960 resultados para Utopia liberal
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In this chapter I will present some observations and results about Ritual Kinship and political mobilization of popular groups in an Alpine valley: the Val de Bagnes, in the Swiss canton of Valais, - a mountain valley, well known today thanks to the tourist station of Verbier - where we can rely on excellent sources about local families. This region presents a particular political situation, because the 11 major villages of the valley form only one commune, which includes the whole valley.¦There are two major reasons to choose the Val de Bagnes for our inquiry on kinship and social networks in a rural society:¦A. The existence of sharp political and social conflicts during the 18th and the 19th centuries;¦B. The existence of almost systematic genealogical data between 1700 and 1900. (Casanova, Gard, Perrenoud 2005-08)¦The 18th century was characterized by the struggle of an important part of the community of Bagnes against the feudal lord, the abbot of St-Maurice. The culminating point was a local upheaval in 1745 in Le Châble, during which the abbot was forced to sign several documents in accordance with the wishes of the rebels (Guzzi-Heeb 2007). In the 19th century feudal lordship was abolished, but now the struggle confronted a liberal-radical faction and the conservative majority in the commune.¦The starting point of my presentation focuses on this question: which role did spiritual kinship play in the political mobilization of popular groups and in the organization of competing factions? This question allows us to shed light on some utilizations and meanings of spiritual kinship in the local society. Was spiritual kinship a significant instrument for economic cooperation? Or was it a channel for privileged social contacts and transactions?
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Open Education, and specifically the OER movement, seeks to provide universal access to knowledge, undermining the historical enclosure and the increasing privatisation of the public education system. In this paper we examine this aspiration by submitting the implicit theoretical assumptions of Open Education to the test of critical political economy. We acknowledge the Open Education movement's revolutionary potential but outline the inherent limitations of its current focus on the commons (property relations) rather than the social relations of capitalist production (wage work, the company) and because of this, argue that it will only achieve limited, rather than revolutionary, impact.
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OBJECTIVE: Antitumor necrosis factor a agents have significantly improved the management of Crohn's disease (CD), but not all patients benefit from this therapy. We used data from the Swiss Inflammatory Bowel Disease Cohort Study and predefined appropriateness criteria to examine the appropriateness of use of infliximab (IFX) in CD patients. METHODS: EPACT II (European Panel on the Appropriateness of CD Therapy, 2007; www.epact.ch) appropriateness criteria have been developed using a formal explicit panel process combining evidence from the published literature and expert opinion. Questionnaires relating to EPACT II criteria were used at enrollment and follow-up of all Swiss Inflammatory Bowel Disease Cohort Study patients. A step-by-step analysis of all possible indications for IFX therapy in a given patient allowed identification of the most appropriate indication and final classification in a single appropriateness category (appropriate, uncertain, inappropriate). RESULTS: Eight hundred and twenty-one CD patients were prospectively enrolled between November 2006 and March 2009. IFX was administered to 146 patients (18%) at enrollment and was most frequently used for complex fistulizing disease and for the maintenance of remission induced by biological therapy. IFX therapy was considered appropriate in 44%, uncertain in 44%, and inappropriate in 10% of patients. CONCLUSION: In this cohort, 9 out of 10 indications for IFX therapy were clinically generally acceptable (appropriate or uncertain) according to EPACT II criteria. Uncertain indications resulted mainly from the current more liberal use of IFX in clinical practice as compared with the EPACT II criteria.
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The first decade of the twenty-first century may be remembered for the rebirth of consensus on labour market policy. After three decades of bitter political and ideological controversy between a neo-liberal and a traditional social democratic approach, a new model, often labelled flexicurity, has emerged. This model is promoted by numerous political organisations since it promises to put an end to the old trade-off between equality and efficiency. Several countries are embracing the flexicurity model as a blueprint for labour market reform, but others, mostly belonging to the 'Mediterranean Rim', are clearly lagging behind. Why is it so difficult for these countries to implement the flexicurity model? This paper argues that the application of a flexicurity strategy in these countries is complicated by the lack of social trust between social partners and the state as well as political economy traditions that highlight the role of labour market regulation as a source of social protection.
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Malgrat els esforços de la UE en la promoció de la democràcia i un compromís comú per la democràcia i els drets humans al EMP, no hi ha signes de convergència cap al model liberal democràtic propugnat per la UE. No obstant això, l'abast i la intensitat de la cooperació multilateral, transnacional i bilateral han augmentat constantment en tota la regió des de mitjans de 1990. La cooperació en el camp de la promoció de la democràcia es caracteritza per la forta dinàmica de normativa sectorial, i la diferenciació geogràfica, però està clarament situada en un marc regional i altament estandarditzat. Si bé la convergència política o la política sembla poc probable en el curt o mitjà termini, democràcia i drets humans estan fermament establerts en una agenda regional comú
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Studies of the EU accession of the East and Central European Countries have stressed the importance of neo-liberal institutionalism as an explanation for Member State preferences. In this paper it is argued that Member States’ preferences over Turkish EU accession are better explained by power politics and neo-realism. It seems therefore that Turkey’s way to the EU follows another path than the East and Central Countries. Turkish accession raises the question of the EU’s role in a uni-polar world order – whether the EU should develop into an independent actor on the world stage or not. However, when it comes to the interaction among the Member States in order to decide on when to open accession negotiations with Turkey the constitutive values of the EU seriously modify the outcome that pure power politics would have let to.
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L'émergence des nouvelles technologies de la reproduction (NTR) est allée de pair avec un certain nombre de discours. Un discours promettant d'une part une extension de la palette de choix reproductifs des individus, une extension de leur liberté et de leur autonomie reproductives, dont la forme la plus extrême peut se traduire par la formule : un enfant quand je veux et comme je veux. D'autre part, un discours annonçant une série de « catastrophes » à venir, telles que l'effondrement de l'institution de la famille et la modification de l'espèce humaine. En d'autres termes, une tension entre promesses et catastrophes qui place les sociétés contemporaines face à de nombreux défis sociaux, politiques et éthiques, notamment quant à la question de la régulation de la PMA (procréation médicalement assistée) : qui peut y avoir accès ? Quelles techniques doit-on autoriser ? Ou au contraire limiter ? Tant de questions auxquelles aucune réponse simple et évidente n'existe. La diversité des réponses législatives quant à ces questions illustre cette complexité. L'éthique peut, ici, jouer un rôle fondamental. Sans toutefois prétendre donner des réponses toutes faites et facilement applicables, elle offre un espace de réflexion, le privilège de prendre une certaine distance face à des enjeux contemporains. C'est dans cette perspective que nous avons ancré ce travail de recherche en questionnant les enjeux éthiques de la PMA à partir d'une perspective de justice. Toutefois, au sein des études en bioéthique, majoritairement issues de la tradition libérale, la tension énoncée précédemment mène la bioéthique à justifier un certain nombre d'inégalités plutôt que de veiller à les dépasser. Ainsi, une évaluation de la pratique de la PMA à partir d'une perspective de la justice, exige, au préalable, une réévaluation du concept même de justice. Ce faisant, par une articulation entre l'éthique du care de Joan Tronto et l'approche des capabilités de Martha Nussbaum qui placent la vulnérabilité au coeur de la personne, nous avons proposé une conception de la justice fondée sur une anthropologie de la vulnérabilité. Cette conception nous permet d'identifier, dans le cadre de la pratique de la PMA en Suisse et en partant de la loi sur la procréation assistée (LPMA), les constructions normatives qui mènent à la non-reconnaissance et, ce faisant, à la mise à l'écart, de certaines formes de vulnérabilité : une vulnérabilité générique et une vulnérabilité socio-économique. Traitant la question de la vulnérabilité générique principalement, nos analyses ont une incidence sur les conceptions de la famille, du bien de l'enfant, de la femme et de la nature, telles qu'elles sont actuellement véhiculées par une conception naturalisée de la PMA. Répondre aux vulnérabilités identifiées, en veillant à leur donner une place, signifie alors déplacer ces conceptions naturalisées, afin que les vulnérabilités soient intégrées aux pratiques sociales et que les exigences de justice soient ainsi remplies. - The emergence of assisted reproductive technologies (ART) came along with several discourses. On the one hand a discourse promising an extension of the individuals' reproductive choices, their procreative liberty and autonomy. On the other hand a discourse announced a series of disasters to come such as the collapse of the family institution and the modification of human kind. In other words, a growing tension appears between promises and disasters and contemporary societies are facing inevitable social, political and ethical challenges, in particular with regard to the issue of ART regulation: who has access? What procedures should be authorized? Which ones should be limited? These complex questions have no simple or obvious answers. The variety of legislative responses to these questions highlights complexity. Ethics can play a fundamental role, and without claiming to give simple answers, also offer a space for reflection as well as the privilege to distance itself with regard to contemporary issues. It is in this perspective that this study questions the ethical considerations of ART in a perspective of justice. However, in previous studies in bioethics mainly following a liberal tradition, previously mentioned tension has lead bioethics to justify some inequalities instead of trying to overcome them. As a consequence, evaluating practices of ART from a perspective of justice requires to first reevaluate the concept of justice itself. In doing so we offer a conception of justice founded on the anthropology of vulnerability. This conception draws on an articulation of the ethic of care of Joan Tronto and the capability approach of Martha Nussbaum, which places vulnerability at the center of the person. This conception allows us to identify, within the framework of ARTS in Switzerland and starting with the laws of medically assisted procreation (LPMA), some normative constructions. These constructions lead to the non-recognition and the disregard of some forms of vulnerability: a generic vulnerability as well as socio-economic counterpart. Focusing mainly on the issue of generic vulnerability, our analysis has implications for the conceptions of family, the best interests of the child, woman, and nature in the way they are defined in a naturalized conception of ART. Responding to such failures by taking into account these vulnerabilities thus means to move these conceptions in order for vulnerabilities to be integrated in social practices and requirements for justice to be fulfilled.
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Abstract The neo-liberal capitalist ideology has come under heavy fire with anecdotal evidence indicating a link between these same values and unethical behavior. Academic institutions reflect social values and act as socializing agents for the young. Can this explain the high and increasing rates of cheating that currently prevail in education? Our first chapter examines the question of whether self-enhancement values of power and açhievement, the individual level equivalent of neo-liberal capitalist values, predict positive attitudes towards cheating. Furthermore, we explore the mediating role of motivational factors. Results of four studies reveal that self-enhancement value endorsement predicts the adoption of performance-approach goals, a relationship mediated by introjected regulation, namely desire for social approval and that self-enhancement value endorsement also predicts the condoning of cheating, a relationship mediated by performance-approach goal adoption. However, self-transcendence values prescribed by a normatively salient source have the potential to reduce the link between self-enhancement value endorsément and attitudes towards cheating. Normative assessment constitutes a key tool used by academic institutions to socialize young people to accept the competitive, meritocratic nature of a sociéty driven by a neo-liberal capitalist ideology. As such, the manifest function of grades is to motivate students to work hard and to buy into the competing ethos. Does normative assessment fulfill these functions? Our second chapter explores the reward-intrinsic motivation question in the context of grading, arguably a high-stakes reward. In two experiments, the relative capacity of graded high performance as compared to the task autonomy experienced in an ungraded task to predict post-task intrinsic motivation is assessed. Results show that whilst the graded task performance predicts post-task appreciation, it fails to predict ongoing motivation. However, perceived autonomy experienced in non-graded condition, predicts both post-task appreciation and ongoing motivation. Our third chapter asks whether normative assessment inspires the spirit of competition in students. Results of three experimental studies reveal that expectation of a grade for a task, compared to no grade, induces greater adoption of performance-avoidance, but not performance-approach, goals. Experiment 3 provides an explanatory mechanism for this, showing that reduced autonomous motivation experienced in previous graded tasks mediates the relationship between grading and adoption of performance avoidance goals in a subsequent task. The above results, when combined, provide evidence as to the deleterious effects of self enhancement values and the associated practice of normative assessment in school on student motivation, goals and ethics. We conclude by using value and motivation theory to explore solutions to this problem.
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Buscou-se analisar a estrutura da representação social da autonomia profissional construída por enfermeiros na cidade de Petrópolis. Adotou-se como referencial a Teoria das Representações Sociais, de acordo com a abordagem estrutural. A coleta de dados foi realizada através da técnica de evocação livre ao termo autonomia profissional com 83 enfermeiros, 42 da rede básica e 41 da rede hospitalar. Os dados foram analisados através da construção do quadro de quatro casas. Os resultados indicam como possíveis elementos centrais da representação os termos conhecimento, conquista e responsabilidade e como elementos periféricos limitada, pouca e utopia.
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OBJECTIVES: We evaluated the prenatal detection of gastrointestinal obstruction (GIO, including atresia, stenosis, absence or fistula) by routine ultrasonographic examination in an unselected population all over Europe. METHODS: Data from 18 congenital malformation registries in 11 European countries were analysed. These multisource registries used the same methodology. All fetuses/neonates with GIO confirmed within 1 week after birth who had prenatal sonography and were born during the study period (1 July 1996 to 31 December 1998) were included. RESULTS: There were 670 793 births in the area covered and 349 fetuses/neonates had GIO. The prenatal detection rate of GIO was 34%; of these 40% were detected < or = 24 weeks of gestation (WG). A total of 31% (60/192) of the isolated GIO were detected prenatally, as were 38% (59/157) of the associated GIO (p=0.26). The detection rate was 25% for esophageal obstruction (31/122), 52% for duodenal obstruction (33/64), 40% for small intestine obstruction (27/68) and 29% for large intestine obstruction (28/95) (p=0.002). The detection rate was higher in countries with a policy of routine obstetric ultrasound. Fifteen percent of pregnancies were terminated (51/349). Eleven of these had chromosomal anomalies, 31 multiple malformations, eight non-chromosomal recognized syndromes, and one isolated GIO. The participating registries reflect the various national policies for termination of pregnancy (TOP), but TOPs after 24 WG (11/51) do not appear to be performed more frequently in countries with a liberal TOP policy. CONCLUSION: This European study shows that the detection rate of GIO depends on the screening policy and on the sonographic detectability of GIO subgroups.
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In this paper we examine some of the economic forces that underlie economic growth at the county level. In an effort to describe a much more comprehensive regional economic growth model, we address a variety of different growth hypotheses by introducing a large number of growth related variables. When formulating our hypotheses and specifying our growth model we make liberal use of GIS (geographical information systems) mapping software to “paint” a picture of where growth spots exist. Our empirical estimation indicates that amenities, state and local tax burdens, population, amount of primary agriculture activity, and demographics have important impacts on economic growth.
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How is it possible to square the development of a consistent Europeanapproach to religious diversity with the recognition of the sometimes-conflictiveplurality of state-religion models? The Court´s support of the liberalprinciples of separation and neutrality have either been deplored by Christianconservatives as the result of European Christophobia, or celebratedby secularists as contributing to the formation of a Europe free of religion.In contrast, the present chapter argues for a differentiated approach toEuropean jurisprudence, outlining how the Court has been oscillating betweenan appealing liberal-pluralist perspective or framework, and a questionablemajoritarian one. Both perspectives are illustrated by focusing onrepresentative decisions in the area of religious education and symbols.
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In this chapter we portray the effects of female education and professional achievement on fertility decline in Spain over the period 1920-1980 (birth cohorts of 1901-1950).A longitudinal econometric approach is used to test the hypothesis that the effects of women’s education in the revaluing of their time had a very significant influence on fertility decline. Although in the historical context presented here improvements in schooling were on a modest scale, they were continuous (with the interruption of the Civil War) and had a significant impact in shaping a model of low fertility in Spain. We also stress the relevance of this result in a context such as the Spanish for which liberal values were absent, fertility control practices were forbidden, and labour force participation of women was politically and socially constrained.
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This paper investigates the micro and macro-level factors affecting the empirical association between occupational sex-composition and individual earnings. This is done in two analytical steps using data from the second round of the European Social Survey. In a first step, country-fixed-effects regressions are used to test the extent to which job-specialization, gender attitudes and the relative supply of domestic work can account for the impact of occupational sex-composition on earnings. In accordance with previous research, it is found that all these micro-level variables have a significant effect on the analyzed association, yet only job-specialization can explain it away by itself. In a second analytical step, macro-level interactions are tested under the hypothesis that defamilialization policies reduce the pay-offs of sphere specialization by sex, generating incentives for all types of women to invest in the labor market. Empirical results suggest that gender attitudes and the relative supply of housework are much more loosely associated to earning in social-democratic and former communist societies than in conservative or liberal regimes. This finding is interpreted as consistent with the defamilialization hypothesis.
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In much of the western world, and particularly in Europe, there is a widespread perception that multiculturalism has ‘failed’ and that governments who once embraced a multicultural approach to diversity are turning away, adopting a strong emphasis on civic integration. This reaction, we are told, “reflects a seismic shift not just in the Netherlands, but in other European countries as well” (JOPPKE 2007). This paper challenges this view. Drawing on an updated version of the Multiculturalism Policy Index introduced earlier (BANTING and KYMLICKA 2006), the paper presents an index of the strength of multicultural policies for European countries and several traditional countries of immigration at three points in time (1980, 2000 and 2010). The results paint a different picture of contemporary experience in Europe. While a small number of countries, including most notably the Netherlands, have weakened established multicultural policies during the 2000s, such a shift is the exception. Most countries that adopted multicultural approaches in the later part of the twentieth century have maintained their programs in the first decade of the new century; and a significant number of countries have added new ones. In much of Europe, multicultural policies are not in general retreat. As a result, the turn to civic integration is often being layered on top of existing multicultural programs, leading to a blended approach to diversity. The paper reflects on the compatibility of multiculturalism policies and civic integration, arguing that more liberal forms of civic integration can be combined with multiculturalism but that more illiberal or coercive forms are incompatible with a multicultural approach.