Delegações legislativas e poder regulamentar: política e direito na administração pública brasileira

Esta tese objetiva analisar o fenômeno das delegações legislativas no Brasil, de forma a situar o princípio da indelegabilidade na interseção entre a ciência política descritiva e o Direito Administrativo. O trabalho está organizado em três partes. A primeira parte tem como foco a apresentação do debate sobre as delegações legislativas no conhecimento jurídico corrente, sua casuística e inconsistências. Inicia-se com o estudo do princípio da indelegabilidade legislativa, verificando suas origens e pressupostos, passando por seus corolários do Estado de Direito (rule of law), princípio democrático e separação de Poderes. Na sequência, será narrada a história da denominada nondelegation doctrine, desenvolvida nos EUA e que ensejou profícua discussão a merecer análise para o aprofundamento da questão no Brasil. Também serão objeto da Primeira Parte o exame da figura da lei delegada, prevista no art. 68 da Constituição, bem como das principais teorias sobre o poder regulamentar, verificando as suas espécies e características básicas. Por fim, será examinada a jurisprudência do Supremo Tribunal Federal, destacando-se as dificuldades de uma definição clara quanto aos limites jurídicos às delegações legislativas. Na segunda parte, as delegações legislativas serão apresentadas como uma das engrenagens da dinâmica política presidencialista, tendo em vista o chamado presidencialismo de coalizão suas críticas, resultados e impactos na democracia brasileira. A experiência dos EUA será, mais uma vez, levada em consideração. Serão abordadas as teorias de public choice e o modo como elas são usadas para aperfeiçoar o debate sobre delegações legislativas, tornando-o mais próximo da realidade, numa construção pragmática do próprio Direito Administrativo daquele país. Finalmente, na terceira parte, será apresentada uma proposta de abordagem para as delegações legislativas no Brasil. A meta é oferecer parâmetros interpretativos, os quais poderão contribuir para a redefinição dos limites do poder regulamentar, enquanto mecanismo de delegação legislativa em benefício e promoção dos valores constitucionais. Almeja-se um desenho de poder regulamentar compatível com uma Administração Pública que seja funcional e capaz de atingir suas finalidades, dentro do projeto democrático da Constituição de 1988. Isto para, ao final, propor critérios objetivos que possam, em conjunto, auxiliar o intérprete no exame de legitimidade das delegações.

企业经营风险决策的组织行为学研究

This thesis has investigated the risk preferences of the Chinese company managers in kinds of simulated decision situations and their perceptions of risk concerning types of business decisions. Four studies are conducted: Study I is utility analysis. 214 company managers and 46 middle - school headmasters have responded to Utility Measurement Survey. The results indicate: (1) The risk preferences of the managers vary in the different decision situations. In most of the situations, most of the managers are risk aversion; In few situations, they are risk-seeking. (2) In some of the decision situations, there are significant differences on risk preference between business managers and school headmasters, male managers and female managers, senior managers and junior managers, managers with high qualifications and managers with low qualifications, non-state-owned firms' managers and state-owned firms' managers, medium-small sized firms' managers and large-sized firms' managers. In the other situations there aren't significant differences between them. (3) In all of the decision situations, so significant differences on risk preference are found among managers with different marriage, experience, age and education. Study II is risky decision simulation. The Risky Decision Situations Simulation Survey is administered to 82 company managers. The result indicates that firm culture, business condition, survival limit and risk preference of the superior influence the managers' risk decision-making behavior. Study III is perceptions of business decision risks. 68 company managers have filled in Decision Cases Risk Perception Inventory. The results indicate: (1) Inaccurate market analysis and prediction, instable politics and the changes of economic policy are the more risky elements to strategy decision. (2) Erroneous market analysis and prediction, appearance of new technology and the changes of market demands are the more risky elements to investment decision. (3) Poor quality control, backward technology and too large stocks are the more risky elements to production decision. (4) Shortage of development fund, wrong choice in development project and limitation of the development ability are the more risky elements to new production development decision. (5) No payment of the foreign partner's capital, the changes of national relevant policy, difficulty in marketing, too high selling prices of foreign partner's equipments are the more risky elements to joint-venture decision. (6) Unfamilarity with oneself and misjudgement in qualification of oneself are the more risky elements to personnel decision. (7) Bad market of the product, defects in product quality and the changes of consumers demands are the more risky elements to marketing decision. (8) Wrong strategy and ambiguous goals are the more risky elements to public relation decision. (9) Violation of the law, ambiguous goals and poor creation are the more risky elements to advertisement decision. (10) Deterioration of diplomatic relations, unsuitable products for foreign consumers and unfamilarity with foreign market are the more risky elements to international business decision. Study IV is structured interview. 5 company managers have answered all questions of the Interview Questionnaire. The results indicate: (1) The managers think that risks are the possible unfavourable consequences of decisions; (2) The self-ratings of the managers coordinate with the results of utility measurement; (3) The managers admit that risks always accompany bussiness decision; (4) Individual difference is found among managers on risk perception. This thesis has also pointed out the important implications of the research and discussed several further questions.

Understanding Sovereignty through Kelsen/Schmitt

Suganami, Hidemi, 'Understanding Sovereignty through Kelsen/Schmitt', Review of International Studies (2007) 33(3) pp.511-530 RAE2008

The Kosovo Bombing Campaign

Wheeler, Nicholas. 'The Kosovo Bombing Campaign', In: The Politics of International Law, C. Reus-Smit (Ed.), (Cambridge Studies in International Relations 96. Cambridge University Press, 2004), pp. 189-216, 2004. 1. Introduction Christian Reus-Smit; 2. The politics of international law Christian Reus-Smit; 3. When states use armed force Dino Kritsiotis; 4. Soft law, hard politics, and the Climate Change Treaty Robyn Eckersley; 5. Emerging customary norms, and anti-personnel landmines Richard Price; 6. International law, politics, and migrant rights Amy Gurowitz; 7. The International Criminal Court David Wippman; 8. The Kosovo bombing campaign Nicholas Wheeler; 9. International financial institutions Antony Anghie; 10. Law, politics, and international governance Wayne Sandholtz and Alec Stone Sweet; 11. Socety, power, and ethics Christian Reus-Smit. RAE2008

Trójpłaszczyznowa Szachownica. Segmentacja „Wielkiej Polityki” w rozważaniach Josepha Nye’a

Autor książki: Wielka szachownica. Cele polityki amerykańskiej (Warszawa 1998) postrzega stosunki wzajemne pośród uczestników areny międzynarodowej jako wielką szachownicę, na której toczy się pomiędzy nimi „Wielka Polityka” (gra). Sytuacja światowa rozgrywa się, według niego, na jednej szachownicy (arenie międzynarodowej), a uczestnicy „gry” zajmują pozycje pionków. Jest to, więc swoista partia szachów, gdzie silniejszy zdobywa prestiż, pieniądze i władzę, natomiast słabszy przegrywa wszystko, osiągając marginalne znaczenie na globalnej szachownicy. Z kolei J. Nye eksponuje trzy płaszczyzny tej samej szachownicy, a mianowicie: potęgę militarną, gospodarczą oraz „miękkie środki oddziaływania politycznego”, wokół których toczy się polityka międzynarodowa. Jego trylogia poświęcona postrzeganiu potęgi państw powinna być lekturą obowiązkową, skierowaną przede wszystkim do polityków i mężów stanu, z przesłaniem, aby wskazane przez autora czynniki siły stosowali w praktyce, co pomoże im lepiej władać państwem. Jest to także książka przeznaczona dla wszystkich zainteresowanych polityką i jej zagadnieniami związanymi z percepcją potęgi. W niniejszej rozprawie naukowej skoncentrowałam się na trzech najważniejszych książkach J. Nye’a, stanowiących analizę atrybutów potęgi i wyjaśniających jej znaczenie. Są to: Bound to Lead. The Changing Nature of American Power (New York 1991), The Paradox of American Power. Why the World’s Only Superpower Can’t Go It Alone (Oxford 2002) oraz Soft Power. The Means to Success in World Politics (New York 2004; wyd. polskie: Soft Power. Jak osiągnąć sukces w polityce światowej, Warszawa 2007). Stanowią one podstawę do zrozumienia percepcji pojęcia potęgi Stanów Zjednoczonych. Choć autora zajmują także kwestie innych państw, to jednak właśnie mocarstwowość USA jako najpotężniejszego kraju na świecie, posiadającego wszelkie czynniki wzmacniające jego potęgę (władzę), stanowi podstawę rozważań J. Nye’a.

Paradygmatyczny u(ś)cisk wychowania. Zarys koncepcji ujęcia paradygmatu nauki jako widowiska kulturowego

Celem artykułu jest zarys koncepcji paradygmatu nauki sprowadzonego do widowiska kulturowego. Zasadniczymi kontekstami dla naszych rozważań sa definicje paradygmatu podane przez T. S. Kuhna i Z. Kwiecińskiego. W nawiązaniu do nich zostanie wyłonionych siedem faz rozwoju/przekształceń paradygmatu, następnie sięgniemy do jego odniesień naukowych i mitycznych powiązanych z technologią, z różnymi formami i funkcjami rytuału oraz z procesem rytualizacji. W wyniku zebranych tutaj informacji dojdziemy do stanowiska, z którego może wynikać, że paradygmat nauki jest widowiskiem społeczno-kulturowym. Zestawione tutaj wnioski pozwolą nam przejść do przykładu związanego z wychowaniem, - z paradygmatem wychowania i wyjaśnić sobie, na czym polega – zgodnie z tytułem artykułu – różnica między uściskiem a uciskiem wychowania. Całość kończy podsumowanie, w którym omówimy związek technologii rytualizacji i polityczności z władzą oraz zestawię w punktach informacje na temat paradygmatu. (PS – w tytule u(ś)cisk można tłumaczyć: ucisk/uścisk)