967 resultados para Herder, Karoline, 1750-1809.


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For more than 30 years, the relationship between net primary productivity and species richness has generated intense debate in ecology about the processes regulating local diversity. The original view, which is still widely accepted, holds that the relationship is hump-shaped, with richness first rising and then declining with increasing productivity. Although recent meta-analyses questioned the generality of hump-shaped patterns, these syntheses have been criticized for failing to account for methodological differences among studies. We addressed such concerns by conducting standardized sampling in 48 herbaceous-dominated plant communities on five continents. We found no clear relationship between productivity and fine-scale (meters−2) richness within sites, within regions, or across the globe. Ecologists should focus on fresh, mechanistic approaches to understanding the multivariate links between productivity and richness.

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Quantitative estimates of the vertical structure and the spatial gradients of aerosol extinction coefficients have been made from airborne lidar measurements across the coastline into offshore oceanic regions along the east and west coasts of India. The vertical structure revealed the presence of strong, elevated aerosol layers in the altitude region of similar to 2-4 km, well above the atmospheric boundary layer (ABL). Horizontal gradients also showed a vertical structure, being sharp with the e(-1) scaling distance (D-0H) as small as similar to 150 km in the well-mixed regions mostly under the influence of local source effects. Above the ABL, where local effects are subdued, the gradients were much shallower (similar to 600-800 km); nevertheless, they were steep compared to the value of similar to 1500-2500 km reported for columnar AOD during winter. The gradients of these elevated layers were steeper over the east coast of India than over the west coast. Near-simultaneous radio sonde (Vaisala, Inc., Finland) ascents made over the northern Bay of Bengal showed the presence of convectively unstable regions, first from surface to similar to 750-1000 m and the other extending from 1750 to 3000 m separated by a stable region in between. These can act as a conduit for the advection of aerosols and favor the transport of continental aerosols in the higher levels (> 2 km) into the oceans without entering the marine boundary layer below. Large spatial gradient in aerosol optical and hence radiative impacts between the coastal landmass and the adjacent oceans within a short distance of < 300 km (even at an altitude of 3 km) during summer and the premonsoon is of significance to the regional climate.

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Inflammation is a recognized risk factor for the vulnerable atherosclerotic plaque. USPIO-enhanced MRI imaging is a promising non-i nvasive method to identify high-risk atheromatous plaque inflammation in vivo in humans, in which areas of focal signal loss on MR images have been shown to correspond to the location of activated macrophages, typically at the shoulder regions of the plaque. This is the first report in humans describing simultaneous USPIO uptake within atheroma in two different arterial territories and again emphasises that atherosclerosis is a truly systemic disease. With further work, USPIO-enhanced MR imaging may be useful in identifying inflamed vulnerable atheromatous plaques in vivo, so refining patient selection for intervention and allowing appropriate early aggressive pharmacotherapy to prevent plaque rupture.

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Finnish scholarship students in Russia during the autonomy (1812-1917) During the autonomy in Finland (1809-1917), an attempt to improve the knowledge of the Russian language was made through special language university scholarships. With these scholarships the students could go and study the Russian language and acquire cultural knowledge in Russia. Other member countries on the edges of the Russian Empire, like Poland and the Baltic provinces, did not have similar programs. The first two scholars started their journey in 1812. A system of travel allowances was introduced in 1841. Between the years 1812- 1917 a total of almost 400 students studied in Russia. The studies mainly took place in Moscow. These scholarship students were called the Master s of Moscow ". In this paper, Finnish-Russian relations are studied based on the attitude towards the Russian language and the people who studied it in Finland. Although the attitude towards them was neutral in the beginning, in 1844 there was a strong change. Students of Russian, and especially the scholars, received the stigma of being unreliable and unpatriotic, a stigma they were never able to get rid of. The study of the Russian language was voluntary in Finnish schools between 1863 and 1872. Starting from 1890, however, the study of the Russian language was enforced. In doing so, the Russians attempted to unify the Empire, while the Finns had the illusion that they had their own state. Thus, Russia saw the language as a way to unify the Empire and Finns as an attempt to make them Russians. The purpose of studying in Russia was to improve the student s practical language skills and overall knowledge of the customs and culture of the country. Besides knowing the language, knowledge of Russian culture and customs is essential in understanding Russia and Russians; therefore, the studies of literature, geography and history have been noted in this research. Without knowledge it is difficult to develop understanding. After their studies, almost all of the scholars returned to Finland and did not continue their careers in Russia. They worked mainly as teachers and civil servants, and managed to improve the Finnish people s weak knowledge of Russian and Russia through teaching, translations of literature and newspaper articles. Through these scholars, it is possible to see how the attitudes towards the language have been closely related to the political history between Finland and Russia. The language became the subject of resistance and these attitudes were transferred to its students. In 1917, the study of Russia and the Russian language ended and it was no longer possible to use the acquired knowledge of language and country in independent Finland.

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The study is an examination of how the distant national past has been conceived and constructed for Finland from the mid-sixteenth century to the Second World War. The author argues that the perception and need of a national 'Golden Age' has undergone several phases during this period, yet the perceived Greatness of the Ancient Finns has been of great importance for the growth and development of the fundamental concepts of Finnish nationalism. It is a question reaching deeper than simply discussing the Kalevala or the Karelianism of the 1890s. Despite early occurrences of most of the topics the image-makers could utilize for the construction of an Ancient Greatness, a truly national proto-history only became a necessity after 1809, when a new conceptual 'Finnishness' was both conceived and brought forth in reality. In this process of nation-building, ethnic myths of origin and descent provided the core of the nationalist cause - the defence of a primordial national character - and within a few decades the antiquarian issue became a standard element of the nationalist public enlightenment. The emerging, archaeologically substantiated, nationhood was more than a scholarly construction: it was a 'politically correct' form of ethnic self-imaging, continuously adapting its message to contemporary society and modern progress. Prehistoric and medieval Finnishness became even more relevant for the intellectual defence of the nation during the period of Russian administrative pressure 1890-1905. With independence the origins of Finnishness were militarized even further, although the 'hot' phase of antiquarian nationalism ended, as many considered the Finnish state reestablished after centuries of 'dependency'. Nevertheless, the distant past of tribal Finnishness and the conceived Golden Age of the Kalevala remained obligating. The decline of public archaeology is quite evident after 1918, even though the national message of the antiquarian pursuits remained present in the history culture of the public. The myths, symbols, images, and constructs of ancient Finnishness had already become embedded in society by the turn of the century, like the patalakki cap, which remains a symbol of Finnishness to this day. The method of approach is one of combining a broad spectrum of previously neglected primary sources, all related to history culture and the subtle banalization of the distant past: school books, postcards, illustrations, festive costumes, drama, satirical magazines, novels, jewellery, and calendars. Tracing the origins of the national myths to their original contexts enables a rather thorough deconstruction of the proto-historical imaginary in this Finnish case study. Considering Anthony D. Smith's idea of ancient 'ethnies' being the basis for nationalist causes, the author considers such an approach in the Finnish case totally misplaced.

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The emperor of our fatherland The changing national identity of the elite and the construction of the Finnish fatherland at the beginning of the autonomy This study addresses the question of changing national identity of the elite at the beginning of the autonomy (1808 1814) in Finland. Russia had conquered Finland from Sweden, but Finland was not incorporated into the Russian Empire. Instead, it was governed as separately administered area, and Finland retained its own (laws of the realm of Sweden) laws. The inclusion in the Russian Empire compelled the elite of Finland to deliberate their national identity; they had to determine whether they remained Swedes or became Finns or Russians. The elite chose to become Finns, which may seem obvious from the nowadays perspective, but it cannot be taken for granted that the Swedish speaking and noble elite converted their local Finnish identity into a new national identity. The basis of this study is constructive in a sense that identity is not seen as stable and constant. Theoretical background lies on Stuart Hall s writings on national identity, which offer good practical methods to study national identity. According to Hall identity is based mainly on difference , difference to others . In practice this means how elite began to define themselves in contrast to Swedes and Russians. The Finnish national identity was constructed in contrast to Swedes due to the political reasons. In order to avoid Russians suspicions Finns had to diverge from Sweden. Sweden had also gone trough coup d état, which was disliked by the elite of Finland. However, the attitudes of the elite towards Sweden remained somewhat ambiguous. Even if it was politically and rationally thinking wisest to draw away from Sweden, emotionally it was difficult. Russia, on the other hand, had been for centuries the archenemy of the Finns as well as all the Swedes. The fear of the Russians was mainly imaginary. Russians were seen as cruel barbarians who hated and resented Finns. The Finnish national identity was constructed above all in contrast to the Russians, for the difference to Russia was seen as a precondition for the existence of Finland. Respectively, the new position of Finland also required approaching towards Russia, which was in its nature very pragmatic. The elite contrived to get rid off its prejudice against Russians on intellectual level, but not on emotional level. At the beginning of the autonomy the primary loyalty of the elite was directed into the Finnish fatherland and its habitants. This was a radical ideological change, because traditionally the loyalty of the elite had focused on monarch and monarch s realm. However, the role of Alexander I was crucial. According to the elite the emperor had granted them a new fatherland. The former native country (Finland) was seen as a new fatherland instead of Sweden. The loyalty of the elite to the emperor generated from the reciprocal gratitude; Alexander I had treated their native country so mercifully. The elite felt strong personal responsibility for Finland s existence. The elite believed that the future of Finland rested on their shoulders. Alexander I had given them fatherland, but it was in the hands of the elite to construct the Finnish state and national spirit. The study of the Finnish national identity brings forth also that the national identity was constructed by emphasizing Finns civic rights. The civic rights were essential part of the construction of the Finnish national identity, for the difference between Finns and Russians was based on Finns own laws and privileges, which the emperor of the Russia had ensured.

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Books Paths to Readers describes the history of the origins and consolidation of modern and open book stores in Finland 1740 1860. The thesis approaches the book trade as a part of a print culture. Instead of literary studies choice to concentrate on texts and writers, book history seeks to describe the print culture of a society and how the literary activities and societies interconnect. For book historians, printed works are creations of various individuals and groups: writers, printers, editors, book sellers, censors, critics and finally, readers. They all take part in the creation, delivery and interpretation of printed works. The study reveals the ways selling and distributing books have influenced the printed works and the literary and print culture. The research period 1740 1860 covers the so-called second revolution of the book, or the modernisation of the print culture. The thesis describes the history of 60 book stores and their 96 owners. The study concentrates on three themes: firstly, how the particular book trade network became a central institution for printed works distribution, secondly what were the relations between cosmopolitan European book markets and the national cultural sphere, and thirdly how book stores functioned as cultural institutions and business enterprises. Book stores that have a varied assortment and are targeted to all readers became the main institution for book trade in Finland during 1740 1860. It happened because of three features. First, the book binders monopoly on selling bound copies in Sweden was abolished in 1740s. As a consequence entrepreneurs could concentrate solely to trade activities and offer copies from various publishers at their stores. Secondly the common business model of bartering was replaced by selling copies for cash, first in the German book trade centre Leipzig in 1770s. The change intensified book markets activities and Finnish book stores foreign connections. Thirdly, after Finland was annexed to the Russian empire in 1809, the Grand duchy s administration steered foreign book trade to book stores (because of censorship demands). Up to 1830 s book stores were available only in Helsinki and Turku. During next ten years book stores opened in six regional centres. The early entrepreneurs ran usually vertical businesses consisting of printing, publishing and distribution activities. This strategy lowered costs, eased the delivery of printed works and helped to create elaborated centres for all book activities. These book stores main clientele consisted of the Swedish speaking gentry. During late 1840s various opinion leaders called for the development of a national Finnish print culture, and also book stores. As a result, during the five years before the beginning of the Crimean war (1853 1856) book stores were opened in almost all Finnish towns: at the beginning of the war 36 book stores operated in 21 towns. The later book sellers, mainly functioning in small towns among Finnish speaking people, settled usually strictly for selling activities. Book stores received most of their revenues from selling foreign titles. Swedish, German, French and Belgian (pirate editions of popular French novels) books were widely available for the multilingual gentry. Foreign titles and copies brought in most of the revenues. Censorship inspections or unfavourable custom fees would not limit the imports. Even if the local Finnish print production steadily rose, many copies, even titles, were never delivered via book stores. Only during the 1840 s and 1850 s the most advanced publishers would concentrate on creating publishing programmes and delivering their titles via book stores. Book sellers regulated commissions were small. They got even smaller because of large amounts of unsold copies, various and usual misunderstandings of consignments and accounts or plain accidents that destroyed shipments and warehouses. Also, the cultural aim of a creating large and assortments and the tendency of short selling periods demanded professional entrepreneurship, which many small town book sellers however lacked. In the midst of troublesome business efforts, co-operation and mutual concern of the book market s entrepreneurs were the key elements of the trade, although on local level book sellers would compete, sometimes even ferociously. The difficult circumstances (new censorship decree of 1850, Crimean war) and lack of entrepreneurship, experience and customers meant that half of the book stores opened in 1845 1860 was shut in less than five years. In 1858 the few leading publishers established The Finnish Book Publishers Association. Its first task was to create new business rules and manners for the book trade. The association s activities began to professionalise the whole network, but at the same time the earlier independence of regional publishing and selling enterprises diminished greatly. The consolidation of modern and open book store network in Finland is a history of a slow and complex development without clear signs of a beginning or an end. The ideal book store model was rarely accomplished in its all features. Nevertheless, book stores became the norm of the book trade. They managed to offer larger selections, reached larger clienteles and maintained constant activity better than any other book distribution model. In essential, the book stores methods have not changed up to present times.

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M,=477.3, orthorhombic, P2~2~2~, a= 6.719.(4), b=29.614(15), c= 9.559 (3) ~, Z=4, U-- 1902.0 A 3, D x = 1.67 Mg m -3, 2(Cu Ka) = 1.5418A, /~=l.90mm -1, T=290K. Final R for 1809 observed reflections is 0.045. The structure shows an unusual gauche-trans conformation about the C(4')-C(5') bond, while the sugar pucker [C(3')-exo] and glycosidic torsion angle [)CCN = 70.2 (5) °, anti] are normal. The two Na + ions do not interact with the molecule directly, being completely surrounded by water molecules. The cytosine bases are stacked, with a separation distance of 3.36 (5) A.

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Pitkärannan kaivokselle Laatokan Karjalaan saapui vuonna 1880 24 ruotsalaista vuorimiestä perheineen käynnistääkseen sen uudella teholla, tekemään siitä modernin ja johtamaan sen toimintaa. Heidät oli rekrytoinut sinne pietarilainen kansainvälisten liikemiesten omistama pankki suomalaisen vuoriteollisuuden asiantuntijan Hjalmar Furuhjelmin avulla. Pankki oli hankkinut lupaavalla malmialueella sijainneen kaivoksen omistukseensa muutamaa vuotta aikaisemmin. Ruotsalaisten saapumisesta käynnistyi 25 vuotta jatkunut ketjusiirtolaisuus Ruotsin vuoriteollisuuden keskusalueelta Bergslagenista Pitkärantaan, mikä oli pituutensa ja toimintansa vuoksi merkittävä. Vaikka Pitkäranta sijaitsi periferiassa, oli se hyvin kansainvälinen paikka, jossa oli myös muutamia muunmaalaisia työntekijöitä. Pitkäranta eli ruotsalaisten johdossa teollisen kultakautensa. Sieltä louhittiin pääasiassa kuparia, mutta loppuaikoina toiminta keskittyi rautamalmiin, jota rikastettiin. Kaivoksen yhteydessä toimi eri aikoina myös muuta teollisuutta kuten pullotehdas. Monet Pitkärannan ruotsalaisista olivat siirtolaisina perheensä kanssa. Naimattomista muutamat solmivat avioliiton suomalaisen kanssa ja kaksi kaivoksen saksalaisen johtajan O. G. Trüstedtin tyttärien kanssa. Ruotsalaiset siirtolaiset olivat Pitkärannassa johtavassa asemassa niin tehtäviensä pohjalta kuin sosiaalisestikin. Pitkärannan ruotsalaiset eivät pääsaantöisesti integroituneet Suomeen, vaan säilyttivät ruotsalaisen identiteettinsä ja palasivat jossain vaiheessa takaisin Ruotsiin - jopa sellaiset, jotka olivat Suomessa yli kymmenen vuotta. Vain muutama ruotsalainen vuorimies jäi Suomeen. Ruotsalaiset loivat Pitkärannassa ollessaan tiiviin suhdeverkon, johon kuului keskeisesti myös Trüstedtien perhe. Verkosto toimi tiiviisti muutama vuosi Pitkärannan jälkeen perustetun Outokummun kaivoksen alkutaipaleen aikana. Pitkärannan ruotsalaiset liittyivät vielä Petsamon nikkelinkin löytymiseen. Pitkärannan ruotsalaisuus kuului kolmeen historialliseen kontekstiin. Taustalla oli vuosisatoja Ruotsista Suomeen jatkunut vuoriammattilaisten siirtolaisuus, joka ei ollut loppunut, vaikka maiden valtiollinen side oli päättynyt vuonna 1809. Tästä syytä rekrytoijien kannalta Ruotsi oli luonnollinen kohde. Rekrytoidut taas elivät Ruotsin suurinta siirtolaisuusaaltoa, jolloin suuret siirtolaisvirrat suuntautuivat Pohjois-Amerikkaan ja siirtolaisuus kosketti lähes jokaista ruotsalaista. Kolmas taustalla vaikuttanut historiallinen kehitys oli Pietarin nopea kasvu ja kansainvälistyminen sekä sen imussa tapahtunut vaikutusalueiden ja koko Suomen teollistuminen. Pitkärannan kaivos oli Pietarin kansainvälisten liikemiesten omistama ja sen tuotanto palveli täysin Pietaria, jonka laajaan vaikutusalueeseen Pitkäranta kuului hyvin voimakkaasti. Monessa mielessä ruotsalaisten vuorimiesten siirtolaisuus Pitkärantaan olikin enemmän siirtolaisuutta Pietarin vaikutusalueelle kuin Suomeen. Pitkärannan side Suomeen oli lähinnä vain sen fyysinen sijainti, muuten sitä täytyy arvioida kiinteästi osana Pietarin vaiheita. Pitkäranta oli Amerikan siirtolaisuuteen ja vähän myöhemmin alkaneeseen Norrbotteniin muuttoon verrattuna vain pieni sivujuonne ruotsalaisessa 1800-luvun lopun siirtolaisuudessa. Suomeen ja Venäjälle tapahtuneen ruotsalaissiirtolaisuuden joukossa se oli kuitenkin aikanaan merkittävä, monimuotoinen ja kauaskantoinen tapahtuma. Avainsanat: ruotsalaiset, siirtolaisuus, vuoriteollisuus, ruukki, kaivos, Pitkäranta, Impilahti, Falun, Pietari, Bergslagen, kupari, ketjusiirtolaisuus

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This folk linguistic and human geographic study deals with dialect awareness, dialect use and place attachment. The study discusses theoretical and methodological issues current in sociolinguistics suggesting that the study of attitudes should be regarded as a core area in the study of variation and change. Furthermore, it is suggested that instead of putting effort into improving mental mapping methodology (adopted into folk linguistics from behavioural geography of the 1960 s), the more up-to-date thinking of space in geography should be adopted. The region and the dialect are treated as perceptual constructs in the study. The dialect perceptions of high school seniors in the Finnish Tornio Valley are examined trough a triangulation method involving a questionnaire, interviews and dialect recognition test as the research methods. The h in non-initial syllables (e.g. lähethä(ä)n, saunhaan ~ sauhnaan let s go into sauna ) turns out, expectedly, as the most salient feature in the dialect awareness of the locals and in terms of local identity construction. This feature is no longer heard in most of the present dialects of Finnish but is still thriving in the Tornio Valley in the cross-border dialect area. The metathetic variant (saunhaan > sauhnaan into sauna , käymhään > käyhmään to go ) is a characteristic feature of the Tornio Valley dialect. However, individual differences have long been found in the use of the h. This study challenges the essentialist variationist view of social categories (gender) by analysing variation from a quantitative but emic and human geographic point of view. The study shows that the variation of the h is statistically significantly patterned in terms of the degree of feeling of insideness vs. outsideness. New light is shed on the gender differences found in earlier sociolinguistic studies: differences in dialect use between and inside gender groups are illuminated by the fact that, in this case, it is young women who are generally less attached to the local community than young men, but this does not hold for all the individuals. The ideological motivation for preservation of the h seems to be based on the imagined community of Tornio Valley covering both the Swedish and the Finnish valley area. The general image of the dialect area and it s speakers, the shared cognitive dialect boundaries of the locals and the particularly deep level of awaress of the linguistic variation of the h are notable resources of the Tornio valley identity. Hyperdialectic forms analogical to the most frequently attested metathetic forms are found in the interview data, predicting that in this dialect the h will be maintained also in the future.

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The diet selected in autumn by steers fistulated at the oesophageous was studied in a subset of treatments in an extensive grazing study conducted in a Heteropogon contortus pasture in central Queensland between 1988 and 2001. These treatments were a factorial array of three stocking rates (4, 3 and 2 ha/steer) and three pasture types (native pasture, legume-oversown native pasture and animal diet supplement/spring-burning native pasture). Seasonal rainfall throughout this study was below the long-term mean and mean annual pasture utilisation ranged from 30 to 61%. Steers consistently selected H. contortus with levels decreasing from 47 to 18% of the diet as stocking rate increased from 4 ha/steer to 2 ha/steer. Stylosanthes scabra cv. Seca was always selected in legume-oversown pastures with diet composition varying from 35 to 66% despite its plant density increasing from 7 to 65 plants/m(2) and pasture composition from 20 to 50%. Steers also selected a diet containing Chrysopogon fallax, forbs and sedges in higher proportions than they were present in the pasture. Greater availability of the intermediate grasses Chloris divaricata and Eragrostis spp. was associated with increased stocking rates. Bothriochloa bladhii was seldom selected in the diet, especially when other palatable species were present in the pasture, despite B. bladhii often being the major contributor to total pasture yield. It was concluded that a stocking rate of 4 ha/steer will maintain the availability of H. contortus in the pasture.

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Salinity is an increasingly important issue in both rural and urban areas throughout much of Australia. The use of recycled/reclaimed water and other sources of poorer quality water to irrigate turf is also increasing. Hybrid Bermudagrass (Cynodon dactylon (L.) Pers. x C. transvaalensis Burtt Davey), together with the parent species C. dactylon, are amongst the most widely used warm-season turf grass groups. Twelve hybrid Bermudagrass genotypes and one accession each of Bermudagrass (C. dactylon), African Bermudagrass (C. transvaalensis) and seashore paspalum (Paspalum vaginatum Sw.) were grown in a glasshouse experiment with six different salinity treatments applied hydroponically through the irrigation water (ECW = <0.1, 6, 12, 18, 24 or 30 dSm-1) in a flood-and-drain system. Each pot was clipped progressively at 2-weekly intervals over the 12-week experimental period to determine dry matter production; leaf firing was rated visually on 3 occasions during the last 6 weeks of salinity treatment. At the end of the experiment, dry weights of roots and crowns below clipping height were also determined. Clipping yields declined sharply after about the first 6 weeks of salinity treatment, but then remained stable at substantially lower levels of dry matter production from weeks 8 to 12. Growth data over this final 4-week experimental period is therefore a more accurate guide to the relative salinity tolerance of the 15 entries than data from the preceding 8 weeks. Based on these data, the 12 hybrid Bermudagrass genotypes showed moderate salinity tolerance, with FloraDwarfM, 'Champion Dwarf', NovotekM and 'TifEagle' ranking as the most salt tolerant and 'Patriot', 'Santa Ana', 'Tifgreen' and TifSport M the least tolerant within the hybrid group. Nevertheless, Santa Ana, for example, maintained relatively strong root growth as salinity increased, and so may show better salt tolerance in practice than predicted from the growth data alone. The 12 hybrid Bermudagrasses and the single African Bermudagrass genotype were all ranked above FloraTeXM Bermudagrass in terms of salt tolerance. However, seashore paspalum, which is widely acknowledged as a halophytic species showing high salt tolerance, ranked well above all 14 Cynodon genotypes in terms of salinity tolerance.

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Saddletail snapper (Lutjanus malabaricus) is a commercially significant tropical species in Australia and has been the subject of consumer complaints of extreme toughness in cooked fillets. Textural and biochemical analyses including collagen and hydroxylysyl pyridinoline (PYD) cross-links concentrations were conducted on 101 commercially harvested Saddletail snapper to identify causes of toughness. Fish age was found to account for 75.6% of observed variation in cooked muscle texture (work done) of Saddletail snapper. A significant linear relationship (P < 0.001) between PYD content and cooked muscle texture was also identified accounting for 50.3% of observed variation. The concentration ratio of PYD to total collagen (TC) ranged from 0.04 to 0.38 mol PYD per mol of TC. Fish size was also found to be a poor indicator of fish age and therefore a poor indicator of the potential risk of toughness of the cooked muscle.

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In this paper both documentary and natural proxy data have been used to improve the accuracy of palaeoclimatic knowledge in Finland since the 18th century. Early meteorological observations from Turku (1748-1800) were analyzed first as a potential source of climate variability. The reliability of the calculated mean temperatures was evaluated by comparing them with those of contemporary temperature records from Stockholm, St. Petersburg and Uppsala. The resulting monthly, seasonal and yearly mean temperatures from 1748 to 1800 were compared with the present day mean values (1961-1990): the comparison suggests that the winters of the period 1749-1800 were 0.8 ºC colder than today, while the summers were 0.4 ºC warmer. Over the same period, springs were 0.9 ºC and autumns 0.1 ºC colder than today. Despite their uncertainties when compared with modern meteorological data, early temperature measurements offer direct and daily information about the weather for all months of the year, in contrast with other proxies. Secondly, early meteorological observations from Tornio (1737-1749) and Ylitornio (1792-1838) were used to study the temporal behaviour of the climate-tree growth relationship during the past three centuries in northern Finland. Analyses showed that the correlations between ring widths and mid-summer (July) temperatures did not vary significantly as a function of time. Early (June) and late summer (August) mean temperatures were secondary to mid-summer temperatures in controlling the radial growth. According the dataset used, there was no clear signature of temporally reduced sensitivity of Scots pine ring widths to mid-summer temperatures over the periods of early and modern meteorological observations. Thirdly, plant phenological data with tree-rings from south-west Finland since 1750 were examined as a palaeoclimate indicator. The information from the fragmentary, partly overlapping, partly nonsystematically biased plant phenological records of 14 different phenomena were combined into one continuous time series of phenological indices. The indices were found to be reliable indicators of the February to June temperature variations. In contrast, there was no correlation between the phenological indices and the precipitation data. Moreover, the correlations between the studied tree-rings and spring temperatures varied as a function of time and hence, their use in palaeoclimate reconstruction is questionable. The use of present tree-ring datasets for palaeoclimate purposes may become possible after the application of more sophisticated calibration methods. Climate variability since the 18th century is perhaps best seen in the fourth paper study of the multiproxy spring temperature reconstruction of south-west Finland. With the help of transfer functions, an attempt has been made to utilize both documentary and natural proxies. The reconstruction was verified with statistics showing a high degree of validity between the reconstructed and observed temperatures. According to the proxies and modern meteorological observations from Turku, springs have become warmer and have featured a warming trend since around the 1850s. Over the period of 1750 to around 1850, springs featured larger multidecadal low-frequency variability, as well as a smaller range of annual temperature variations. The coldest springtimes occurred around the 1840s and 1850s and the first decade of the 19th century. Particularly warm periods occurred in the 1760s, 1790s, 1820s, 1930s, 1970s and from 1987 onwards, although in this period cold springs occurred, such as the springs of 1994 and 1996. On the basis of the available material, long-term temperature changes have been related to changes in the atmospheric circulation, such as the North Atlantic Oscillation (February-June).

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The collection contains items relating to individual members of the family as well as the Seixas family in general. Included are papers of the following persons: Isaac Mendes Seixas (1708/9-1780/1), a copy of A voyage to Hudson's--Bay, by Henry Ellis, inscribed with his name on the title page, along with additional inscriptions on the end papers (1748); and a daily prayer book printed in Amsterdam (title page missing), with an inscription on the first page indicating that the book was owned by Seixas in 1758/9, and subsequently by his grandson, Theodore J. Seixas, in 1816/17.