814 resultados para Liberalism. Democracy. Bobbio.
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Dissertação submetida à Escola Superior de Teatro e Cinema para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Mestre em Teatro - especialização em Teatro e Comunidade.
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Comunicação apresentada no 8º Congresso Nacional de Administração Pública – Desafios e Soluções, em Carcavelos de 21 a 22 de Novembro de 2011.
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Capítulo do livro Investigação e prática em economia
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RESUMO: Desde 1640 até data extrema de 1834, os Irmãos Hospitaleiros de S. João de Deus foram os responsáveis, directa e indirectamente, pela administração e corpo de enfermagem dos Reais Hospitais Militares em Portugal, actividades que analisamos ao longo dos séculos, desenvolvendo pressupostos temáticos relativamente a sua actuação no tempo e no espaço. É durante o séc. XVII até ao séc. XIX, que vemos os cuidados da corte para com a assistência aos soldados enfermos e doentes, ao publicar inúmera legislação relativamente à complexidade assistencial na área militar, a qual foi por nós compilada para melhor contextualização da importância dos Hospitais Militares em Portugal. Os Regimentos, os Alvarás, os Regulamentos e as Ordens do Dia, constituem um objecto fundamental de pesquisa e análise para caracterizar o quotidiano nesses mesmos locais. Os Hospitais Militares desde a sua fundação, dos primórdios das Guerras da Aclamação em 1640, até ao advento do liberalismo em 1834, eram centros de conhecimento técnico e científico com um corpo assistencial especializado, onde um conjunto pluridisciplinar de profissionais zelava qualitativamente pelos assistidos, e onde os Irmãos Hospitaleiros de S. João de Deus desempenhavam funções de administradores, enfermeiros e capelães. Nesse sentido elaboramos uma listagem cronológica para inter relacionar os Irmãos Hospitaleiros e os Hospitais Militares, pois é impossível separar a Ordem de S. João de Deus da componente assistencial aos enfermos e doentes militares em Portugal. A importância urbana e arquitectónica, que os Reais Hospitais Militares tiveram no contexto orgânico e defensivo nas Praças de Guerra, é realçado pela forma como estes se encontravam implantados e construídos, demarcando-se esteticamente da globalidade edificada, pois constituíam parte integrante dos equipamentos militares, como era teorizado pelos técnicos militares. Assim analisamos a localização dos imóveis, para além do próprio edifício hospitalar, com o meio, ou seja com a urbanidade das Praças de guerra. A sobriedade arquitectónica dos Hospitais Militares, integrada nos grandes ciclos das correntes culturais europeia e nacional, associada à riqueza decorativa e iconoclasta desenvolvida nesses locais, dá-nos uma dimensão da importância científica que esses núcleos assistenciais tiveram, contribuindo para a difusão do culto e circulação da imaginária de S. João de Deus em Portugal e dos Santos venerados nos Hospitais Militares. Desta forma compreendemos o alicerçar devocional que o reino tinha por este Santo, como o fundador do conceito assistencial do hospital moderno. Estando intrinsecamente ligado a este facto vemos o proliferar do culto e da imaginária de S. João de Deus em Portugal, centrando-se a iconografia artística do Santo em torno das localidades onde se enraizaram os Hospitais Militares. Hoje, nos imóveis hospitalares, não é difícil analisar uma lenta evolução da funcionalidade dos seus espaços, gravitando o desenvolvimento estrutural assistencial em torno das enfermarias e salas de cirurgia, mantendo-se perene este arquétipo arquitectónico desde o séc. XVII até meados do séc. XIX, as quais foram levantadas, comparadas e analisadas. Foi com a exclaustração das Ordens Religiosas, pelo Decreto de 29 de Maio de 1834, que acabou a extraordinária e valorosa acção administrativa, tutelar e corpo de enfermagem dos Irmãos Hospitaleiros de S. João de Deus, na área específica da assistência militar em Portugal, extinguindo-se, nalguns casos, os Hospitais Militares, pois o reino não estava preparado para substituir esses profissionais de saúde. O nosso estudo desenvolve-se por cerca de 295 anos, espaço temporal em que os Hospitais Militares foram administrados e fundados pelos Irmãos de S. João de Deus em Portugal.---------ABSTRACT: Since 1640 until 1834 the Hospitaller Brothers of S. John of God were the responsibles, direct and indirectly, for the administration and nursing body of the Royal Military Hospitals in Portugal, activities that we analyse throughout the centuries, developing thematic presuppositions regarding its performance in time and in space. It is during the 17th century until the 19th century, that we see the court’s care with the assistance of the wounded and sick by the publishing of much legislation regarding the assistance complexity in the military area, which was compiled by us in order to achieve a better comprehension of the importance of the Military Hospitals in Portugal. The Regiments, Charters, Regulations and Orders of Day constitute a fundamental object of research and analysis to characterise the quotidian of these locations. The Military Hospitals, since its foundation, in the beginning of the Wars of Acclamation in 1640, until the advent of liberalism in 1834, were centres of technical and scientific knowledge with a specialized assistance body, were a multidisciplinary set of professionals took qualitatively care of the attended, and where the Hospitaller Brothers of S. John of God performed the tasks of administrators, nurses and chaplains. In this perspective, we created a chronological listing in order to relate the Hospitaller Brothers with the Military Hospitals, since it is impossible to separate the Hospitaller Order of S. John of God from the component of assistance to the military sick and wounded in Portugal. The urban and architectural importance that the Royal Military Hospitals had in the organic and defensive context of the War Fortifications is emphasized by the way these were implanted and built and by its architectural demarcation of the edified whole, since they constituted an integrant part of the military equipments, as it was theorized for the military architecture. Therefore we analyse the location of the real estate, analysing not only the hospital building itself, but also its relation with the environment, i. e. with the urbanism of the war fortifications. The architectural sobriety of Military Hospitals, integrated in the big cycles of cultural streams in Europe and Portugal, associated to the decorative and iconoclastic wealth developed in these locations, give us a dimension of the scientific importance that these hospitals had, contributing to the diffusion of the cult and circulation of sculptures and paintings of S. John of God in Portugal and of the Saints revered in the Hospitals. In this way, we understand the consolidation of the devotion that the kingdom had for this Saint, the founder of the assistance concept of the modern hospital. The proliferation of the cult and iconography of S. John of God is intrinsically connected to this fact, the artistic iconography concentrating itself around the localities were the Military Hospitals were built. Today, in the assistance buildings, it is not difficult to analyse a slow evolution of the functionality of its spaces, gravitating the structural assistance development around the infirmaries and surgery rooms, this architectural archetype being perennial from the 17th century until the middle of the 19th century. These infirmaries were pointed out, compared and analysed. It was the expulsion of the Religious Orders, by the Decree of May 29th 1834, that ended with the extraordinary and valorous administrative and tutelary action and nursing body of the Hospitaller Brothers of S. John of God, in the specific area of military assistance in Portugal, extinguishing, in some cases, the Military Hospitals, since the kingdom wasn’t prepared to substitute these health professionals. Our study is developed in a timeframe of 295 years, period in which the Military Hospitals were administrated and founded by the Brothers of S. John of God in Portugal.
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O presente trabalho de projeto resulta de um estudo dos espaços de participação, dos alunos dos 2.º e 3.º ciclo do ensino básico, na vida da escola, permitindo a construção de um dispositivo de intervenção, que pretende implementar ações estratégicas que visem a ampliação desses espaços de participação. O seu desenvolvimento teórico assenta na necessidade da revitalização da cultura democrática participativa, através de uma maior e melhor participação. Neste campo, a escola, como lugar de interação quotidiana dos seus alunos, tem um papel importante a desempenhar na capacitação de uma participação ativa. Para tal urge a necessidade de implementação de ações estratégicas, em coerência com os documentos estruturantes da organização e de todos os seus órgãos de administração e gestão, de forma a instituir a mudança e a inovação na cultura de trabalho como um dos aspetos chave para o sucesso organizacional da escola. O trabalho de projeto foi realizado numa escola pública dos 2.º e 3.º ciclos e a amostra do estudo, foi composta por 401 alunos dos 2.º e 3.º ciclos e 31 professores Diretores de Turma. Os instrumentos de recolha de dados foram dois inquéritos por questionário, um para aplicar aos alunos, e outro aos Diretores de Turma, e a análise de conteúdo dos documentos orientadores da escola. Os resultados mostraram que os alunos possuem uma débil participação na vida da escola, quer ao nível dos documentos orientadores, quer na sua representação nos diferentes órgãos. No plano de ação, é apresentado um conjunto de propostas, que pretendem constituir-se como um dispositivo para colmatar esta debilidade.
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Sabbatical Studies Report
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The virtuous cycle between development success and foreign policy in Cape Verde reflects a positive interaction between globalization and governance. Development success under globalization entails positive market perceptions regarding the orientation and predictability of policies as well as the accompanying institutional arrangements, thereby making foreign policy salient beyond the comparator group, or “aspirational”. Even if there is no universally applicable development model, an aspirational foreign policy can be built on positive rankings with respect to comparator groups. In Macedo and Pereira (2010), macrolevel policy and institutional combinations underpinning trade diversification and income convergence in West and Southern Africa are used to establish development success for Cape Verde and Mozambique respectively. Here, the narrative of long-term development helps identify the following drivers: moving towards a market economy; opening up to regional and global trade; increasing economic and political freedom; pursuing macroeconomic stability and financial reputation; ensuring policy continuity (especially in trade and industrial sectors) and focusing on human development (especially poverty reduction and education). Looking at GDP per capita and indicators of financial reputation and good governance of sub-regional peers is not sufficient to conclude that Cape Verde’s convergence will be sustained. Nevertheless, the positive interaction between trade and financial globalization, on the one hand, and democracy and good governance, on the other, have positive implications for the effectiveness of foreign policy across the region as well as in the Portuguese-speaking community.
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Dissertação apresentada para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Mestre em Ciência Política e Relações Internacionais
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Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Science in Geospatial Technologies.
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Disponível em: http://193.136.113.6/Opac/Pages/Search/Results.aspx?SearchText=UID=bb8aa8d5-c6b6-466a-81bb-fe8a67693cee&DataBase=10449_UNLFCSH
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The aim of this paper is to identify, analyse and question the expressions of humour in O Espreitador do Mundo Novo, a monthly periodical published by José Daniel Rodrigues da Costa throughout 1802. It is a chapter of a PhD thesis in History and Theory of Ideas with the title “Correcting by laughter. Humour in Portuguese periodical press 1797-1834”. Positing humour as a social and cultural phenomenon, it is regarded here in a broad sense, comprehending wit, joke, ridicule, satire, jest, mockery, facetiousness or irony, displayed with recourse to various figures of speech. This interdisciplinary work intends listing and researching the themes and issues of the periodical and its targets, namely the social, age or gender stereotypes and to acknowledge its political stances. Another main purpose of this paper is to assess the role of humour as expressed in the printed periodical as a political and social weapon, criticizing ways (and which ways) and/or fashions, often ridiculing novelty just for being new in order to maintain the statu quo, and to establish in which senses humour was used in the context of late Ancien Régime and early liberalism culture. The humour of O Espreitador has also played a part in framing a public sphere in early nineteenth-century Portugal, as can be seen by the different “stages” and backgrounds where the monthly installments of the periodical take place: squares, coffee houses, fairgrounds, private houses, jailhouses, churches, public promenades, pilgrimages, bullfights, parties, the opera house – each of them a space of sociability and socialization. In this one, as in other periodicals of the time, printed humour stands at the crossroads of politics and culture, in spaces boldly widening before the reader. Albeit, there are quite a few loud silences in O Espreitador: not even the slightest remark to the church, the clergy or the Inquisition, only reverential references to the established order and the powers that be. The periodical criticizes the criticizers; it is against those who are against. The repeated disclaimers are intended not only to protect the author from libel suits or other litigation. They belong to a centuries-old tradition which, as early as the Middle Ages, has set apart escárnio (scorn) from maldizer (slander): José Daniel Rodrigues da Costa distinguishes satire from rebuking vice – a “cheerful criticism” forerunner of the ironic humour which was to become a trademark of Portuguese literature in the second half of the nineteenth century. Targeting those who deviate from the social norm (for example social climbers and older women who marry young men) or the followers of fashion (sometimes specifically “French fashion”), O Espreitador charges at liberal and progressive ideas. It ridicules the ways of the “New World” in order to perpetuate an idealized version of the “Old World”. Notwithstanding two exceptions – it condemns racism and bullfighting –, the humour of O Espreitador is conservative and conformist from a social and political standpoint.
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The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.
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This article summarises the transformations in the State Council’s functions and membership throughout the Portuguese Constitutional Monarchy, and makes a preliminary attempt to scrutinise the political role played by an institution designed since its inception to advise the monarch. In spite of the parsimony of contemporary sources, and even contradictory empirical evidence, it seems indisputable that in several critical occasions the monarch’s political decisions were influenced by the dominant view in the State Council. Finally, the article presents the collective biography of the 73 individuals appointed to the State Council between 1833 and 1910 – who may be defined as the inner circle of the ruling elite - focusing on basic background features (birthplace, age, education, occupation, noble titles and political experience).
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O presente relatório está organizado em duas componentes fundamentais. A primeira, caracterizada pela sua dimensão descritiva, procura relatar com rigor os momentos mais significativos da experiência lectiva como professor estagiário na Escola Secundária de Miraflores ao longo do ano escolar de 2013/2014. Na segunda parte deste documento, de índole mais reflexiva do que descritiva, explorar-se-á o contributo da educação filosófica para o cumprimento de um novo imperativo educativo que o ‘aprender a viver juntos’ exige. Nesse sentido, procurar-se-á demonstrar de que modo o ensino da Filosofia no ensino secundário pode ser vinculativo de princípios fundamentais de cidadania e, como tal, potenciar a construção de uma sociedade assente em competências e valores democráticos.