Producció científica del Campus del Baix Llobregat. Octubre 2012

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Revistes amb més articles Campus del Baix Llobregat (CBL) - 2011

Es presenta la llista de revistes en les que més publiquen els autors del CBLordenada per centres. Per a cada revista s'inclou els articles del autors CBL del 2011, el factor d'impacte, el quartil i el factor d’immediatesa.

Producció científica del Campus del Baix Llobregat. Setembre 2012

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Bibliometria doctorat ESAB

Cerca en base a 28 autors (amb Scopus ID), respecte a llista facilitada per l’escola. Els tres autors més prolífics son: Juan Jesús Pérez González (135 articles), Pere Garriga (58 articles), i Rosa Flos (45 articles), seguits per Francesc Casañas (34) i Xavier Sorribas (29).

L'Affaire Balzac. Historia y reflexión sobre el rechazo del monumento a Balzac de Auguste Rodin

Treball de fi de grau d'Humanitats. Curs 2012-2013

Lev N. Tolstói y Mark Rothko: una mirada pedagógica al mundo del arte

El presente trabajo tiene como finalidad realizar una disertación en torno la enseñanza del arte en la infancia. El estudio se ceñirá al arte visual, dedicando especial atención a la idea según la cual la expresión artística es un medio de comunicación para los hombres. Se examinará la propuesta estética según la cual el arte puede concebirse como modo de expresar sentimientos y como característica que aleja a las personas de la condición de salvaje. De este modo, se ve en el arte un medio de unión indispensable para la vida y el bienestar de los individuos.

Aproximación a la vía negativa en Jerzy Grotowski

Jerzy Grotowski (Rzeszów, Polonia, 1933-1999) fue uno de los directores teatrales más relevantes del siglo XX. Deja de producir espectáculos en 1970, momento álgido de su carrera de director reconocida internacionalmente. Decide no hacer más representaciones, pero la línea de ejercicios enfocados exclusivamente en el actor, que había comenzado dentro de su Teatro pobre a través de la vía negativa, seguirá acompañándole hasta su último espacio de trabajo, el Workcenter of Jerzy Grotowski and Thomas Richards, Pontedera (Italia).

Sobre las inferencias en ELE y L2

El objetivo del trabajo es analizar el artículo 'Las inferencias en la comprensión lectora: una ventana hacia los procesos cognitivos en segundas lenguas' de Inmaculada Escudero desde la perspectiva de un enfoque sociocultural.

Metodología para trabajar con géneros discursivos

Vamos a esbozar las líneas didácticas y los conceptos teóricos más importantes de unametodología de aprendizaje de los lenguajes de especialidad a partir de la lectura y la escriturade los géneros discursivos propios de las disciplinas o los campos del saber que han generadodicho lenguaje de especialidad.

Esdevenir-búfal, esdevenir-escarabat, esdevenir-escriptura. Per una aproximació en clau deleuziana de l’esdevenir-animala l’obra de Clarice Lispector

Clarice Lispector començà a publicar als anys quaranta amb la novel·la Perto docoração selvagem (1944). No serà fins a la dècada de 1960, però, que desenvoluparà unrecurs que, encara que menys explotat, ja era present a les ficcions escrites finsaleshores: la depuració, o reducció a la seva mínima expressió, de tot elementpròpiament narratiu. Així, a l’hora que l’argument es minimitzava, la literatura deLispector ampliava la vessant reflexiva i, diríem, filosòfica. És en aquesta segona èpocaquan l’escriptora brasilera s’apropa més a una escriptura desjoïtzada, a una escriptura enquè l’enunciació es deslliga progressivament de la subjectivitat. Es tracta d’un recursforça innovador per a l’època i per a la tradició literària en què se situa Lispector.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

Anàlisi del doblatge al castellà de la sèrie Polseres Vermelles

Aquest treball presenta una anàlisi d’aspectes sempre problemàtics en traducció, i encara més en doblatge, mitjançant exemples extrets de traduccions reals del primer i segon capítols de la sèrie catalana Polseres Vermelles. Aquests aspectes són: el llenguatge col•loquial, l’humor, la intertextualitat, els referents culturals i l’expressió d’estats d’ànim.

Análisis de un input de las clases de economía pública: El nivel de cultura fiscal de los alumnos

El objetivo de este artículo es doble. Por un lado, cuantificar el nivel de cultura fiscal de los alumnos de Administración y Dirección de Empresas y de Economía antes de empezar a cursar asignaturas específicas de economía del sector público y de fiscalidad. Y, por otro lado, analizar los posibles factores determinantes de dicho nivel de cultura fiscal. Al tratarse de alumnos de segundo ciclo, éstos ya deberían conocer el funcionamiento de una economía de mercado y el papel que juega el sector público, lo que les debería comportar un mayor interés y una mayor motivación. La idea surgió del convencimiento de los profesores de que saber cuál es el nivel de conocimiento previo sobre cuestiones fiscales que tienen los estudiantes que van a cursar asignaturas de contenido fiscal es un input importante a considerar en el planteamiento de la docencia, puesto que permite mejorar el funcionamiento del curso, motivar el estudio de las asignaturas y mejorar los resultados.

Análisis de un input de las clases de economía pública: El nivel de cultura fiscal de los alumnos

El objetivo de este artículo es doble. Por un lado, cuantificar el nivel de cultura fiscal de los alumnos de Administración y Dirección de Empresas y de Economía antes de empezar a cursar asignaturas específicas de economía del sector público y de fiscalidad. Y, por otro lado, analizar los posibles factores determinantes de dicho nivel de cultura fiscal. Al tratarse de alumnos de segundo ciclo, éstos ya deberían conocer el funcionamiento de una economía de mercado y el papel que juega el sector público, lo que les debería comportar un mayor interés y una mayor motivación. La idea surgió del convencimiento de los profesores de que saber cuál es el nivel de conocimiento previo sobre cuestiones fiscales que tienen los estudiantes que van a cursar asignaturas de contenido fiscal es un input importante a considerar en el planteamiento de la docencia, puesto que permite mejorar el funcionamiento del curso, motivar el estudio de las asignaturas y mejorar los resultados.