Caminho possível para o desenvolvimento do RN: a utopia do Polo Gás Sal

La présente étude sur la modernisation économique qui s est opérée dans le Rio Grande do Norte, constitue un débat concernant les tentatives de faire aboutir un projet de développement industriel fondé sur l exploitation des matières premières locales telles que le sel, le calcaire, les eaux mères et le pétrole, entre les années 70 et 90 du XXe siècle. Elle cherche à montrer, à partir de l observation de l action planifiée de l État national et régional, soutenu par le capital international et par les groupes économiques et politiques locaux, comment on a tenté d implanter, dans des conjonctures économiques distinctes, une industrie d intrants de base moyennant la création de deux pôles de développement : le Pólo Químico Industrial (1974) et le Pólo Gás Sal (1996). Elle est centrée sur l analyse des actions orientées vers la concrétisation de ces pôles, et prendra pour objet les politiques de développement émanant de l État national, en particulier celles qui relevaient du II PND et qui visaient, au cours des années 70, à l implantation d une industrie décentralisée dans la région Nordeste ; les règles fixées par le Plano Nacional de Desestatizações, destinées à promouvoir les privatisations des entreprises publiques brésiliennes, lesquelles ont rendu possible la vente d Alcanorte au groupe industriel commandé par Fragoso Pires, et les politiques définies par l État national et régional, rassemblées sous le titre de « guerre fiscale » afin d attirer des capitaux internationaux susceptibles de rendre viable le Pólo Gás Sal. Il y est démontré que l État a coordonné un ensemble d actions dans les domaines de l infrastructure et des exonérations fiscales et financières, dans le but d accélérer la transition d une économie primaire et exportatrice vers une économie moderne, industrialisée. Et que le concours simultané de forces économiques et sociales particulièrement expressives le capital national et international, les élites locales n a pas suffi pour promouvoir la modernisation industrielle escomptée des secteurs chimique et pétrochimique. Parmi les différentes raisons qui ont contribué à un tel échec, on peut mentionner : l absence d une accumulation interne préalable de capital ; la dépendance de l économie locale par rapport à la technologie et au capital des groupes économiques internationaux ; l inconsistance des stratégies de développement relevant de la politique qui caractérisait la « guerre fiscale », et la fragilité de la représentation politique locale

A reestruturação produtiva e as novas formas de organização do trabalho: a experiência do transporte alternativo no município de Belém/PA

The study made in this thesis analyzes the new form of work organization at the urban collective transportation sector, so called Altemative Transportation which is a new form of public transportation that appears in the Brazilian urban context by the mid ninety' s, this work is made by independent or sub-contracted workers, usually organized in cooperatives . It reflects the investigation of new forms of precarious work, unformal which has been expanding in the urban transportation sector. Thus, discusses non regulation of the services sector problem the ways of survival of exc1uded workers from the formal work market mainly afier the capital productive restructure. It has as privileged area of investigation, the sector policy of urban transportation that make field of the main nets of political articulations that define the dynamic of the urban space. It is known that the urban collective transportation allows the access to the production, circulation and general consumption being necessary to the mobility of the resident population, mainly to those with low purchasing capacity. It becomes a field of empirical investigation at the Belem municipal, located at the Amazonic region - north Brazil. The main points dealed on this research start from concrete relations from the daily life of workers that deve1op their activity on the altemative transport mediated with theoretical references needed for understanding and interpretation of the studied reality. The investigation strategies were built from the abstract (theorical knowledge produced for the reality analyze) in concrete by the investigation quantitative-qualitative from this area of urban policy, making up possible the formation of a references chart to the analyses of the studied subject. Rescue his historicity, from characterization of the urban space of the metropolitan region of Belem passing true the forms of organization and urban services performances while essential production and reproduction element of the social relations. Identifies the main individuals that historically have been participating in the construction of the municipality transport policy and the ways of expression of the local political strength relations. Outstand the State paper on the net of established relations near the local power, as well as outstand the importance of social sciences in the understanding of urban policies in the transportation area, trying to bring input to the academicals -scientific debate .The above e1ected and mentioned points in this study are crucial for a critical reflection of the transportation policies. That relation is not given, but historically built at the power relation chart that makes up this unique area of the urban policies

Folha de São Paulo: o diário oficial do grande irmão

This project wants to analyze the newspaper like a collective organic intellectual thing, and its action like a conservator integral journalism, it makes it looks like a politics block. In this case, the newspaper inserts itself in a process to support the dominated fundamental class. In the same time, it searches to disqualify politically, using the news and the opinion, the sprouting of against-hegemony even untimely and distant in the historical time. Facing this proposal we take as study object the FOLHA DE S. PAULO, nowadays the most representative agency of the great conservative press. Our theoretical reference takes as base the Gramsci organic intellectual formularizations, hegemony, position´s war, integral journalism and private device of hegemony. We allow ourselves, in a subsidiary way to the Gramsci basement, using the novel 1984 written by George Orwell, as a method to explicit, in a comparative way, the manipulation of the reality by the newspaper in its activity of collective organic intellectual. The ideology is the heuristic connection point to make convergence between reality and fiction. For the intended evidences we develop analysis of the daily covering about two great accidents occurred in 2007: The landslide of part of the workmanships of the tunnel of the Companhia do Metropolitano de São Paulo-Metrô (line yellow 4). And the flying disaster involving the airbus of Transportes Aéreos Meridionais-TAM, flight 3054, also in that state. In the first accident we find endorsement of the newspaper to the São Paulo´s government, in the person of the politician actor José Serra (PSDB), representative of the conservative forces and responsible for the workmanships of the Subway, to who it tried to distance politically of the fact. In the second event, the opposition to the politician actor Luis Inácio Luis Lula da Silva and his politics block, the PT, as a possibility against-hegemonic contested, being the mentioned actor appointed as responsible for the occurrence. However, the newspaper says that it is independent and direct, and this direct action comes from the environment. In this environment, the diversity of conceptions of world would guide the publishing work, making the FOLHA DE S. PAULO to take it as a reference for the intended objective, hiding the politics block militancy

O Trabalho e o labirinto da responsabilidade socioempresarial:a experiência da cidadania empresarial do Banco do Brasil

In the current systemic crisis, economic policy is directed to correct the consequences of the functioning of this metabolism, but within the limits of the capital. From this perspective, decision makers propose trade policies, agricultural and industrial to ensure conditions for economic growth. However, as a dead end, there is failure of the State in giving efficacy to the operation of all segments of the economy, especially given the budget constraint. Public managers are forced to seek external resources, resuming the cycle of political allegiance to the interests of international financial and banking representatives, installed in so-called multilateral. The complex ideological capital comes into play in trying to convince society that the paths taken by governments are inevitable, and that capitalism can be "humanized", even with the realization of the growing inequalities caused by historical irrationalism of the production process of capital . In this sense, emerging concepts that attempt to demonstrate the compatibility of the system to real human needs. This ideological offensive is intended to legitimize the capital. The so-called third sector has a special highlight with the concept of corporate social responsibility. It creates a political environment in which the inevitable mix-up with new illusions offered by and often funding the metabolism of capital in order to perpetuate this system. In this context, political elites, and considerable portions of the academy, embark on "waves of capitalist optimism," while the sociometabolismo capital expands its historical limits, driving forces postponing their collapse, but that cause human suffering and ecological stress. Wars are disseminated to strengthen the deadly war industry and the automobile industry; and devastating the environment of which depends the capital system. In this scenario disassemble, propositions emerge around a "new social pact" in order to minimize the adverse effects of the dynamics of reproduction of capital. The business class is called to exercise its role through the discourse that appeals to social responsibility programs, in order to intervene directly in the "social question". The core of this research is precisely this point. Although there is considerable scholarship on the phenomenon of Social Responsibility and Corporate Citizenship, there is also an evident lack of this approach focused on the banking sector in Brazil. The importance of rentier capital increased ownership of shares in the wealth produced by all of Brazilian society, justifies a sociological research project on Social Responsibility in the domestic financial sector. In this sense, it was decided to perform a dynamic approach to the "Corporate Citizenship" in the banking industry, specifically in the Bank of Brazil. As this is a key institution, is important analyze of the impacts of this strategy fetish of capitalist reproduction, in order to evaluate the social legitimization of rentier capital in Brazil. In this scenario of the abundance of the discourse on social responsibility there exist a progressive impoverishment of professional work in this segment in Brazil. There is a dramatic mismatch between rhetoric and practice because of the trend of deepening vulnerability of the working conditions of the Brazilian bank worker, from the 1990's. In the specific case of the Bank of Brazil, the first initiative of the institution was to conform to the principles of the UNO and the Ethos Institute, aiming to align their domestic policies to this new strategy of domination of capital. The purpose is to place the Bank in the ideological sphere of corporate social responsibility, just as with its partners in the private financial intercapitalist competition. Indeed, in the internal ambit of the Bank of Brazil, there is a policy to adjust its functional segments to the doctrine of Social Corporate Responsibility. The concepts of this doctrine is presented as something inexorable. There are no alternatives. The Bank of Brazil operates in a highly competitive market, the segment featuring the dominance of financial capital accumulation today. For this reason it can not fail to incorporate the technological advances organizational. For employees there is no alternative but to adapt to this new set of ideas proposed by the metabolism of capital

Alguns aspectos sobre o processo da democratização dos sistemas políticos no mundo árabe :Egito e Líbano como modelos de estudo

The World has tried diverse democratic waves at distinct moments. Some nations have adopted the idea of the democracy for years; others have not yet and other ones are still in a slow process of transition. The field of studies on the Arabian political systems has testified since the last quarter of 20th century a notorious development. This advance disclosed in the existence of a set of trends that has turned around a number of concepts and main theoretical frames such as the political pluralism and the democratic transition and the civil society and its relation with the State. The speech on the process of democratic transition consists in part in the capture and the analysis of the role of the forces and the organizations of the civil society in this process. The peculiarities of the Arab World excite questions concerning the establishment of one governmental system in this universe in the mold of that one that develops with hegemony in the Occident, which has become an interesting field of inquiries for the Political Science. This study comprises the analysis of some aspects of the political situation in the Arab World towards the process of democratization in which Egypt and Lebanon are models of study. Thus the theoretical basis of the term democracy is introduced, presenting different considerations about this expression, since the sprouting of the term until its current conception; later the civil society is analyzed as well as the systems of the political parties and the electoral systems of both countries in attempt to identify the level of democratization existing there and also to find the possible ways to magnify the democratic horizons

Antonin artaud: a crueldade pelos desenhos e autorretratos

Antonin Artaud, a name that reminds us of areas ranging from theater to poetry, linguistics to psychoanalysis, is a multipurpose name that transits as poet, painter, writer, actor, screenwriter, playwright and theater director. Artaud s route is raw material for researchers of various hues interested in a life and work that allows panning in different fields of knowledge. It raises the question of language and manipulation of signals in terms of magical forces and the relationship maintained through them with the cosmos and the divine. Artaud searches through a language of signals, gestures and objects that express themselves by objective forms and the use of words as solid objects. For him, the language of words must give way to the language of signals, whose objective aspect is what strikes us most immediately. Our work indicates the possibility of realization and recognition of the aesthetic of cruelty present in the writing drawings of artaudian s work, realizing thus, that art as a record of culture hence as double of life allows us a more critical and transforming look to the society, thinking about the aesthetics of cruelty as Artaud proposes and thinks cruelty: as appetite for life. Our dialogue held during the construction of this journey has the company, besides the one of Antonin Artaud, other authors such as Jacques Derrida, Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guatarri, among others which, during the hike and framing of this route help us to think about the aesthetics of cruelty in an Artaudian perspective

Medo e violência na cidade: imagens, discursos e sociabilidade nas praças de João Pessoa - PB

The present work analyses and discusses the sociability in the culture of contemporary cities focusing on the theme of fear and violence in the daily life of squares in the city of João Pessoa-PB. We analyse the relations between places in town and make correlations of history and setting of neighborhoods with the process of urban growth, including recent interventions of public authorities in their public spaces. We observed in this dynamics social attitudes and actions that range from a desired peaceful coexistence to social exclusion. Thus, we discuss, based upon the imaginary vision, that the squares exist as a locus of equality, citizenship and political, and, also, as a space for everyone, despite the existence of symbolic forces working towards segregation and privatization, ruled in fear and violence. We aimed to investigate the different symbolic logics from the issue of fear and violence that allows the exclusion and the inclusion of groups and individuals in the quotidian use of public spaces of contemporary cities. We believe that the social action is demarcated by violence ant its corollary, the social fear, and operates based on the logic of a relational game always confrontational but experienced in different forms according to the social segment or group under study. We used a qualitative and quantitative methodology relating data and statistical analysis with categories created for the understanding of subjective factors. Our analyses combined ethnographic elements, periodics research and images of the city and its spaces, with the contribution of a survey that allowed comparisions of five squares of neighborhood based on the daily life under investigation. Our proposal was to deepen the investigations related to the public space of contemporary cities, expanding the look on João Pessoa and its cultural dynamics with an analysis of discourses, images, the collective imaginary and the social appropriation of the spaces based on fear and violence. The research accomplished in different areas and the analysis of images and speeches published in newspapers reports, books, advertising etc. allowed the approach of differentiated patterns of sociability in the same urban process. The neighborhoods in study are indeed spatially and economically distanced and the process of creation and construction of squares occurred in very different ways in the respective location. We defend the thesis that neighborhood community squares provide reinvigorated spaces and public spheres in the urban process and in the dynamics of sociability in the cities. These squares are also social spaces par excellence for the perception of the logic of individualism and segregation so marked by fear and violence in contemporary cities

Efetivação da garantia de defesa no estado constitucional de direito: colisão entre o poder punitivo e garantia de defesa

The domination of the violence for the Rule of law awakened a tension between the practice of the punitive power and the right to counsel. However, throughout the recent history of the Criminal law, this shock of forces has been determined for the punitive power. In this perspective, the present work intends to submit the guarantee of defense to a critical judgment, in search to conciliate its content to the Constitutional State of Right. For in such a way, it will be necessary to recognize the disequilibrium of the situation, but without considering the superiority of any of these elements. The State in such a way must fulfill the function to punish the culprits as to acquit the innocents. Despite the law is far from obtaining a harmonious speech, it is necessary that the defense guarantee coexists the punitive power as part of an only public interest, which is, to make criminal justice. In such a way, the existence of a sustainable balance between the punitive power and the guarantee of defense depend on the minimum interference of Criminal law and, also, of the judicial position in the concrete case. The present work faces, therefore, the moment of crisis of the Criminal law, consolidated with the advent of a new way of thinking according to the procedural guarantees, that will demand the overcoming of the old concepts. The Constitutional State of Right not only constitutes an efectiveness of the regime of the right to counsel, but in a similar way it searchs to accomplish the right of action and criminal justice as a whole. Knowing that the philosophy of the language raises doubts on the certainty, the truth and the judgement, it is imposed to understand that the defense guarantee is no more about a simple idea, but, in the crooked ways of the communication, we intend to find what the judge s function is when he faces this new reality

O princípio constitucional da livre concorrência como instrumento de desenvolvimento socioeconômico

The freedom of concurrence, firstly conceived as a simple market fundament in productive systems that recognized the productive forces freedom of action, appears as a clear instrument of protection and fomentation of the market, recognizing the importance of the simultaneous existence of various economic forces such the proper capitalism reason of constitution. It has, thus, a directly role linked to the fundamental idea that the market and its productive forces needed of a protection against itself, because it exists inside the market situations and circumstances, provoked or not, that could prejudice and even annihilate the its existence and functioning, whilst a complex role of productive forces presents at all economic creation space. It was the primacy of the classic liberalism, the first phase of the capitalism. The Constitutions, in that historic moment, did not proclaim any interference at the economic scenario, simply because it recognized the existence of an economic freedom prepared to justify and guarantee the market forces, with its own rules. Based on the structural changes that occurred at the following historic moments, inside the constitutionally recognized capitalism, it was verified changes in the ambit of treatment of the freedom of concurrence principle that, in a progressive way, passes to present a configuration more concerned with socialist and developing ideas, as long as not only a market guarantee. It emerges a freedom of concurrence which aim is instrumental, in relation to its objectives and constitutional direction as a role, and not anymore stagnant and with isolated treatment, in special at the constitutional systems the present s clear aspects of social interventions and guarantor of fundamental rights more extensive and harmonious. That change is located at a space of state actuation much more ample and juridical important, this time comprehending the necessity of managing the productive scenario aiming to reach a national social and economic development effectively guarantor of fundamental rights for all citizens. Those Constitutions take as point of starting that the social and economic development, and not only anymore the economic growth, is the effective way for concretization of these rights. In that way it needs to be observed and crystallized by political and juridical tools that respect the ideological fundamental spirit of the Constitutional Charters. In that scenario that seeks for solutions of rights accomplishment, in special the social rights, the constitutional principle of freedom of concurrence has been seen as an instrument for reaching bigger values and directives, such as the social justice, which only can be real at a State that can implement a comprehensive and permanent social and economic development. The freedom of concurrence tries to valorize and defend something larger and consonant to the political values expressed in the Constitutional Charters with social character, which is the right to a social and economical sustainable development, guarantor of more clear and compromised collective benefits with social justice. The origin of that constitutional imposition is not only supported by vague orientations of the economic space, but as integrated to it, with basis formed of normative and principles posted and prepared to produce effects at the proper reason of the Constitution

O papel de interações positivas entre plantas na regeneração de áreas degradadas na caatinga

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico

Padrões de coexistência e utilização do hábitat por duas espécies de Herpsilochmus (Aves: Thamnophilidae)

How ecologically similar species are able to coexist has always generated great interest in the scientific community. Classical niche theory predicts that species coexistence is only possible when they segregate in at least one dimension of the ecological niche, thus leading to ecological differentiation among species. However, recent work has shown that species that are more similar in some ecological traits are the ones more prone to be able to coexist (environmental filter). The knowledge of how these forces act shaping ecological communities can reveal co-existence strategies, providing important information for management and conservation of the species. This study tested these hypotheses using a pair of coexisting species of Herpsilochmus, H. pectoralis and H. sellowi. In this study I use high resolution (50 x 50 m) ecological niche models to Identify which environmental factors best predict species occurrence. Next, I calculate the overlap in habitat use by species and build null models to test the hypothesis of spatial niche segregation. In addition, I obtain the selectivity parameters of habitat use to test whether the species H. pectoralis (larger body size) is less selective than H. sellowi (smaller body size) as stated in the literature for other species. The results reject the ecological equivalence among species, revealing that the species of Herpsilochmus explore the habitat differently, having different environmental niches. The hypothesis of environmental filter was not observed in my analysis, the observed overlap in habitat use among species was lower than expected by chance. Evidence that Herpsilochmus are spatially segregating reinforces the hypothesis of interspecific competition as the predominant force in the selection of microhabitat of the species. However, more data and experiments are necessary to state categorically that the observed pattern is a result of current or past competition

Ajudando os inimigos: espécies nativas facilitam a invasão do semiárido brasileiro por árvores exóticas

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior

O Projeto político-pedagógico na perspectiva de consolidação da cultura organizacional e da autonomia da escola

In this research, we have found that, besides the literature in educational area presents the politic-pedagogical project as a pedagogical component that is able to promote changes in educational practices and to consolidate the school autonomy, some researches point to an opposite view-point, mainly due to the fact that these researches verify that several schools have elaborated their project just to comply with a formal exigency of the Brazilian educational reform implemented from the 1990 decade. Despite of the neoliberal and neoconservative forces (that guide this reform) understand the politic-pedagogical project as a way of stimulating scholar organizations, in order to put in practice the educational politics of this decade, we understand that this project can, in fact, promote changes in the scholar practices in the sense of overcoming the bureaucratic scholar culture historically developed in this environment. This research presumes that the process of planning, implementation and evaluation of school actions that is excited by the politic-pedagogical project can stimulate the subjects to develop practices, values, and senses, bypassing in some aspects the culture that is traditionally instituted in school, what will certainly favor the construction of its autonomy. The research that we have done in Professor Ascendino de Almeida Municipal School situated in the South Zone of Natal, RN, Brazil, was developed according to the following methodological procedures: document analysis, semi-structured interview, and participative observation. In the focused school we evidence that the politic-pedagogical project is a product of interpersonal and professional relations that are marked by shared powers, by dialogical action, by participation, and by equality, that (all of them) mediate decisional processes, what makes it possible the construction of common senses in order to guide the educative action. We yet evidence the existence, between the professionals that integrate this institution, of a culture for valuation of planning, of collective reflection, and of theoretical support, besides a commitment with the formation of the student with who they work, this making possible that the politic-pedagogical project constitutes in an orientation for the process of reflection, action, and evaluation of the school work. In these conditions, this project propitiates the consolidation of the school autonomy, what, in its turn, prints higher quality to the educative work developed in the institution

Representações sociais de discentes sobre universidade: um estudo psicossocial entre ingressantes do vestibular e da seleção ProUni

Demand for access to higher education to put in test the education Brazilian system in view of the surplus of selective processes of public universities, people without option to pay their studies at this education level. In this context, it has arisen the University for All(Universidade para Todos)Program, the ProUni, from Ministry of Education - MEC, created by the Federal Government in 2004, and that it aims the granting of full and partial scholarships in private higher education institutions, graduate courses in sequential specific training, low-income Brazilians students who do not have higher-level degree. Created by the Provisional Measure No 213/2004 and institutionalized by Law No. 11096 of January 13, 2005, the ProUni offers, however, the exemption of some taxes to those institutions that join the program. This is one of the privileged time for the study of Social Representations by offering the researcher, a living laboratory, natural environment, the confrontation between the established and new. In time like this people are challenged to incorporate the new system to the pre-existing one, aiming it through a strangeness of what was so familiar. It is through this game of social forces that we developed the present study with 196 entering higher education, of these are 116 of selective vestibular system and 80 of the ProUni selective system. We opt by the procedures for data collection in order to have access to the circulating senses, in addition to the streamlined responses. With foundation in Abric, we perform the test the Free Association of Words, then analysed by the software and by EVOC Content of the type theme as Bardin. Besides, we require of the subjects, a writing on the study object university later analysed by the software ALCESTE. The results point out to a representation strongly rooted in social factors such as more traditional socio-cultural elements: the beliefs, values, the symbols. It is unique in both groups of subjects: among those entering by the selective ProUni system, there was a stronger anchor in that it does not make inquiries about the program. At the same time, there is a stronger presence of objectivation, entering the selective vestibular system in order that they explained with a value judgement on the programme. It is suggested further studies considering the embryonic state of social representation, as recent as the social purpose that triggered. It would be relevant even the replication of the same research with other people in order to strengthen the power of the theorising of empiria available

Beleza e poder na Ginástica Rítmica: reflexões para a educação física

La beauté dans la Gymnastique Rythmique (GR) s est esquissée comme condition de son existence. Pour son analyse, nous avons eu recourt au discours sur le pouvoir de Foucault (1971, 1979, 1987, 1988, 1997, 2003) et à sa relation avec la production de savoirs. Basés sur cette compréhension, nous avons réfléchi sur les relations de pouvoir dans la GR qui se sont établies et consolidées grâce à la réglementation de sa pratique, dans lequel le Code de Pointage a un rôle prépondérant. Ainsi, la GR a construit sa beauté à travers les temps au moyen de jeux de force où la gestualité de corps performatiques, à travers la discipline, a été prépondérant. Cette dernière a configuré des sens attelés à la coercition-résistence des corps: la production de discours. C est en pensant à une beauté comme ume trame de discours construits par ces relations de pouvoir-savoir des investissements du corps dans la Gymanstique Rythmique que nous nous posons les questions: Comment le Code de Pointage réglemente la gymanstique rythmique et sportive au sujet de la construction de la beauté ? Quelle est la relation entre les pouvoirs et les savoirs impliqués dans cette réglementation ? Nous avons donc pour objectifs de rechercher la beauté dans la Gymnastique Rythmique comme savoir produit à partir des relations du pouvoir circonscrites dans les règles de la modalité et de discuter la beauté à partir de la relation pouvoir/savoir comme réflexion pour le milieu de l éducation physique. Nous avons utilisé comme méthodologie la technique de l analyse de contenu (Bardin, 1977) afin d analyser le Code de Pointage de la GR dans sa version 2005-2008. Nous avons également fait usage des images de gymnastes comme moyen analogique pour amplifier le sens des discussions. La lecture fluctuante nous a permis de sélectionner des unités significatives et d organiser nos discussions en trois axes thématiques qui composent le premier chapitre intitulé « La beauté réglementée ». Dans ce chapitre, nous discutons les spécificités de la GR, la prescription de l utilisation du temps et de l espace et la configuration du geste technique à partir de l analyse de son code de ponctuation. Dans le deuxième chapitre, « Le corps beau transcende la règle », nous réalisons quelques réflexions destinées à l éducation physique à partir de la discussion du chapitre antérieur en prenant pour cible trois sujets : Pouvoirs et Savoirs, Technique et Style, Beauté et Éducation. Nous avons ainsi constaté que la beauté de la Gymnastique Rythmique contemporaine est entourée par sa réglementation, mais a été et continue à être dessinée par des mécanismes de pouvoir-savoir tout au long de sa trajectoire historique. Malgré l existence de conditions pour la beauté dans le Code de Pointage de la GR, il existe la possibilité de la création du propre style par la gymnaste, par la possibilité de vivre l improvisé et l imprévu, de sensibiliser le public, parce que le pouvoir crée des savoirs et le corps, qui se dépasse, créera toujours de nouvelles formes d être beau. La constatation que le Code de Pointage produit une beauté et que la gymnaste la reconstruit continuellement en en réactualisant les règles est une réflexion importante pour l éducation physique: elle réaffirme que le corps n est jamais seulement soumis, que même dans la soumission il est capable de produir du savoir, d être beau et de créer de nouveaux sens pour la Culture de Mouvements