894 resultados para Higher-order expectations


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Tese de Doutoramento em Ciências da Educação (área de especilização em Desenvolvimento Curricular).

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Mestrado em Gestão de Recursos Humanos

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This paper replicates the analysis of Scottish HEIs in Hermannsson et al (2010b) for the case of Wales in order to provide a self-contained analysis that is readily accessible by those whose primary concern is with the regional impacts of Welsh HEIs. A “policy scepticism” has emerged that challenges the results of conventional regional HEI impact analyses. This denial of the importance of the expenditure impacts of HEIs appears to be based on a belief in either a binding regional resource constraint or a regional public sector budget constraint. In this paper we provide a systematic critique of this policy scepticism. However, while rejecting the extreme form of policy scepticism, we argue that it is crucial to recognise the importance of the publicsector expenditure constraints that are binding under devolution. We show how conventional impact analyses can be augmented to accommodate regional public sector budget constraints. While our results suggest that conventional impact studies overestimate the expenditure impacts of HEIs, they also demonstrate that the policy scepticism that treats these expenditure effects as irrelevant neglects some key aspects of HEIs, in particular their export intensity.

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This paper replicates the analysis of Scottish HEIs in Hermannsson et al (2010a) for the case of Wales in order to provide a self-contained analysis that is readily accessible by those whose primary concern is with the regional impacts of Welsh HEIs. When we treat each of the twelve Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) that existed in Wales in 2006 as separate sectors in conventional input-output analysis, their expenditure impacts per unit of final demand appear rather homogenous, with the apparent heterogeneity of their overall impacts being primarily driven by scale. However, a disaggregation of their income by source reveals considerable variation in their dependence upon funding from the devolved Welsh Assembly Government and their ability to draw in income/funding from external sources. Acknowledging the binding budget constraint of the Welsh Assembly Government and deriving balanced expenditure multipliers reveals large differences in the net-expenditure impact of HEIs upon the Welsh economy, with the source of variation being the origin of income. Applying a novel treatment of student expenditure impacts, identifying the amount of exogenous spending per student, modifies the heterogeneity of the overall expenditure impacts. On balance this suggests that the impacts of impending budget cut-backs will be quite different by institution depending on their sensitivity to public funding. However, predicting the outcome of budget cutbacks at the margin is problematic for reasons that we identify.

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This paper replicates the analysis of Scottish HEIs in Hermannsson et al (2010a) for the case of London-based HEIs’ impact on the English economy in order to provide a self-contained analysis that is readily accessible by those whose primary concern is with the regional impacts of London HEIs. A “policy scepticism” has emerged that challenges the results of conventional regional HEI impact analyses. This denial of the importance of the expenditure impacts of HEIs appears to be based on a belief in either a binding regional resource constraint or a regional public sector budget constraint. In this paper we provide a systematic critique of this policy scepticism. However, while rejecting the extreme form of policy scepticism, we argue that it is crucial to recognise the importance of alternative uses of public expenditure, and show how conventional impact analyses can be augmented to accommodate this. While our results suggest that conventional impact studies overestimate the expenditure impacts of HEIs, they also demonstrate that the policy scepticism that treats these expenditure effects as irrelevant neglects some key aspects of HEIs, in particular their export intensity.

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This paper replicates the analysis of Scottish HEIs in Hermannsson et al (2010a) to identify the impact of London-based HEIs on the English economy in order to provide a self-contained analysis that is readily accessible by those whose primary concern is with the regional impacts of London HEIs. When we treat each of the 38 London-based Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) that existed in England in 2006 as separate sectors in conventional input-output analysis, their expenditure impacts per unit of final demand appear rather homogenous (though less so than HEIs in Wales and Scotland), with the apparent heterogeneity of their overall impacts being primarily driven by scale. However, a disaggregation of their income by source reveals considerable variation in their dependence upon general public funding and their ability to draw in income/funding from external sources. Acknowledging the possible alternative uses of the public funding and deriving balanced expenditure multipliers reveals large differences in the net-expenditure impact of London HEIs upon the English economy, with the source of variation being the origin of income. Applying a novel treatment of student expenditure impacts, identifying the amount of exogenous spending per student, modifies the heterogeneity of the overall expenditure impacts. On balance this suggests that the impacts of impending budget cut-backs will be quite different by institution depending on their sensitivity to public funding. However, predicting the outcome of budget cutbacks at the margin is problematic for reasons that we identify.

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This paper replicates the analysis of Scottish HEIs in Hermannsson et al (2010a) for the case of Northern Ireland in order to provide a self-contained analysis that is readily accessible by those whose primary concern is with the regional impacts of Northern-Irish HEIs. When we treat each of the four Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) that existed in Northern Ireland in 2006 as separate sectors in conventional input-output analysis, their expenditure impacts per unit of final demand appear rather homogenous, with the apparent heterogeneity of their overall impacts being primarily driven by scale. However, a disaggregation of their income by source reveals considerable variation in their dependence upon funding from the devolved Assembly and their ability to draw in income/funding from external sources. Acknowledging the binding budget constraint of the Northern Ireland Assembly and deriving balanced expenditure multipliers reveals large differences in the netexpenditure impact of HEIs upon the Northern Irish economy, with the source of variation being the origin of income. Applying a novel treatment of student expenditure impacts, identifying the amount of exogenous spending per student, modifies the heterogeneity of the overall expenditure impacts. On balance this suggests that the impacts of impending budget cut-backs will be quite different by institution depending on their sensitivity to public funding. However, predicting the outcome of budget cutbacks at the margin is problematic for reasons that we identify.

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My interest in higher education and citizenship in the Middle East at large and in Jordan in particular is fostered by some of the reflections Eickelman proposed (1992). Being a quite recent phenomenon, intimately linked with the more general topic of state formation it seemed to me more suitable to study it in a little country with a recent history (a field study left almost unexplored until now as far as Jordan is concerned, to the best of my knowledge, since Antoun 1994 focuses on the migration as a quest for higher education). The process of state formation in Jordan is quite studied. I thus intended to study the higher education policies as an attempt both to create a national citizenry and more recently as a way of controlling the more problematic part of the population (youth, which constitutes more than the double of the population. See UNDP and Ministry of Planning 2000). How do the young students enter the university system, and in which way does this system work? How is this system designed, in order to retain social control of the students (since they are usually perceived to be a factor of social and political instability, as in Iran or in Egypt)? Is there any significant difference between different faculties? And if so, why? My conclusions at this stage are that the university system is an integral part of the survival of the regime. The system works quite well, and Jordan has one of the best educational position in the region. Yet there are important distinctions to be made: the access to the better faculties is socially selective while the less valued faculties are left to the poorer and less wealthy youth. This results in a different treatment of the students and of the courses that I analysed. In the better faculties the teaching standards are quite high, and the relationship between professors and students is almost on a same-level base, while in the less privileged faculties the opposite is true. Thus we can observe a concrete politics of divide et impera intended to split the youth in two. For the more privileged there are some freedoms, both within and outside classes, designed I guess at forging them as autonomous individuals. On the opposite the less privileged are kept under tight control, even if also these students are a privileged category among youth at large.

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The National Strategy for Higher Education was launched in January 2011. In order to ensure effective oversight of implementation of the strategy the Department of Education and Skills has established an Implementation Oversight Group. The Oversight Group is co-ordinating, monitoring and reporting on the implementation of recommendations contained in the National Strategy on an ongoing basis in conjunction with other expertise and stakeholders as required. The Oversight Group has agreed a short to medium term Implementation Progress reporting template that details actions under four broad strategic headings together with a number of supporting objectives. The strategic headings are congruent with the aims of the National Strategy. Each action is the responsibility of a designated organisation. It is the intention of the Department of Education and Skills to report regularly on the implementation of the strategy.

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The National Strategy for Higher Education was launched in January 2011. In order to ensure effective oversight of implementation of the strategy the Department of Education and Skills has established an Implementation Oversight Group. The Oversight Group is co-ordinating, monitoring and reporting on the implementation of recommendations contained in the National Strategy on an ongoing basis in conjunction with other expertise and stakeholders as required. The Oversight Group has agreed a short to medium term Implementation Progress reporting template that details actions under four broad strategic headings together with a number of supporting objectives. The strategic headings are congruent with the aims of the National Strategy. Each action is the responsibility of a designated organisation. It is the intention of the Department of Education and Skills to report regularly on the implementation of the strategy.

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The National Strategy for Higher Education was launched in January 2011. In order to ensure effective oversight of implementation of the strategy the Department of Education and Skills has established an Implementation Oversight Group. The Oversight Group is co-ordinating, monitoring and reporting on the implementation of recommendations contained in the National Strategy on an ongoing basis in conjunction with other expertise and stakeholders as required. The Oversight Group has agreed a short to medium term Implementation Progress reporting template that details actions under four broad strategic headings together with a number of supporting objectives. The strategic headings are congruent with the aims of the National Strategy. Each action is the responsibility of a designated organisation. It is the intention of the Department of Education and Skills to report regularly on the implementation of the strategy.

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The rationale for this review centres solely on the need to broaden access to third-level education in order to improve equity and social justice. It is founded on the Government’s social and economic policy objective of reducing and eliminating educational disadvantage, and increasing participation at third level by lower socio-economic groups. The Agreed Programme for Government of June 2002 commits the Government to building a caring and inclusive society and to achieving real and sustained social progress. Similar commitments are reflected in the National Development Plan, the National Anti-Poverty Strategy, the National Children’s Strategy and successive national partnership agreements, including Sustaining Progress. Tackling educational disadvantage is a core principle of social justice. The issues of educational disadvantage and social inclusion, therefore, are key priorities for the Government and, since taking up office, the Minister for Education and Science has emphasised his commitment to improving participation and achievement at every level of education. The need for interventions throughout the education system is well recognised. It is well established that addressing educational disadvantage requires intervention in the context of a continuum of provision from early childhood through to adulthood. Successive governments, of all political persuasions, have recognised this fact and have introduced a range of initiatives at pre-primary, primary and post-primary levels aimed at increasing pupil retention and achievement. These initiatives are currently being reviewed in order to ensure that individuals are enabled to obtain the appropriate supports they require to maximise the benefit they derive from the education system.

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The place of technology in the development of coherent educational responses to environmental and socio-economic disruption is here placed under scrutiny. One emerging area of interest is the role of technology in addressing more complex learning futures, and more especially in facilitating individual and social resilience, or the ability to manage and overcome disruption. However, the extent to which higher education practitioners can utilise technology to this end is framed by their approaches to the curriculum, and the socio-cultural practices within which they are located. This paper discusses how open education might enable learners to engage with uncertainty through social action within a form of higher education that is more resilient to economic, environmental and energy-related disruption. It asks whether open higher education can be (re)claimed by users and communities within specific contexts and curricula, in order to engage with an uncertain world.

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Aquest document pretén recollir aportacions teòriques sobre les pràctiques pedagògiques que incorporen i promouen l'ús de les TIC per tal de definir els criteris per al disseny de la formació dels professors d'educació superior en les TIC.

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Aquest document pretén recollir aportacions teòriques i pràctiques sobre les pràctiques pedagògiques que incorporen i promouen l'ús de les TIC per tal d'aclarir, facilitar i fer coherent el disseny de la formació dels professors d'educació superior en les TIC. El seu propòsit és trobar alternatives de formació que compleixin amb les necessitats educatives del professor, així com per superar o atenuar les dificultats i/o la manca de voluntat a les quals s'enfronta en la pràctica educativa en introduir aplicacions de les TIC.