Commentary on the Royal Commission's Report on Copyright (1878)

The first major governmental review of the national, colonial, and international copyright regime. The commentary explores the background to the Royal Commission and in particular the efforts of the Association for the Protection of the Rights of Authors in lobbying for law reform. The commentary also explores the extent to which debates about free trade and monopoly commended the attention of the Commissioners and provided a challenge to the dominant conception of copyright - that is, copyright as a property right. The Report affirmed that copyright should continue to be regarded as a property right, and acknowledged the need for reform and consolidating legislation. Beyond that, however, the Commissioners were in considerable disagreement as to copyright's purpose and proper scope, with few of the Report's major recommendations receiving the unanimous support of the same.

Estilo de desarrollo y el tratado de libre comercio entre República Dominicana, Centroamérica y Estados Unidos. Análisis del capítulo ambiental

Este estilo de desarrollo del país no ha generado encadenamientos productivos y recurre constantemente, a políticas implementadas en la promoción de las exportaciones, liberalización y apertura comercial, drásticos ajustes en las funciones del Estado y la atracción de inversión extranjera (tanto directa como financiera). Objetivos que se materializan en la negociación de tratados de libre comercio al estilo del Tratado de Libre Comercio entre Centroamérica y Estados Unidos. En él se sientan las bases institucionales para la flexibilización del accionar del capital global, la profundización del proceso de apropiación de los factores de producción (básicamente, los recursos y servicios naturales, y la fuerza de trabajo) e incorporar nuevos negocios en sectores que, precisamente, suponen las mejores posibilidades de incrementar la acumulación de capital, siendo éstos, hoy, los recursos energéticos y hídricos. Abstract This style of development of the country has not generated productive linkages and it constantly appeals, to politicians implemented in the promotion of the exports, liberalization and opening commercial, drastic adjustments in the functions of the State and the attraction of foreign investment (so much direct as financial). Objectives that are materialized in the negotiation of treaties of free trade to the style of the Treaty of Free Trade between Central America and United States. In him they feel the institutional bases for the flexibility of working of the global capital, the to make deeper of the process of appropriation of the production factors (basically, the resources and natural services, and the work force) and to incorporate new business in sectors that, in fact, they suppose the best possibilities to increase the capital accumulation, being these, today, the energy and hydric resources.

Dinâmicas sócioeconômicas na prática dos feirantes agricultores familiares de Chapecó-SC

This thesis deals with the insertion of family farmers market that act as market traders in the city of Chapecó, state of Santa Catarina. In order to trust, reciprocity and relations of time and space dynamics present in the practice of open-air market is analyzed. From understanding the outdoor market as an extension of the activities of farms, a form of local construction market, we need new ways to evaluate the inclusion of family farming in trade. In this regard, the importance of local markets characterized by autonomy in the food hegemonic system. To this end, it uses what the peculiarities present in the practice of street fairs, its historical development, the number of farmers who act as market participants, the number of traders in the city and its surroundings, the diversity of products offered, the marketing channel access by traders and market relations farmers who act as market participants. Finally, based on the responses of suppliers and content analysis, it was possible to show how present in the social dynamics of free trade: the trusted face to face representations, reciprocity and relations of time and space between the co-present agents in the market dynamics of family farmers fair. For the study context, these representations show how important non-economic values that help build identities that relate to the strategies of social reproduction and overcoming dominant market model.

CON EL TRATADO DE LIBRE COMERCIO PERDIMOS TOD@S

Resumen El objetivo principal de este artículo es analizar la inserción de la economía guatemalteca al proceso del desarrollo global del sistema capitalista. El trabajo sustenta la idea de que la estructura productiva se fue configurando a partir de los procesos de ajuste estructural y que la misma tuvo un sesgo marcadamente neoliberal. Esto permitió generar una plataforma política y económica que facilito la imposición de un modelo dependiente con la instauración de un Acuerdo Comercial con Estados Unidos. Este mecanismo es la última fase de la implantación del modelo económico de acumulación, que permite una inserción del capital nacional al gran mercado capitalista mundial y reconfigura la estructura productiva agrícola del país adaptándola a las nuevas necesidades del capital global.   Abstract The Objective of this article is analyzing the insertion of the Guatemalan economy to process of world development of capitalist system. The work support the idea of the productive structure was forming to begin of structures adjustments process and had a slant markedly neoliberal. It allowed produce a politic platform and economic that made easy the imposition of a dependent model with the establishment of one trade agreement with United States. It mechanism is the last stage of the implantation of economic model of accumulation, that allow a insertion of national working capital to big world capitalist market and reforming the farming productive structure of Guatemala; adjustmenting the country to the new necessities of world working capital.

Legal Framework for Cross-Regional Networks: The Case of Services and Migration

Paper prepared by Marion Panizzon and Charlotte Sieber-Gasser for the International Conference on the Political Economy of Liberalising Trade in Services, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 14-15 June 2010 Recent literature has shed light on the economic potential of cross-border networks. These networks, consisting of expatriates and their acquaintances from abroad and at home, provide the basis for the creation of cross-border value added chains and therewith the means for turning brain drain into brain circulation. Both aspects are potentially valuable for economic growth in the developing world. Unilateral co-development policies operating through co-funding of expatriate business ventures, but also bilateral agreements liberalising circular migration for a limited set of per-sons testify to the increasing awareness of governments about the potential, which expatriate networks hold for economic growth in developing countries. Whereas such punctual efforts are valuable, viewed from a long term perspective, these top-down, government mandated Diaspora stimulation programs, will not replace, this paper argues, the market-driven liberalisation of infrastructure and other services in developing countries. Nor will they carry, in the case of circular labour migration, the political momentum to liberalise labour market admission for those non-nationals, who will eventually emerge as the future transnational entrepreneurs. It will take a combination of mode 4 and infrastructure services openings-cum regulation for countries at both sides of the spectrum to provide the basis and precondition for transnational business and entrepreneurial networks to emerge and translate into cross-border, value added production chains. Two key issues are of particular relevance in this context: (i) the services sector, especially in infrastructure, tends to suffer from inefficiencies, particularly in developing countries, and (ii) labour migration, a highly complex issue, still faces disproportionately rigid barriers despite well-documented global welfare gains. Both are hindrances for emerging markets to fully take advantage of the potential of these cross-border networks. Adapting the legal framework for enhancing the regulatory and institutional frameworks for services trade, especially in infrastructure services sectors (ISS) and labour migration could provide the incentives necessary for brain circulation and strengthen cross-border value added chains by lowering transaction costs. This paper analyses the shortfalls of the global legal framework – the shallow status quo of GATS commitments in ISS and mode 4 particular – in relation to stimulating brain circulation and the creation of cross-border value added chains in emerging markets. It highlights the necessity of adapting the legal framework, both on the global and the regional level, to stimulate broader and wider market access in the four key ISS sectors (telecommunications, transport, professional and financial services) in developing countries, as domestic supply capacity, global competitiveness and economic diversification in ISS sectors are necessary for mobilising expatriate re-turns, both physical and virtual. The paper argues that industrialised, labour receiving countries need to offer mode 4 market access to wider categories of persons, especially to students, graduate trainees and young professionals from abroad. Further-more, free trade in semi-finished products and mode 4 market access are crucial for the creation of cross-border value added chains across the developing world. Finally, the paper discusses on the basis of a case study on Jordan why the key features of trade agreements, which promote circular migration and the creation of cross-border value added chains, consist of trade liberalisation in services and liberal migration policies.

Derecho y biotecnología: los nuevos desafíos de la biotecnología en el derecho colombiano desde la perspectiva del acceso a los recursos genéticos

41 p.

Exposition and protest

This document is a protest from the members of the South Carolina General Assembly of the United States tariff in effect in 1828.

The Proceedings of the South Carolina Historical Association

Annually, the association publishes a journal, The Proceedings, which consists of papers presented at the annual meeting. The Abortive Negotiations for a Free-trade Coalition to Defeat Tariff Reform: October, 1903, to February, 1904 by Richard A. Rempel The End of the American Watch on the Rhine by Alexander R. Stoesen Jim Crow Comes to South Carolina by Albert N. Sanders – Furman University Andrew Johnson: The Second Swing ‘Round the Circle by Robert J. Moore The Mature Religious Thought of John Adams by Robert B. Everett

Oportunidades comerciales para productores y exportadores colombianos de mangostanes y mangos en los Países Bajos a partir del Tratado de Libre Comercio con la Unión Europea

El presente trabajo de investigación se realizó con el propósito de esclarecer y brindarle información pertinente y actualizada a los productores nacionales de frutas exóticas como el mango y el mangostán, acerca de las oportunidades comerciales que estos poseen con países pertenecientes a la Unión Europea (UE), debido al creciente consumo de frutas en estos países y al acuerdo comercial vigente que posee Colombia y la UE. Con el fin de que el sector agrícola crezca y pueda establecerse en mercados diferentes al nacional, facilitando el crecimiento económico del sector y del país. Así mismo, se buscó ilustrar a los empresarios colombianos acerca de los potenciales consumidores, formas de ingreso y los requisitos sanitarios y fitosanitarios solicitados en dichos países. Así como, las ventajas y desventajas que poseen frente a otros competidores del Suroeste Asiático y Africano, productores asiduos de frutas exóticas y grandes exportadores mundiales, que a la vez poseen convenios con la UE, que facilitan el ingreso de sus productos a la misma. De esta forma, esta investigación reduce la brecha entre la información que poseen los productores nacionales del sub-sector agrícola, frente a la información existente del mercado, mitigando las desventajas de la desinformación y analizando las oportunidades más favorables para los mismos.

El papel de Fedepalma y Procolombia en la competitividad de las exportaciones de aceite de palma africana de Colombia hacia Alemania después de la firma del acuerdo comercial con la Unión Europea

Este estudio de caso tiene como objetivo principal determinar el papel que desarrollan Fedepalma (Federación Nacional de Cultivadores de Palma de Aceite) y Procolombia en la competitividad de las exportaciones de aceite de palma de Colombia hacia Alemania, después de la firma del Acuerdo Comercial con la Unión Europea. Con este fin, este estudio presenta una descripción tanto del Sector Palma de Aceite y su relevancia en la agroindustria colombiana, como del mercado nacional e internacional del aceite de palma, haciendo énfasis en la coyuntura del sector en Colombia y en los cuatro factores que componen el diamante de la competitividad de conformidad con los postulados de Michael Porter.

Estudio de empresas de sectores hegemónicos en Colombia para los años 2013 y 2014

Este documento evidencia las posiciones hegemónicas que han llegado a ocupar las empresas más poderosas del país, basándose en el estudio de datos cuantitativos del conteo de las cien empresas con mejores ventas para los años 2013 y 2014, según la revista Gerente. Se usan cinco variables: ventas totales, activos, pasivos, patrimonio y utilidades netas. En la primera sección, se hace una revisión bibliográfica que conecta el origen de la hegemonía en un panorama económico con la influencia del neoliberalismo y la globalización en el actual tejido industrial colombiano. Posteriormente, se realiza una explicación sobre la metodología aplicada para el estudio de la base de datos; la cual es seguida por una exposición de los resultados obtenidos a partir de herramientas estadísticas como el análisis de correlación lineal, quintiles y variaciones porcentuales. Finalmente, se aborda el Programa de Transformación Productiva, esto con el objetivo de mostrar los puntos focales que necesitan especial atención para lograr catalizar el desarrollo económico de Colombia.

Investigación y análisis de la competitividad en el puerto de Veracruz (Estados Unidos Mexicanos)

Esta investigación describe la situación portuaria del estado de Veracruz, ubicado en México, con el fin de analizar sus capacidades, infraestructura y funcionamiento, permitiendo una visualización de los modelos usados por el puerto, registrar sus prácticas, entre otros. Partiendo del funcionamiento, algunas estrategias y destrezas que se realizan en el puerto Azteca se tomarán como ejemplo, asimismo se realizará un análisis para el puerto de Buenaventura ubicado en Colombia. Lo anterior, con el propósito que el puerto colombiano evalué algunas de estas estrategias y así logre un aumento en su competitividad, mejore su infraestructura, tenga mayor eficiencia y eficacia a la hora del cargue, descargue, distribución y despacho de mercancías. A partir de este estudio, se concluyó que el puerto de Buenaventura necesita mejoras en su capacidad para albergar buques con mayor capacidad de transporte, infraestructura ferroviaria y de grúas y la implantación de una zona de libre comercio.

An analysis of US greenhouse gas cap-and-trade proposals using a forward-looking economic model

We develop a forward-looking version of the recursive dynamic MIT Emissions Prediction and Policy Analysis (EPPA) model, and apply it to examine the economic implications of proposals in the US Congress to limit greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. We find that shocks in the consumption path are smoothed out in the forward-looking model and that the lifetime welfare cost of GHG policy is lower than in the recursive model, since the forward-looking model can fully optimize over time. The forward-looking model allows us to explore issues for which it is uniquely well suited, including revenue-recycling and early action crediting. We find capital tax recycling to be more welfare-cost reducing than labor tax recycling because of its long-term effect on economic growth. Also, there are substantial incentives for early action credits; however, when spread over the full horizon of the policy they do not have a substantial effect on lifetime welfare costs.

An interregional input-output analysis of the pollution content of trade flows and environmental trade balances between five states in the US Mid-West

In this paper we attempt an empirical application of the multi-region input-output (MRIO) method in order to enumerate the pollution content of interregional trade flows between five Mid-West regions/states in the US –Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Michigan and Wisconsin – and the rest of the US. This allows us to analyse some very important issues in terms of the nature and significance of interregional environmental spillovers within the US Mid-West and the existence of pollution ‘trade balances’ between states. Our results raise questions in terms of the extent to which authorities at State level can control local emissions where they are limited in the way some emissions can be controlled, particularly with respect to changes in demand elsewhere in the Mid-West and US. This implies a need for policy co-ordination between national and state level authorities in the US to meet emissions reductions targets. The existence of an environmental trade balances between states also raises issues in terms of net losses/gains in terms of pollutants as a result of interregional trade within the US and whether, if certain activities can be carried out using less polluting technology in one region relative to others, it is better for the US as a whole if this type of relationship exists.

Address by Michea¡l Martin to the Conference - Legislating for Tobacco Free Society

Thank you Chairman I would like to extend a warm welcome to our keynote speakers, David Byrne of the European Commission, Derek Yach from the World Health Organisation, and Paul Quinn representing Congressman Marty Meehan who sends his apologies. When we include the speakers who will address later sessions, this is, undoubtedly, one of the strongest teams that have been assembled on tobacco control in Europe. The very strength of the team underlines what I see as a shift – a very necessary shift – in the way we perceive the tobacco issue. For the last twenty years, we have lived out a paradox. It isn´t a social side issue. I make no apology for the bluntness of what I´m saying, and will come back, a little later, to the radicalism I believe we need to bring – nationally – to this issue. For starters, though, I want to lay it on the line that what we´re talking about is an epidemic as deadly as any suffered by human kind throughout the centuries. Slower than some of those epidemics in its lethal action, perhaps. But an epidemic, nonetheless. According to the World Health Organisation tobacco accounted for just over 3 million annual deaths in 1990, rising to 4.023 million annual deaths in 1998. The numbers of deaths due to tobacco will rise to 8.4 million in 2020 and reach roughly 10 million annually by 2030. This is quite simply ghastly. Tobacco kills. It kills in many different ways. It kills increasing numbers of women. It does its damage directly and indirectly. For children, much of the damage comes from smoking by adults where children live, study, play and work. The very least we should be able to offer every child is breathable air. Air that doesn´t do them damage. We´re now seeing a global public health response to the tobacco epidemic. The Tobacco Free Initiative launched by the World Health Organisation was matched by significant tobacco control initiatives throughout the world. During this conference we will hear about the experiences our speakers had in driving these initiatives. This Tobacco Free Initiative poses unique challenges to our legal frameworks at both national and international levels; in particular it raises challenges about the legal context in which tobacco products are traded and asks questions about the impact of commercial speech especially on children, and the extent of the limitations that should be imposed on it. Politicians, supported by economists and lawyers as well as the medical profession, must continue to explore and develop this context to find innovative ways to wrap public health considerations around the trade in tobacco products – very tightly. We also have the right to demand a totally new paradigm from the tobacco industry. Bluntly, the tobacco industry plays the PR game at its cynical worst. The industry sells its products without regard to the harm these products cause. At the same time, to gain social acceptance, it gives donations, endowments and patronage to high profile events and people. Not good enough. This model of behaviour is no longer acceptable in a modern society. We need one where the industry integrates social responsibility and accountability into its day-to-day activities. We have waited for this change in behaviour from the tobacco industry for many decades. Unfortunately the documents disclosed during litigation in the USA and from other sources make very depressing reading; it is clear from them that any trust society placed in the tobacco industry in the past to address the health problems associated with its products was misplaced. This industry appears to lack the necessary leadership to guide it towards just and responsible action. Instead, it chooses evasion, deception and at times illegal activity to protect its profits at any price and to avoid its responsibilities to society and its customers. It has engaged in elaborate ´spin´ to generate political tolerance, scientific uncertainty and public acceptance of its products. Legislators must act now. I see no reason why the global community should continue to wait. Effective legal controls must be laid on this errant industry. We should also keep these controls under review at regular intervals and if they are failing to achieve the desired outcomes we should be prepared to amend them. In Ireland, as Minister for Health and Children, I launched a comprehensive tobacco control policy entitled “Towards a Tobacco Free Society“. OTT?Excessive?Unrealistic? On the contrary – I believe it to be imperative and inevitable. I honestly hold that, given the range of fatal diseases caused by tobacco use we have little alternative but to pursue the clear objective of creating a tobacco free society. Aiming at a tobacco free society means ensuring public and political opinion are properly informed. It requires help to be given to smokers to break the addiction. It demands that people are protected against environmental tobacco smoke and children are protected from any inducement to experiment with this product. Over the past year we have implemented a number of measures which will support these objectives; we have established an independent Office of Tobacco Control, we have introduced free nicotine replacement therapy for low-income earners, we have extended our existing prohibitions on tobacco advertising to the print media with some minor derogations for international publications. We have raised the legal age at which a person can be sold tobacco products to eighteen years. We have invested substantially more funds in health promotion activities and we have mounted sustained information campaigns. We have engaged in sponsorship arrangements, which are new and innovative for public bodies. I have provided health boards with additional resources to let them mount a sustained inspection and enforcement service. Health boards will engage new Directors of Tobacco Control responsible for coordinating each health board´s response and for liasing with the Tobacco Control Agency I set up earlier this year. Most recently, I have published a comprehensive Bill – The Public Health (Tobacco) Bill, 2001. This Bill will, among other things, end all forms of product display and in-store advertising and will require all retailers to register with the new Tobacco Control Agency. Ten packs of cigarettes will be banned and transparent and independent testing procedures of tobacco products will be introduced. Enforcement officers will be given all the necessary powers to ensure there is full compliance with the law. On smoking in public places we will extend the existing areas covered and it is proposed that I, as Minister for Health and Children, will have the powers to introduce further prohibitions in public places such as pubs and the work place. I will also provide for the establishment of a Tobacco Free Council to advise and assist on an ongoing basis. I believe the measures already introduced and those additional ones proposed in the Bill have widespread community support. In fact, you´re going to hear a detailed presentation from the MRBI which will amply illustrate the extent of this support. The great thing is that the support comes from smokers and non-smokers alike. Bottom line, Ladies and Gentlemen, is that we are at a watershed. As a society (if you´ll allow me to play with a popular phrase) we´ve realised it´s time to ´wake up and smell the cigarettes.´ Smell them. See them for what they are. And get real about destroying their hold on our people. The MRBI survey makes it clear that the single strongest weapon we have when it comes to preventing the habit among young people is price. Simple as that. Price. Up to now, the fear of inflation has been a real impediment to increasing taxes on tobacco. It sounds a serious, logical argument. Until you take it out and look at it a little more closely. Weigh it, as it were, in two hands. I believe – and I believe this with a great passion – that we must take cigarettes out of the equation we use when awarding wage increases. I am calling on IBEC and ICTU, on employers and trade unions alike, to move away from any kind of tolerance of a trade that is killing our citizens. At one point in industrial history, cigarettes were a staple of the workingman´s life. So it was legitimate to include them in the ´basket´ of goods that goes to make up the Consumer Price Index. It isn´t legitimate to include them any more. Today, I´m saying that society collectively must take the step to remove cigarettes from the basket of normality, from the list of elements which constitute necessary consumer spending. I´m saying: “We can no longer delude ourselves. We must exclude cigarettes from the considerations we address in central wage bargaining. We must price cigarettes out of the reach of the children those cigarettes will kill.” Right now, in the monthly Central Statistics Office reports on consumer spending, the figures include cigarettes. But – right down at the bottom of the page – there´s another figure. Calculated without including cigarettes. I believe that if we continue to use the first figure as our constant measure, it will be an indictment of us as legislators, as advocates for working people, as public health professionals. If, on the other hand, we move to the use of the second figure, we will be sending out a message of startling clarity to the nation. We will be saying “We don´t count an addictive, killer drug as part of normal consumer spending.” Taking cigarettes out of the basket used to determine the Consumer Price Index will take away the inflation argument. It will not be easy, in its implications for the social partners. But it is morally inescapable. We must do it. Because it will help us stop the killer that is tobacco. If we can do it, we will give so much extra strength to health educators and the new Tobacco Control Association. This new organisation of young people who already have branches in over fifteen counties, is represented here today. The young adults who make up its membership are well placed to advise children of the dangers of tobacco addiction in a way that older generations cannot. It would strengthen their hand if cigarettes move – in price terms – out of the easy reach of our children Finally, I would like to commend so many public health advocates who have shown professional and indeed personal courage in their commitment to this critical public health issue down through the years. We need you to continue to challenge and confront this grave public health problem and to repudiate the questionable science of the tobacco industry. The Research Institute for a Tobacco Free Society represents a new and dynamic form of partnership between government and civil society. It will provide an effective platform to engage and mobilise the many different professional and academic skills necessary to guide and challenge us. I wish the conference every success.