Tulevaisuuden lähtökohdista kansanvallan kolmiliittoon. Kansallinen Edistyspuolue ja kansallisen eheytymisen politiikka 1919–1939.

Kansallista Edistyspuoluetta ja sen toimijoita maailmansotien välisen Suomen sisäpolitiikassa tarkasteleva väitöstutkimus paneutuu puolueen kansallista eheytymistä ajaneen poliittisen linjan taustoihin, muodostumiseen ja toteutumiseen maailmansotien välisenä aikana vuosina 1919-1939. Vahvasti aineistopohjainen ja lähdekriittinen poliittisen historian tutkimus keskittyy parlamentaarisiin toimijoihin, poliittiseen kenttään ja näiden tuottamiin aineistoihin, kuten edistyspuolueen ja sen toimijoiden arkistoihin, lehdistöön ja valtiopäiväpöytäkirjoihin. Tutkimus selvittää, millainen oli edistyspuolueen kansallisen eheytymisen linja, mihin sillä pyrittiin, miten sitä toteutettiin ja miten se toteutui. Kansainvälisen vertailun kautta tutkimuksessa luodaan myös kuva suomalaisesta liberalismista ja liberalistista. Joulukuussa 1918 perustettu Kansallinen Edistyspuolue oli liberaali puolue, jonka politiikassa korostui erityisesti liberalismin sosiaalinen tulkinta. Puolueen sisäpoliittiseksi linjaksi vastaitsenäistyneessä ja sisällissodan runtelemassa valtiossa muodostui kansallisen eheytymisen edistäminen. Ajatuksen taustalla olivat K. J. Ståhlbergin tulevaisuuden lähtökohtia hahmotelleet artikkelit, jotka julkaistiin Helsingin Sanomissa huhtikuussa 1918 sisällissodan vielä riehuessa. Ståhlbergin mukaan kansalliseen eheytymiseen ei tullut pyrkiä sodan vuoksi vaan siitä huolimatta. Nuorsuomalaiselta puolueelta perityt liberaalit periaatteet täydentyivätkin edistyspuoluelaisessa ajattelussa sisällissodan ja tasavallan puolesta käydyn valtiomuototaistelun avainkokemuksilla. Itsenäisen Suomen ensimmäisiä vuosia hallinneissa keskustahallituksissa kansallista eheytymistä edistettiin sosiaalipoliittisin uudistuksin mm. oppivelvollisuus- ja asutuslakien muodossa. Myös sisällissodan vankien armahdukset olivat osa tätä ohjelmaa. Tutkimus osoittaa, että edistyspuolueen kansallisen eheytymisen politiikan keskeisenä tavoitteena oli poliittisen sovittelun kautta integroida vasemmisto osaksi parlamentaaris-demokraattista järjestelmää. Eheytyspolitiikan todellinen käyttöarvo ja edistyspuolueen poliittiset toimintamahdollisuudet alkoivat kuitenkin heiketä vuoden 1922 eduskuntavaalien jälkeen.Tutkimuksesta käy ilmi, että toteutettu eheytyspolitiikka ja sen osittainen epäonnistuminen näkyivät sekä kommunistien jatkuvana kannatuksena että sisäpoliittisen ilmapiirin oikeistolaistumisena. Tämä kehitys nosti myös edistyspuolueessa esille voimat, jotka suosivat porvariyhteistyötä ohi keskustavasemmistolaisen eheytyspoliittisen linjan. Alkuvuosien jälkeen valtiomuototaistelun koossapitävä voima heikkeni edistyspuolueen sisällä ja 1920-luvun puolivälissä käydyt linjakiistat osoittivat, että osalle puolueen jäsenistä vuoden 1918 puoluevalinnassa keskeisemmässä roolissa oli ollut tasavaltalaisuus kuin vasemmiston integrointi ja kansallinen eheytyminen. Edistyspuolueen johto ei kuitenkaan ollut valmis luopumaan eheytyspoliittisesta linjasta ja sen ympärille luodusta puolueidentiteetistä, joten porvariyhteistyötä kannattanut oikeisto-oppositio päätyi suurelta osin eroamaan puolueesta vuonna 1927. Tutkimus osoittaa, että parlamentarismin rapautuminen ja pienelle yleispuolueelle elintärkeiden yhteistyömahdollisuuksien heikkeneminen luokkapuolueiden puristuksessa johtivat edistyspuolueen kannatuksen alamäkeen sotien välisenä aikana. Se kutistui 26 kansanedustajan keskisuuresta puolueesta vain kuuden edustajan pienpuolueeksi. Puolueidentiteetin vahvuus ja keskeisten toimijoiden puolueen kokoa suurempi poliittinen painoarvo pitivät sen lakkauttamispohdinnoista huolimatta kuitenkin koossa ja kiinni politiikan ytimessä. Oikeistoradikalismin vuodet 1920–1930-lukujen taitteessa olivat edistyspuolueellesekä uhka että mahdollisuus. Tutkimuksessa käy ilmi, että vaikka kommunisminvastaisen kansanliikkeen vaatimukset olivat edistyspuoluelaisten mielestä oikeutettuja, oli kansanliikkeen niiden ajamiseksi omaksumia laittomia ja ulkoparlamentaarisia keinoja vaikea hyväksyä. Eheytyspolitiikan kannalta katsottuna melkotoivottamalta näyttänyt tilanne kääntyi kuitenkin lopulta voitoksi: äärivasemmisto eliminoitiin, äärioikeisto ajautui paitsioon ja tie maltillisen vasemmiston ja keskustan yhteistyölle aukesi jälleen. Tämä johti lopulta vuonna 1937 punamultahallitukseen ja kansanvallan kolmiliittoon Kansallisen Edistyspuolueen, SDP:n ja Maalaisliiton kesken. Kokemus siitä, että itsenäisyys oli alati uhattuna, toi suomalaiseen liberalismiin varsin nationalistisia piirteitä, joita eurooppalaisten veljespuolueiden ohjelmista ei löydy. Liberalismiin usein liitetty mielleyhtymä sen kosmopoliittisesta, kansallisvaltioita ylittävästä luonteesta jäi Suomessa sotien välisenä aikana nationalismin ja itäisen naapurin luoman uhan varjoon. Suomen sisäpoliittinen tilanne ja geopoliittinen asema loivat vaatimuksen vahvasta kansallisesta yhtenäisyydestä. Suomalainen liberalismi määrittyikin eurooppalaisia vastineitaan voimakkaammin nuorta valtiota hallinneen kansallisuusajattelun, itsesäilytysvaiston ja kansallisen eheyden vaatimusten kautta. Tutkimuksessa todetaan, että edistyspuolueen eheytyspoliittisen linjan muotoutumista ja toteutumista vuosien 1919‒1939 aikana voi pitää idealismin voittona realismista. Lukuun ottamatta reformipolitiikan vuosia edistyspuolueen pitäytyminen valitulla linjalla näyttäytyi poliittisten toimintamahdollisuuksien kannalta katsottuna ajoittain jopa epärealistiselta. Koko sotien välistä aikaa tarkastellessa voikin todeta, että se, minkä edistyspuolue poliittisten päämäärien saavuttamisen valossa voitti, sen se menetti kannatusluvuissa.

Marks of Fire, Value and Faith. Swords with Ferrous Inlays in Finland during the Late Iron Age (ca. 700–1200 AD)

This study explores swords with ferrous inlays found in Finland and dating from the late Iron Age, ca. 700–1200 AD. These swords reflect profound changes not only in styles and fashion but also in the technology of hilts and blades. This study explores how many of these kinds of swords are known from Finland, how they were made and where, what their status was in Late Iron Age Finland, and where the Finnish finds stand in accordance with other areas of Europe. The various methods included measuring of the finds and statistics. The main method of revealing the inlaid marks was radiography due to its non-destructive nature. In cases where inlays were visible without radiography, their details were inspected via microscopy. To study the materials and manufacture of inlaid swords, a sample of them was metallographically analysed to determine the forging technologies and nature of used materials. Furthermore, the manufacture was also studied with experimental approaches. As a result, a catalogue of 151 swords with ferrous inlays was created. This number is relatively high compared with other European countries, although systematic studies have been conducted in only some countries. The inlaid motifs were classified into five distinct categories to help the classification. To summarize, almost every documented inlaid sword was unique in some respect including measurements, inlaid motifs and materials of blades and inlays. Technological variation was also present, some blades being poorer and some of higher quality in spite of the inlaid motifs. Misspelt inscriptions as well as letter-like marks were common in Finland and also in Scandinavia. Furthermore, the provenance of iron and steel used in some blades hints at Scandinavian ores. The above observations, along with the experimental results indicating the existence of multiple alternative techniques of inlaying, suggest that these swords were manufactured locally in Scandinavia, most likely in imitation of Continental European models. Inlaid swords were valued partly for their assumed functionality in combat, as evidenced by damage on some examined blades, or they were valued for their inlays, which could have had fashionable or symbolical meanings bound to local beliefs.

Emerging markets and the international financial architecture: a blueprint for reform

If emerging markets are to achieve their objective of joining the ranks of industrialized, developed countries, they must use their economic and political influence to support radical change in the international financial system. This working paper recommends John Maynard Keynes's "clearing union" as a blueprint for reform of the international financial architecture that could address emerging market grievances more effectively than current approaches. Keynes's proposal for the postwar international system sought to remedy some of the same problems currently facing emerging market economies. It was based on the idea that financial stability was predicated on a balance between imports and exports over time, with any divergence from balance providing automatic financing of the debit countries by the creditor countries via a global clearinghouse or settlement system for trade and payments on current account. This eliminated national currency payments for imports and exports; countries received credits or debits in a notional unit of account fixed to national currency. Since the unit of account could not be traded, bought, or sold, it would not be an international reserve currency. The credits with the clearinghouse could only be used to offset debits by buying imports, and if not used for this purpose they would eventually be extinguished; hence the burden of adjustment would be shared equally - credit generated by surpluses would have to be used to buy imports from the countries with debit balances. Emerging market economies could improve upon current schemes for regionally governed financial institutions by using this proposal as a template for the creation of regional clearing unions using a notional unit of account.

The TTIP, ISDS and the shift towards transparency in investor-state arbitration

The negotiations between the EU and the US over the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) have generated a lot of discussion about investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS). This discussion provided the inspiration for this thesis, with the TTIP in the background, setting the scene. In this thesis I study the nature of ISDS and the principle of transparency within investor-state arbitration. I aim to determine whether the use of ISDS is restricted to international arbitration and whether ISDS can be considered to constitute a system or regime. Furthermore, I consider whether the introduction of the UNCITRAL Rules on Transparency in Treaty-based Investor-State Arbitration (2014, the UNCITRAL Transparency Rules) changes investor-state arbitration in relation to transparency. To achieve this, I examine ISDS provisions in several different international investment agreements (IIAs) and evaluate the ways in which transparency is incorporated into investment law. Moreover, I compare the provisions on transparency and confidentiality in institutional arbitration rules with the UNCITRAL Transparency Rules. I have formed several conclusions, including that the ISDS provisions may contain methods other than international arbitration and that ISDS does not constitute a system. Furthermore, the UNCITRAL Transparency Rules do change – theoretically, at least – investor-state arbitration to become more transparent. Whether the UNCITRAL Transparency Rules will make investor-state arbitration fully transparent depends on the actions of the contracting state parties when negotiating new IIAs and whether they choose to incorporate the UNCITRAL Transparency Rules in the IIAs already concluded.

Laestadianismen i Amerika

Kirjallisuusarvostelu

Skandinaavinen kolonialismi

Kirjallisuusarvostelu

Le relazioni Italo - Finlandesi nella documentazione del Ministero degli Affari Esteri italiano e nel "Memoriale" di Attilio Tamaro (1929-1935)

My doctoral thesis may be placed within the branch of studies on the history of international relations and it examines the development of Italian-Finnish bilateral relations during the mandate of Attilio Tamaro, the plenipotentiary Minister (1929-1935). The research is based exclusively on Italian sources, on the private documentation of the diplomat and on his “Memoriale”, which have been critically analysed, using theories, such as those on the policies of power, on the soft power and on foreign trade. This research aims to draw attention to the bilateral dynamics, and to bridge the gaps of the specific historiography, paying attention to the relations between the Lapua movement and Italian fascism, and to the role that the Minister Tamaro played. The 1929-1935 period is the most intense one in the bilateral relations, and it expands those already begun in the Twenties, thereby replacing the idea of a poor and backward Italy with that of a modern, strong and orderly country that fascism had been capable of building. The need for Finland to solve its internal problems led to the development of the lappist movement in the first few months of 1930 which, with its anticommunism and anti-parliamentarism, led conservative Finland to look towards the Italian political model with particular fondness. The Italian diplomacy, at least during the Grandi ministry, distinguished itself for its moderate involvement in its connections with lappism. After 1932, with the spread of universal fascism, opposing national-socialism, the relationships between fascism and the lappist movement intensified and led the IKL (Patriotic People’s Movement) into the Italian sphere. Actually, especially after 1933, what was the most effective instrument of Tamaro’s political action was culture: the Italian Readership, the cultural associations, and the use of the cinematic arts and art were the channels for the expansion of a cultural imperialism which abounded in political propaganda. With the War of Ethiopia in 1935, the good Italian-Finnish relationships partly cooled down because Italy appeared to be a dangerous nation for the stability of the security system of Finland. The research results are stimulating: they bring to light the ambitions of great power of monarchist-fascist Italy; they show the importance of the Italian example in inspiring the conservative Finnish right-wing; they allow one to hypothesize that there was at least an indirect influence of the Italian model on the development of Finnish events. The aspiration of our research is to stimulate further studies on diplomatic, military and trade relations between Italy and the Scandinavian countries from 1919 to today.

Investigation of the applicability of LVDC microgrids in utility distribution in Russia

The research towards efficient, reliable and environmental-friendly power supply solutions is producing growing interest to the “Smart Grid” approach for the development of the electricity networks and managing the increasing energy consumption. One of the novel approaches is an LVDC microgrid. The purpose of the research is to analyze the possibilities for the implementation of LVDC microgrids in public distribution networks in Russia. The research contains the analysis of the modern Russian electric power industry, electricity market, electricity distribution business, regulatory framework and standardization, related to the implementation of LVDC microgrid concept. For the purpose of the economic feasibility estimation, a theoretical case study for comparing low voltage AC and medium voltage AC with LVDC microgrid solutions for a small settlement in Russia is presented. The results of the market and regulatory framework analysis along with the economic comparison of AC and DC solutions show that implementation of the LVDC microgrid concept in Russia is possible and can be economically feasible. From the electric power industry and regulatory framework point of view, there are no serious obstacles for the LVDC microgrids in Russian distribution networks. However, the most suitable use cases at the moment are expected to be found in the electrification of remote settlements, which are isolated from the Unified Energy System of Russia.

The implications of being an international medical graduate (IMG) in Canadian society : a qualitative study of foreign-trained physicians' resettlement, sense of identity and health status

This qualitative research study used grounded theory methodology to explore the settlement experiences and changes in professional identity, self esteem and health status of foreign-trained physicians (FTPs) who resettled in Canada and were not able to practice their profession. Seventeen foreign-trained physicians completed a pre-survey and rated their health status, quality of life, self esteem and stress before and after coming to Canada. They also rated changes in their experiences of violence and trauma, inclusion and belonging, and racism and discrimination. Eight FTPs from the survey sample were interviewed in semi-structured qualitative interviews to explore their experiences with the loss of their professional medical identities and attempts to regain them during resettlement. This study found that without their medical license and identity, this group of FTPs could not fully restore their professional, social, and economic status and this affected their self esteem and health status. The core theme of the loss of professional identity and attempts to regain it while being underemployed were connected with the multifaceted challenges of resettlement which created experiences of lowered selfesteem, and increased stress, anxiety and depression. They identified the re-licensing process (cost, time, energy, few residency positions, and low success rate) as the major barrier to a full and successful settlement and re-establishment of their identities. Grounded research was used to develop General Resettlement Process Model and a Physician Re-licensing Model outlining the tasks and steps for the successfiil general resettlement of all newcomers to Canada with additional process steps to be accomplished by foreign-trained physicians. Maslow's Theory of Needs was expanded to include the re-establishment of professional identity for this group to re-establish levels of safety, security, belonging, self-esteem and self-actualization. Foreign-trained physicians had established prior professional medical identities, self-esteem, recognition, social status, purpose and meaning and bring needed human capital and skills to Canada. However, without identifying and addressing the barriers to their full inclusion in Canadian society, the health of this population may deteriorate and the health system of the host country may miss out on their needed contributions.

The Falkland Islands War of 1982: a legal, diplomatic and strategic evaluation

The Falkland Islands War of 1982 was fought over competing claims to sovereignty over a group of islands off the east coast of South America. The dispute was between Argentina and the United Kingdom. Argentina claims the islands under rights to Spanish succession, the fact that they lie off the Argentine coast line and that in 1833 Great Britain took the islands illegally and by force. The United Kingdom claims the islands primarily through prescription--the fact that they have governed the islands in a peaceful, continuous and public manner since 1833. The British also hold that the population living on the islands, roughly eighteen hundred British descendants, should be able to decide their own future. The United Kingdom also lays claim to the islands through rights of discovery and settlement, although this claim has always been challenged by Spain who until 1811 governed the islands. Both claims have legal support, and the final decision if there will ever be one is difficult to predict. Sadly today the ultimate test of sovereignty does not come through international law but remains in the idea that "He is sovereign who can defend his sovereignty." The years preceding the Argentine invasion of 1982 witnessed many diplomatic exchanges between The United Kingdom and Argentina over the future of the islands. During this time the British sent signals to Argentina that ii implied a decline in British resolve to hold the islands and demonstrated that military action did more to further the talks along than did actual negotiations. The Argentine military junta read these signals and decided that they could take the islands in a quick military invasion and that the United Kingdom would consider the act as a fait accompli and would not protest the invasion. The British in response to this claimed that they never signaled to Argentina that a military solution was acceptable to them and launched a Royal Navy task force to liberate the islands. Both governments responded to an international crisis with means that were designed both to resolve the international crisis and increase the domestic popularity of the government. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was facing an all-time low in popularity for post-War Prime Ministers while Argentine President General Galtieri needed to gain mass popular support so he could remain a viable President after he was scheduled to lose command of the army and a seat on the military junta that ran the country. The military war for the Falklands is indicative of the nature of modern warfare between Third World countries. It shows that the gap in military capabilities between Third and First World countries is narrowing significantly. Modern warfare between a First and Third World country is no longer a 'walk over' for the First World country.

The law of the sea: the United States, Canada and the deep seabed

The Falkland Islands War of 1982 was fought over competing claims to sovereignty over a group of islands off the east coast of South America. The dispute was between Argentina and the United Kingdom. Argentina claims the islands under rights to Spanish succession, the fact that they lie off the Argentine coast line and that in 1833 Great Britain took the islands illegally and by force. The United Kingdom claims the islands primarily through prescription--the fact that they have governed the islands in a peaceful, continuous and public manner since 1833. The British also hold that the population living on the islands, roughly eighteen hundred British descendants, should be able to decide their own future. The United Kingdom also lays claim to the islands through rights of discovery and settlement, although this claim has always been challenged by Spain who until 1811 governed the islands. Both claims have legal support, and the final decision if there will ever be one is difficult to predict. Sadly today the ultimate test of sovereignty does not come through international law but remains in the idea that "He is sovereign who can defend his sovereignty." The years preceding the Argentine invasion of 1982 witnessed many diplomatic exchanges between The United Kingdom and Argentina over the future of the islands. During this time the British sent signals to Argentina that ii implied a decline in British resolve to hold the islands and demonstrated that military action did more to further the talks along than did actual negotiations. The Argentine military junta read these signals and decided that they could take the islands in a quick military invasion and that the United Kingdom would consider the act as a fait accompli and would not protest the invasion. The British in response to this claimed that they never signaled to Argentina that a military solution was acceptable to them and launched a Royal Navy task force to liberate the islands. Both governments responded to an international crisis with means that were designed both to resolve the international crisis and increase the domestic popularity of the government. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was facing an all-time low in popularity for post-War Prime Ministers while Argentine President General Galtieri needed to gain mass popular support so he could remain a viable President after he was scheduled to lose command of the army and a seat on the military junta that ran the country. The military war for the Falklands is indicative of the nature of modern warfare between Third World countries. It shows that the gap in military capabilities between Third and First World countries is narrowing significantly. Modern warfare between a First and Third World country is no longer a 'walk over' for the First World country.

Niagara Lodges of the Loyal Orange Association of British America

The Loyal Orange Association of British America is a Protestant fraternal society. The Loyal Orange Association originated in Ulster, Ireland during the late eighteenth century. Its purpose was to promote Protestant rights and privileges. The association was exclusively Protestant, fraternal, democratic, and benevolent. Orange principles were brought to Upper Canada by Protestant Irish settlers after 1815. The first Canadian Orange Lodge was formally established in Brockville, Leeds County, 1830. By the late 19th and early 20th century, the Loyal Orange Association of British North America had gained considerable popularity and political influence. Many prominent politicians, including several prime ministers, were members. Orangemen were particularly concerned with issues such as separate school funding, language rights, immigration, religious freedom and conscription. Further, they demanded the execution of Louis Riel and opposed the Jesuits Estates settlement. Administrative sketch courtesy Archives of Ontario.

Office of the City Clerk, St. Catharines Records, 1928-1974, n.d.

The site of present-day St. Catharines was settled by 3000 United Empire Loyalists at the end of the 18th century. From 1790, the settlement (then known as "The Twelve") grew as an agricultural community. St. Catharines was once referred to Shipman's Corners after Paul Shipman, owner of a tavern that was an important stagecoach transfer point. In 1815, leading businessman William Hamilton Merritt abandoned his wharf at Queenston and set up another at Shipman's Corners. He became involved in the construction and operation of several lumber and gristmills along Twelve Mile Creek. Shipman's Corners soon became the principal milling site of the eastern Niagara Peninsula. At about the same time, Merritt began to develop the salt springs that were discovered along the river which subsequently gave the village a reputation as a health resort. By this time St. Catharines was the official name of the village; the origin of the name remains obscure, but is thought to be named after Catharine Askin Robertson Hamilton, wife of the Hon. Robert Hamilton, a prominent businessman. Merritt devised a canal scheme from Lake Erie to Lake Ontario that would provide a more reliable water supply for the mills while at the same time function as a canal. He formed the Welland Canal Company, and construction took place from 1824 to 1829. The canal and the mills made St. Catharines the most important industrial centre in Niagara. By 1845, St. Catharines was incorporated as a town, with the town limits extending in 1854. Administrative and political functions were added to St. Catharines in 1862 when it became the county seat of Lincoln. In 1871, construction began on the third Welland Canal, which attracted additional population to the town. As a consequence of continual growth, the town limits were again extended. St. Catharines attained city status in 1876 with its larger population and area. Manufacturing became increasingly important in St. Catharines in the early 1900s with the abundance of hydro-electric power, and its location on important land and water routes. The large increase in population after the 1900s was mainly due to the continued industrialization and urbanization of the northern part of the city and the related expansion of business activity. The fourth Welland Canal was opened in 1932 as the third canal could no longer accommodate the larger ships. The post war years and the automobile brought great change to the urban form of St. Catharines. St. Catharines began to spread its boundaries in all directions with land being added five times during the 1950s. The Town of Merritton, Village of Port Dalhousie and Grantham Township were all incorporated as part of St. Catharines in 1961. In 1970 the Province of Ontario implemented a regional approach to deal with such issues as planning, pollution, transportation and services. As a result, Louth Township on the west side of the city was amalgamated, extending the city's boundary to Fifteen Mile Creek. With its current population of 131,989, St. Catharines has become the dominant centre of the Niagara region. Source: City of St. Catharines website http://www.stcatharines.ca/en/governin/HistoryOfTheCity.asp (January 27, 2011)

Second Welland Canal - Book 3, Survey Map 21 - Village of Port Colborne

Survey map of the Second Welland Canal created by the Welland Canal Company showing the areas in and around Port Colborne. Identified structures associated with the Canal include Lighthouse, Pier Light, Old Lock House, Collector's Office, Harbour Master's House, Canal Boundary, Back Ditch, Reserved Back Ditch, Basin, Light-Keeper's House and Ferry Recess. The surveyors' measurements and notes can be seen in red and black ink and pencil. Local area landmarks and businesses are also identified and include Gordon's Woodyard, Welland Rail Road, Welland Railway Elevator and Proposed Elevator, W.R.R. Flour Shed, Roman Catholic Church, School House, Sandhills, Lake Erie, and the High Water Mark. Streets running parallel to Canal include King St., West St., East St., Queen St., Hamilton St., and the Road Allowance are labelled. Streets running perpendicular to Canal include Kent St., Victoria St., Adelaide St., SugarLoaf St., George St., Alexandrina St., William St., Fort Erie St., Lake Rd., and New Road to Dutch Settlement are also labelled. Property owners and leasers as well as buildings on lots are also idenitified and noted as follows: Adams estate, J. Towhig, J.C. Kerr, Mrs. Hill, S. Cooke, Mrs. Yocum, W.T. Cooke, P. Wintermute, J. Shickluna, William Cooke, J. McChesney, John Beatty, W. Robertson, John Gordon, T. Armstrong, John Harper, George Keefer, Estate of James Black, Thomas Park, N. Higgins, S. Hopkins, and L.G. Cartier. Map of the Village of Port Colborne. Being Lot No. 27 and part of Lot No. 28 in the 1st Con. Township of HUMBERSTONE. Scale 2 Chs. per Inch. land shaded in RED Owned by DEPT. Do. Do. BLUE Sold to the COUNTY of WELLAND

Welland Canal Survey of Lands Elijah Shotwell, 1834

Survey map and description of Elijah Shotwell's land created by The Welland Canal Company. Included is a written description of the land along with a drawing of the land. Noteable features include; road to Quaker settlement, line between Shotwell and Marr's land. The first survey was done in 1830, by George Keefer, and a second survey done in 1834 once the water had reached it's full head. The second survey is indicated in red on the original survey. Lots surveyed are no. 223 and 224. The deed for the land is dated November 3, 1834. Surveyor notes are seen in pencil and red pen on the map.See also page 138.