870 resultados para Torres-València-Gravat


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Trauma, in the form of pressure and/or friction from footwear, is a common cause of foot ulceration in people with diabetes. These practical recommendations regarding the provision of footwear for people with diabetes were agreed upon following review of existing position statements and clinical guidelines. The aim of this process was not to re-invent existing guidelines but to provide practical guidance for health professionals on how they can best deliver these recommendations within the Australian health system. Where information was lacking or inconsistent, a consensus was reached following discussion by all authors. Appropriately prescribed footwear, used alone or in conjunction with custom-made foot orthoses, can reduce pedal pressures and reduce the risk of foot ulceration. It is important for all health professionals involved in the care of people with diabetes to both assess and make recommendations on the footwear needs of their clients or to refer to health professionals with such skills and knowledge. Individuals with more complex footwear needs (for example those who require custom-made medical grade footwear and orthoses) should be referred to health professionals with experience in the prescription of these modalities and who are able to provide appropriate and timely follow-up. Where financial disadvantage is a barrier to individuals acquiring appropriate footwear, health care professionals should be aware of state and territory based equipment funding schemes that can provide financial assistance. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders and people living in rural and remote areas are likely to have limited access to a broad range of footwear. Provision of appropriate footwear to people with diabetes in these communities needs be addressed as part of a comprehensive national strategy to reduce the burden of diabetes and its complications on the health system.

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OBJECTIVE: To assess the long term effect of a nutrition program in a remote Aboriginal community (Minjilang). DESIGN: Evaluation of nutritional outcomes over the three years before and the three years after a health and nutrition program that ran from June 1989 to June 1990. Turnover of food items at the community store was used as a measure of dietary intake at Minjilang and a comparison community. SETTING: A community of about 150 Aboriginal people live at Minjilang on Croker Island, 240 km north-east of Darwin. A similar community of about 300 people on another island was used as the comparison. RESULTS: The program produced lasting improvements in dietary intake of most target foods (including fruit, vegetables and wholegrain bread) and nutrients (including folate, ascorbic acid and thiamine). Sugar intake fell in both communities before the program, but the additional decrease in sugar consumption during the program at Minjilang "rebounded" in the next year. Dietary improvements in the comparison community were delayed and smaller than at Minjilang. CONCLUSIONS: The success of the program at Minjilang was linked to an ongoing process of social change, which in turn provided a stimulus for dietary improvement in the comparison community. When Aboriginal people themselves control and maintain ownership of community-based intervention programs, nutritional improvements can be initiated and sustained.

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This paper reports a comparison of the practicality, acceptability and face validity of five dietary intake methods in two remote Australian Aboriginal communities: weighed dietary intake, 24‐hour recall, ‘store‐turnover’, diet history and food frequency methods. The methods used to measure individual dietary intake were poorly accepted by the communities. Quantitative data were obtained only from the first three methods. The 24‐hour recall method tended to produce higher nutrient intakes than the weighed intake method and certain foods appeared to be selectively recalled according to perceived nutritional desirability. The ‘store‐turnover’ method was most acceptable to the communities and had less potential for bias than the other methods. It was also relatively objective, non‐intrusive, rapid, easy and inexpensive. However, food distribution patterns within the communities could not be assessed by this method. Nevertheless, other similarly isolated communities may benefit by use of the ‘store‐turnover’ method.

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The poor nutritional status of Aboriginal Australians is a serious and complex public health concern. We describe an unusually successful health and nutrition project initiated by the people of Minjilang, which was developed, implemented and evaluated with the community. Apparent community dietary intake, assessed by the ‘store-turnover’ method, and biochemical, anthropometric and haematological indicators of health and nutritional status were measured before intervention and at three-monthly intervals during the intervention year. Following intervention, there was a significant decrease in dietary intake of sugar and saturated fat, an increase in micronutrient density, corresponding improvements in biochemical indices (for example, a 12 per cent decrease in mean serum cholesterol, increases in serum and red cell folate, serum vitamin B6 and plasma ascorbic acid), decrease in mean systolic and diastolic blood pressures, a normalisation of body mass index, and a normalisation of haematologic indices. The success of this project demonstrates that Aboriginal communities can bring about improvements in their generally poor nutritional status, and that the store-turnover method provides a valid, inexpensive and noninvasive method for evaluating the resultant changes in community diet. Although the project was undoubtedly effective in the short term, further work is in progress to assess individual strategies with respect to sustainability, cost-effectiveness and generalisability.

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Apparent per capita food and nutrient intake in six remote Australian Aboriginal communities using the ‘store-turnover’ method is described. The method is based on the analysis of community-store food invoices. The face validity of the method supports the notion that, under the unique circumstances of remote Aboriginal communities, the turnover of foodstuffs from the community store is a useful measure of apparent dietary intake for the community as a whole. In all Aboriginal communities studied, the apparent intake of energy, sugars and fat was excessive, while the apparent intake of dietary fibre and several nutrients, including folic acid, was low. White sugar, flour, bread and meat provided in excess of 50 per cent of the apparent total energy intake. Of the apparent high fat intake, fatty meats contributed nearly 40 per cent in northern coastal communities and over 60 per cent in central desert communities. Sixty per cent of the apparent high intake of sugars was derived from sugar per se in both regions. Compared with national Australian apparent consumption data, intakes of sugar, white flour and sweetened carbonated beverages were much higher in Aboriginal communities, and intakes of wholemeal bread, fruit and vegetables were much lower. Results of the store-turnover method have important implications for community-based nutrition intervention programs.

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This paper summarises the development and testing of the 'store-turnover' method, a non-invasive dietary survey methodology for quantitative measurement of food and nutrient intake in remote, centralised Aboriginal communities. It then describes the use of the method in planning, implementation and evaluation of a community-based nutrition intervention project in a small Aboriginal community in the Northern Territory. During this project marked improvements in both the dietary intake of the community and biological indicators of nutritional health (including vitamin status and the degree and prevalence of several risk factors for non-communicable disease) were measured in the community over a 12-month period following the development of intervention strategies with the community. Although these specific strategies are presented, emphasis is directed towards the process involved, particularly the evaluation procedures used to monitor all stages of the project with the community.

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A small rural Aboriginal community in northern Australia was surveyed for diabetes, impaired glucose tolerance (IGT), hyperinsulinemia, and lipid levels. Of the 122 adults >17 yr of age who participated (95% response rate), 11.5% had diabetes, 7.4% had IGT, and the remaining 81.1% had normal glucose tolerance. Both diabetes and IGT were strongly age related. This high frequency of diabetes occurred, despite the population being relatively lean. Although the body mass index (BMI) increased with age in both men and women, only 25% of the population overall had BMI >25 kg/m2. There were wide ranges of insulin responses to glucose, with the upper fertile of 2-h insulin levels being more than seven times higher than the lower fertile (144 ± 13 vs. 19 ± 1 mLI/L). Hyperinsulinemia was associated with IGT, elevated triglycerides, and lower high-density lipoprotein cholesterol levels. Lipid abnormalities were much more frequent among men than women. Cholesterol levels were an average of 0.55 mM higher and triglycerides an average of 1.05 mM higher in men than in women, and both increased with age. In conclusion, this small isolated Aboriginal population from northern Australia had an unexpectedly high frequency of diabetes (in view of their relative leanness) in association with a high frequency of metabolic abnormalities indicative of insulin resistance (hyperinsulinemia, IGT, hypertriglyceridemia).

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In the latter half of the nineteenth century the railway became an emblem of technological advancement, stood for the improvement and progression of European life, and became a recognizable symbol for the achievements of governments and citizens. The implementation and use of the railway became closely linked with notions of national identity and character. The railway became an identifiable artefact in official history but at the same time it became a part of everyday life. Richard Flanagan’s Gould’s Book of Fish retells the life-story of a fictionalized convict sent to Sarah Island and who paints fish, eventually he metamorphoses into one. It could be thought that a novel set in convict times would have little to do with notions of national identity, technological advancement, and railway travel. However, Richard Flanagan, in this very complex, almost surreal, novel, has used the construction of a fictional national railway as one of the ways to explore Australia's complex relationship with history and space. The novel tells of the plans of a history-loving Commandant and his desire to build a national railway on Sarah Island. This paper explores how Sarah Island becomes a metonym for Australia as a whole and Flanagan's novel takes on a metaphysical dimension as he reveals the struggles that emerge when official history collides with non-official versions. The fabulations of the novel contribute to an historical reconstruction of the spatial/architectural history of the Tasmanian colonial project.

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An editorial commentary on applications of critical social geography, communications theory and Indigenous studies to the analysis of spatialization in literacy education research.

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This paper provides an introductory discussion to a study focusing on industry Reconciliation Action Plans (RAP) and sustaining Indigenous employment in Queensland. Indigenous people continue to experience deep and persistent disadvantage in employment, which limits their life prospects (McLachlan, Gilgillan & Gordon, 2013). A major contributing factor to this detriment is irregular employment and or unemployment. A reasonable standard of living has been found to be determined by access to economic resources such as income and wealth. Denial of this access, denies access to income streams, social status, and engagement in meaningful activities. Hence, job loss and joblessness are triggers of disadvantage (McLachlan, et al., 2013). For young Indigenous people, lack of access has lasting effects particularly if they have multiple characteristics that place them at risk of disadvantage. The project aims to develop knowledge and understanding of Industry RAPs mediate employment opportunities for Indigenous people and how young Indigenous people conceive of their employment options and the processes by which employers can best support Indigenous people. It adopts two theoretical frameworks to investigate the aim of the study : (1) Lave and Wenger’s (1991) theory of communities of practice and, (2) Sen’s (1993) capability approach which provides a structure for examining individual well-being in the context of societal inequality. This paper discusses the first research question of the study: What are Industry Reconciliation Action Plans? What is included in RAPs? Why do Industries develop RAPs? How do RAPs attract, recruit, retain, and tenure Indigenous people? The project’s significance rests with its focus on Industry, employers, policies and practices that aid the attraction and retention of Indigenous people in employment.

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Drawing on the largest Australian collection and analysis of empirical data on multiple facets of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander education in state schools to date, this article critically analyses the systemic push for standardized testing and improved scores, and argues for a greater balance of assessment types by providing alternative, inclusive, participatory approaches to student assessment. The evidence for this article derives from a major evaluation of the Stronger Smarter Learning Communities. The first large-scale picture of what is occurring in classroom assessment and pedagogy for Indigenous students is reported in this evaluation yet the focus in this article remains on the issue of fairness in student assessment. The argument presented calls for “a good balance between formative and summative assessment” (OECD, Synergies for Better Learning An International Perspective on Evaluation and Assessment, Pointers for Policy Development, 2013) at a time of unrelenting high-stakes, standardized testing in Australia with a dominance of secondary as opposed to primary uses of NAPLAN data by systems, schools and principals. A case for more “intelligent accountability in education” (O’Neill, Oxford Review of Education 39(1):4–16, 2013) together with a framework for analyzing efforts toward social justice in education (Cazden, International Journal of Educational Psychology 1(3):178–198, 2012) and fairer assessment make the case for more alternative assessment practices in recognition of the need for teachers’ pedagogic practice to cater for increased diversity.

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This paper explores the reception of Indigenous perspectives and knowledges in university curricula and educators’ social responsibility to demonstrate cultural competency through their teaching and learning practices. Drawing on tenets of critical race theory, Indigenous standpoint theory and critical pedagogies, this paper argues that the existence of Indigenous knowledges in Australian university curricula and pedagogy demands personal and political activism (Dei, 2008) as it requires educators to critique both personal and discipline-based knowledge systems. The paper interrogates the experiences of non-Indigenous educators involved in this contested epistemological space (Nakata, 2002), and concludes by arguing for a political and ethical commitment by educators towards embedding Indigenous knowledges towards educating culturally competent professionals.