966 resultados para Scheduled caste


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Deep brain stimulation (DBS) provides significant therapeutic benefit for movement disorders such as Parkinson’s disease (PD). Current DBS devices lack real-time feedback (thus are open loop) and stimulation parameters are adjusted during scheduled visits with a clinician. A closed-loop DBS system may reduce power consumption and side effects by adjusting stimulation parameters based on patient’s behavior. Thus behavior detection is a major step in designing such systems. Various physiological signals can be used to recognize the behaviors. Subthalamic Nucleus (STN) Local field Potential (LFP) is a great candidate signal for the neural feedback, because it can be recorded from the stimulation lead and does not require additional sensors. This thesis proposes novel detection and classification techniques for behavior recognition based on deep brain LFP. Behavior detection from such signals is the vital step in developing the next generation of closed-loop DBS devices. LFP recordings from 13 subjects are utilized in this study to design and evaluate our method. Recordings were performed during the surgery and the subjects were asked to perform various behavioral tasks. Various techniques are used understand how the behaviors modulate the STN. One method studies the time-frequency patterns in the STN LFP during the tasks. Another method measures the temporal inter-hemispheric connectivity of the STN as well as the connectivity between STN and Pre-frontal Cortex (PFC). Experimental results demonstrate that different behaviors create different m odulation patterns in STN and it’s connectivity. We use these patterns as features to classify behaviors. A method for single trial recognition of the patient’s current task is proposed. This method uses wavelet coefficients as features and support vector machine (SVM) as the classifier for recognition of a selection of behaviors: speech, motor, and random. The proposed method is 82.4% accurate for the binary classification and 73.2% for classifying three tasks. As the next step, a practical behavior detection method which asynchronously detects behaviors is proposed. This method does not use any priori knowledge of behavior onsets and is capable of asynchronously detect the finger movements of PD patients. Our study indicates that there is a motor-modulated inter-hemispheric connectivity between LFP signals recorded bilaterally from STN. We utilize a non-linear regression method to measure this inter-hemispheric connectivity and to detect the finger movements. Our experimental results using STN LFP recorded from eight patients with PD demonstrate this is a promising approach for behavior detection and developing novel closed-loop DBS systems.

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Supreme Court precedent establishes that the government may not punish children for matters beyond their control. Same-sex marriage bans and non-recognition laws (“marriage bans”) do precisely this. The states argue that marriage is good for children, yet marriage bans categorically exclude an entire class of children – children of same-sex couples – from the legal, economic and social benefits of marriage. This amicus brief recounts a powerful body of equal protection jurisprudence that prohibits punishing children to reflect moral disapproval of parental conduct or to incentivize adult behavior. We then explain that marriage bans punish children of same-sex couples because they: 1) foreclose their central legal route to family formation; 2) categorically void their existing legal parent-child relationships incident to out-of-state marriages; 3) deny them economic rights and benefits; and 4) inflict psychological and stigmatic harm. States cannot justify marriage bans as good for children and then exclude children of same-sex couples based on moral disapproval of their same-sex parents’ relationships or to incentivize opposite-sex couples to “procreate” within the bounds of marriage. To do so, severs the connection between legal burdens and individual responsibility and creates a permanent class or caste distinction.

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This project examines rural Indian women and discusses the strong correlation between gender inequity and the setbacks that have crippled development. The embedded caste system has created a distinct social hierarchy, which has incidentally deprived women of their freedom and voice. Gender inequity and social stratification are direct causes of the AIDS epidemic, research revealing a contingency between lack of empowerment and exposure to the disease. Additionally, the HIV/AIDS virus carries a strong cultural stigma, which influences whether or not women will seek treatment if infected, since AIDS victims face extreme social isolation and discrimination, in India. This project discusses several cause-and-effect frameworks related to gender inequity, which have stunted the growth and success of India.

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The growing demand for physical rehabilitation processes can result in the rising of costs and waiting lists, becoming a threat to healthcare services’ sustainability. Telerehabilitation solutions can help in this issue by discharging patients from points of care while improving their adherence to treatment. Sensing devices are used to collect data so that the physiotherapists can monitor and evaluate the patients’ activity in the scheduled sessions. This paper presents a software platform that aims to meet the needs of the rehabilitation experts and the patients along a physical rehabilitation plan, allowing its use in outpatient scenarios. It is meant to be low-cost and easy-to-use, improving patients and experts experience. We show the satisfactory results already obtained from its use, in terms of the accuracy evaluating the exercises, and the degree of users’ acceptance. We conclude that this platform is suitable and technically feasible to carry out rehabilitation plans outside the point of care.

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El presente trabajo es parte de una evaluación más amplia del programa de prevención de drogas Barbacana, enfocado a alumnos de secundaria con un doble objetivo: 1. Evaluar las herramientas del programa y del proceso de implantación: conocer cómo se han desarrollado las actividades programadas. 2. Evaluar los resultados: describir los efectos del programa en los destinatarios del mismo y el grado de cumplimiento de los objetivos marcados. Para la consecución del primer objetivo hemos aplicado una metodología cualitativa basada en entrevistas semiestructuradas a los profesores encargados de llevar a cabo el programa en distintos centros de la Comunidad Valenciana. De la información resultante podemos comprobar que tanto los materiales como el proceso han sido calificados de positivo o muy positivo, tanto entre los aplicadores como entre los receptores. Para el segundo objetivo, optamos por un diseño cuasiexperimental con grupo de comparación no equivalente, en un mismo momento temporal que nos permite medir las diferencias y equivalencias entre ambos, confirmando nuestra hipótesis causal de partida: "las diferencias entre los alumnos del grupo experimental y de control en cuanto a información y niveles de consumo hacia las drogas, se deben básicamente a la aplicación del programa Barbacana".

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The subject of Construction of Structures I studies, from a constructive point of view and taking into account current legislation, reinforced concrete structures used in buildings, through the acquisition of knowledge and construction criteria required in the profession of a Technical Architect. The contents acquired in this course are essential for further professional development of technicians and are closely related to many of the subjects taught in the same or other courses of the Degree in Technical Architecture at the University of Alicante. The aim of this paper is to present, analyze and discuss the development of a new methodology proposed in the mentioned subject, as it supposed an important change in the traditional way of teaching Construction and Structures I. In order to incorporate new teaching tools in 2013-2014, the course has been implemented by using a Moodle software tool to promote blended learning with online exercises. Our Moodle community allows collaborative work within an open-source platform where teachers and students share a new and personalized learning environment. Students are easily used to the interface and the platform, value the constant connection with teachers or other fellows and completely agree with the possibility of making questions or share documents 24 hours a day. The proposed methodology consists of lectures and practical classes. In the lectures, the basics of each topic are discussed; class attendance, daily study and conducting scheduled exercises are indispensable. Practical classes allow to consolidate the knowledge gained in theory classes by solving professional exercises and actual construction problems related to structures, that shall be compulsorily delivered online. So, after the correction of the teacher and the subsequent feedback of students, practical exercises ensure lifelong learning of the student, who can download any kind of material at any time (constructive details, practical exercises and even corrected exams). Regarding the general evaluation system, goals achievement is assessed on an ongoing basis (65% of the final mark) along the course through written and graphic evidences in person and online, as well as a individual development of a workbook. In all cases, the acquisition of skills, the ability to synthesize, the capacity of logical and critical thinking are assessed. The other 35 % of the mark is evaluated by a complementary graphic exam. Participation in the computing platform is essential and the student is required to do and present, at least 90% of the practices proposed. Those who do not comply with the practices in each specific date could not be assessed continuously and may only choose the final exam. In conclusion, the subject of Construction of Structures I is essential in the development of the regulated profession of Technical Architect as they are considered, among other professional profiles, as specialists in construction of building structures. The use of a new communication platform and online teaching allows the acquisition of knowledge and constructive approaches in a continuous way, with a more direct and personal monitoring by the teacher that has been highly appreciated by almost 100% of the students. Ultimately, it is important to say that the use of Moodle in this subject is a very interesting tool, which was really well welcome by students in one of the densest and important subjects of the Degree of Technical Architecture.

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Trabalho Final do Curso de Mestrado Integrado em Medicina, Faculdade de Medicina, Universidade de Lisboa, 2014

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The year 2010 will be remembered in the European Union (EU) circles of governmental Spain as a crucial milestone regarding the role of the country in one of the most important alliances of world history. During the first semester, from January to June 2010, Spain had previously been scheduled to hold the rotating presidency as done since the times of the inception of the predecessor of the EU, the European Economic Community (EEC). Furthermore, on June 12, Spain would be ready to celebrate the 25th anniversary of its adhesion (along with Portugal) to the European integration experiment, by signing the treaty, effectively acceding to the European Community (EC) on January 1, 1986. While all of this was set to occur, the new Reform Treaty (“of Lisbon”) was set to be implemented as a substitute for the failed constitutional text floated during the first years of the new century. Moreover, these spectacular events unraveled in the middle of one of the worst economic crises of the world, with considerable impact on the evolution of the EU and, most especially, Spain. This paper will review the background, context and impact of particular novel aspects of the new treaty governing the EU and several milestones regarding the experience of Spain in the European process.

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The first in a series for a CEPS-EPIN project entitled “The British Question and the Search for a Fresh European Narrative” this paper is pegged on an ambitious ongoing exercise by the British government to review all the competences of the European Union. The intention is that this should provide a basis for informed debate before the referendum on the UK remaining in the EU or not, which is scheduled for 2017. This paper summarises the first six reviews, each of which runs to around 80 pages, covering foreign policy, development policy, taxation, the single market, food safety, and public health. The present authors then add their own assessments of these materials. While understandably giving due place to British interests, they are of general European relevance. The substantive conclusions of this first set of reviews are that the competences of the EU are judged by respondents to be ‘about right’ on the whole, which came as a surprise to eurosceptic MPs and the tabloid media. Our own view is that the reviews are objective and impressively researched, and these populist complaints are illustrating the huge gap between the views of informed stakeholders and general public opinion, and therefore also the hazard of subjecting the ‘in or out’ choice for decision by referendum. If the referendum is to endorse the UK’s continuing membership there will have to emerge some fresh popular narratives about the EU. The paper therefore concludes with some thoughts along these lines, both for the UK and the EU as a whole.

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It is generally assumed that any capital needs discovered by the Asset Quality Review the ECB is scheduled to finish by the end of 2014 should be filled by public funding (= fiscal backstop). This assumption is wrong, however. Banks that do not have enough capital should be asked to obtain it from the market; or be restructured using the procedures and rules recently agreed. The Directorate-General for Competition at the European Commission should be particularly vigilant to ensure that no further state aid flows to an already oversized European banking system. The case for a public backstop was strong when the entire euro area banking system was under stress, but this is no longer the case. Banks with a viable business model can find capital; those without should be closed because any public-sector re-capitalisation would likely mean throwing good money after bad.

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Ever since Prime Minister David Cameron made his major speech on Europe on 23 January 2013, in which he argued for some kind of new deal between the UK and the EU, the rest of the EU as well as the British public have been wondering what he would actually propose in operational terms. On 15 March 2014, the Prime Minister offered at least an interim reply to these questions in an article in the Daily Telegraph newspaper. This paper extracts from the Daily Telegraph article the main ideas that the Prime Minister advances. In all, 10 propositions are identified, presented in the precise language used, followed by an appraisal. The article has not attracted so much attention, mainly because its content is not particularly sensational, but that is its real importance and quality. It points the way towards resolving what otherwise would mean a huge political crisis for the UK and the EU. The Prime Minister gave the overall impression that he is not now heading towards making an impossibly difficult list of demands. On the contrary, an informed and moderate realism seems to be in the making. The package outlined in this paper could be sold in Brussels. There would then have to be a robust communications campaign to sell it to the British public. This paper is part of a series for a CEPS-EPIN project on “The British Question and the Search for a Fresh European Narrative”, which is pegged to an ambitious ongoing exercise by the British government to review all the competences of the European Union. The intention is that this should provide a basis for informed debate before the referendum on the UK remaining in the EU or not, which is scheduled for 2017.

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In recent weeks, Russia has stepped up its efforts to prevent a group of former Soviet republics from tightening their relations with the European Union. The intensification of these efforts comes ahead of the upcoming Eastern Partnership summit, scheduled to take place in Vilnius on 28-29 November. It is expected that during the summit Kiev will sign the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement (AA) initialled in March 2012, including an agreement for a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA). Meanwhile, Moldova, Armenia and Georgia are expected to initial similar documents, effectively accepting their terms and conditions, and paving the way for their official signing in the near future. Moscow has always viewed the relations between the EU and the post-Soviet states as a threat to its own influence in the region. Consequently, any attempts to tighten these relations have been actively opposed by Russia. The EU’s Eastern Partnership programme, launched in 2009, has posed a particular challenge to Moscow’s policies in the region.. Russia responded by rolling out a Eurasian integration project, which began in 2010 with the establishment of the Customs Union of Russia, Kazakhstan and Belarus, and is expected to culminate in the establishment of the Eurasian Economic Union by 2015. Moscow’s overarching objective has been to persuade the countries in the region, especially Ukraine, to adopt an unambiguously pro-Russian geopolitical stance and to join the integration project proposed by the Kremlin. The Russian government hopes that this would permanently place these states in Moscow’s sphere of influence and at the same time prevent them from developing closer relations with Brussels. Russia has regularly taken actions aimed at showcasing the benefits of integration with the Customs Union (particularly, by promising preferential pricing of Russian energy resources) and at the same time it has adopted measures highlighting the pitfalls of retaining a pro-European orientation (mainly by imposing occasional trade sanctions). The upcoming summit in Vilnius, during which Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia and Georgia could lock themselves on to a pro-European course, has spurred Moscow to intensify its efforts to torpedo a successful outcome of the Vilnius meeting, with a view to slowing down or even blocking the possibility of closer cooperation between the EU and the former Soviet republics.

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Following several years of political turmoil triggered by constitutional reform (a shift from a presidential to a semi-presidential system) and electoral reshuffles (parliamentary elections in 2012; presidential elections in 2013), the political situation in Georgia has stabilised: key posts in the country are now in the hands of democratically elected members of the Geor-gian Dream coalition. Despite its mosaic-like structure and internaltensions, Georgian Dream remains strong and enjoys high levels of public support. This puts it in good stead to play a central role in Georgian politics in the foreseeable future, including securing victory in the local government elections scheduled for June. However, local billionaire Bidzina Ivanishvili does not currently hold a political office - despite the fact that he is the founder, sponsor and undisputed leader of the coalition, as well as former prime minister and the most popular public figure in Georgia (besides Patriarch Ilia II). This raises several questions, for example: Who is really at the helm of the Georgian state? What is the lon-g-term vision of the current government? The past achievements of the politically heterogeneo-us Georgian Dream - dominated by Mr Ivanishvili - offer little help in answering these questions. In addition to a series of challenges on the domestic front, the new Georgian leadership is also facing strategic geopolitical challenges, compounded by the current conflict in Ukraine. These include the future of Georgia’s relations with the West (including the process of EU and NATO integration) and with Russia (in response to repeated attempts to re-integrate the post-Soviet republics). The scale and dynamism of the changes in both the geopolitical order in the post-Soviet region and in the relations between Russia and the West are causing further questions to be raised about their impact on the position of the Georgian political elite and about their consequences for the entire country.

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Russia’s annexation of Crimea and destabilization of Ukraine have created a new context for Kazakhstan’s foreign and domestic policy. The ongoing crisis in the relations with Russia and the West has also changed the current order in the entire post-Soviet area. From Astana’s perspective, the Kremlin’s policy towards Ukraine can be considered dangerous since it shows Russia’s determination to interfere with the domestic affairs of its neighbours in the pursuit of its own interests. Furthermore, this policy reveals and raises the price a country needs to pay for its potential attempts to break free from the Russian zone of influence. At present the biggest challenge for the authorities in Astana is the accelerated implementation of the idea of the Eurasian Union promoted by Moscow, which is to be another stage in the integration of post-Soviet states (presently Russia, Kazakhstan and Belarus). The signing of the Eurasian Union’s founding documents planned for late May 2014 and the launch of this organisation (scheduled for January 2015) is sure to bring Kazakhstan closer to Russia and simultaneously limit its economic and political independence. Nevertheless, Astana’s position in relations with Moscow will to a large extent depend on the new shape of the relations between Russia and China. China is pursuing its own strategic interests in Central Asia (including in the energy sector) and its main partner in the region is Kazakhstan. At the domestic level, Russia’s actions in Ukraine made the authorities in Astana fear that measures similar to those used in Ukraine could be applied towards Kazakhstan. On the one hand this has led to increased efforts aimed at consolidating the state and strengthening its structures, and on the other hand it has brought about a revision of those aspects of domestic policy which Russia could interpret as a pretext for interfering.

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1. After its enlargement, scheduled for 2004, the European Union will face a completely new situation at its eastern borders. This new situation calls for a new concept of the EU eastern activities, i.e. for development of the new Eastern Policy of the EU. 2. Due to a number of specific features such as geographical location, closeness of ties, direct risk factors etc., the Visegrad countries will and should be particularly interested in the process of formulating the new EU Eastern Policy. Consequently, they should be the co-makers of this policy. 3. The new EU Eastern Policy should differ fundamentally from the Union's traditional eastern relations. Firstly, its scope should not cover the entire CIS area: instead, the policy should focus on some of the European successor states of the former Soviet Union, namely Belarus, Russia and Ukraine, as well as Moldova, following the accession of Romania. It does not seem advisable to exclude the Russian Federation from this policy and to develop and implement a separate policy towards it. The new Eastern Policy should be an autonomous component and one of the most important elements in the overall foreign policy of the EU. 4. Secondly, the new Eastern Policy should be founded on the following two pillars: a region-oriented strategy, which could be called the Eastern Dimension, and reshaped strategies for individual countries. The Eastern Dimension should set up a universal framework of co-operation, defining its basic mechanisms and objectives. These should include: the adaptation assistance programme, JHA, transborder co-operation, social dialogue and transport infrastructures. The approach, however, should be kept flexible, taking into account the specific situation of each country. This purpose should be served by keeping in place the existing bilateral institutional contacts between the EU and each of its eastern neighbours, and by developing a national strategy for each neighbour.