industry seem to find maintaining a high safety level important and act accordingly.