838 resultados para Portugal and Spain
Resumo:
The paper is devoted to the description of hybrid pattern recognition method developed by research groups from Russia, Armenia and Spain. The method is based upon logical correction over the set of conventional neural networks. Output matrices of neural networks are processed according to the potentiality principle which allows increasing of recognition reliability.
Resumo:
As part of a wider research program we analysed the theoretical framework and the recent developments of the process of internationalisation (transnationalisation) of the small- and mediumsized enterprises generally in the European Union and with a specific view on Hungary and Spain. We tried to highlight the trends and barriers of internationalisation. We carried out document analyses, interviews, analyses of statistical databases and an own data collection with online survey.
Resumo:
As part of a wider research program we analysed the theoretical frameworks and the developments of the process of internationalisation (transnationalisation) of small- and medium-sized enterprises in the European Union and specifically in Hungary and Spain. We tried to highlight the barriers and trends of internationalisation. We consider internationalisation of the SME sector as a crucial factor in increasing competitiveness and as an important condition for sustainable and dynamic growth and improving employment (Europe 2020). We made policy recommendation mostly for the government in terms of how to promote the process. We carried out analyses of documents and databases, interviews, and online data collection.
Resumo:
Thermal reaction norms for growth rates of six Emiliania huxleyi isolates originating from the central Atlantic (Azores, Portugal) and five isolates from the coastal North Atlantic (Bergen, Norway) were assessed. We used the template mode of variation model to decompose variations in growth rates into modes of biological interest: vertical shift, horizontal shift, and generalist-specialist variation. In line with the actual habitat conditions, isolates from Bergen (Bergen population) grew well at lower temperatures, and isolates from the Azores (Azores population) performed better at higher temperatures. The optimum growth temperature of the Azores population was significantly higher than that of the Bergen population. Neutral genetic differentiation was found between populations by microsatellite analysis. These findings indicate that E. huxleyi populations are adapted to local temperature regimes. Next to between-population variation, we also found variation within populations. Genotype-by-environment interactions resulted in the most pronounced phenotypic differences when isolates were exposed to temperatures outside the range they naturally encounter. Variation in thermal reaction norms between and within populations emphasizes the importance of using more than one isolate when studying the consequences of global change on marine phytoplankton. Phenotypic plasticity and standing genetic variation will be important in determining the potential of natural E. huxleyi populations to cope with global climate change.
Resumo:
The authors wish to acknowledge the valuable comments and suggestions made by members of the Committee of Fisheries of the European Parliament. The authors also thank the financial support of the European Parliament (IP/B/PECH/IC/2014–084) and the assistance of Ojama Priit and Marcus Brewer. SV acknowledges the financial support from the Spanish Agency for International Development Cooperation (AECID) (Grant no 11-CAP2–1406) and the Galician Government (Consellería de Cultura, Educación e Ordenación Universitaria, Xunta de Galicia) (Grant no R2014/023). MC acknowledges the financial support from the European Commission through the Marie Curie Career Integration Grant Fellowships – PCIG10-GA-2011–303534 - to the BIOWEB project. CP and GP acknowledge the financial support of Caixa Geral de Depósitos (Portugal) and the University of Aveiro. CP would also like to acknowledge FCT/MEC national funds and FEDER co-funding, within the PT2020 partnership Agreement and Compete 2020, for the financial support to CESAM (Grant no UID/AMB/50017/2013). JMDR and JGC thanks the financial support from the European Commission (MINOW H2020-SFS-2014–2, No 634495) and Xunta de Galicia (GRC 2015/014 and ECOBAS). MA acknowledges financial aid of Xunta de Galicia through Project GPC 2013–045. URS and CP acknowledge the Too Big to Ignore Partnership supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC).
Resumo:
L’année 2014 est marquée par les référendums sur la souveraineté de l’Écosse et de la Catalogne, deux nations partageant de nombreux points communs sur les plans de l’histoire et de la culture. Le cadre juridique pré-référendaire de chacune de ces régions est fondamentalement le même: l’existence juridique de l’Écosse et de la Catalogne est directement issue de la volonté d’un État central unitaire, respectivement le Royaume-Uni et l’Espagne. La compétence législative de tenir un référendum sur l’autodétermination de ces régions est d’ailleurs ambiguë. Devant ce dilemme, le Royaume-Uni permet à l’Écosse d’organiser un référendum sur sa souveraineté. Il en résulte un processus démocratique juste, équitable, décisif et respecté de tous. De son côté, l’Espagne interdit à la Catalogne d’en faire de même, ce qui n’empêche pas Barcelone de tout mettre en œuvre afin de consulter sa population. Il en découle un processus de participation citoyenne n’ayant rien à voir avec un référendum en bonne et due forme. 20 ans après le dernier référendum sur la souveraineté du Québec, l’étude des référendums de l’Écosse et de la Catalogne nous permet de mettre en lumière la justesse, mais aussi l’incohérence partielle des enseignements de la Cour suprême du Canada dans son Renvoi relatif à la sécession du Québec. D’un côté, la nécessité d’équilibrer les principes constitutionnels sous-jacents de démocratie et de constitutionnalisme est mise en exergue. Parallèlement, les concepts de question et de réponse claires, d’effectivité et de négociations post-référendaires prennent une toute autre couleur face à un nouvel impératif absent des conclusions de la Cour suprême : celui des négociations pré-référendaires.
Resumo:
L’année 2014 est marquée par les référendums sur la souveraineté de l’Écosse et de la Catalogne, deux nations partageant de nombreux points communs sur les plans de l’histoire et de la culture. Le cadre juridique pré-référendaire de chacune de ces régions est fondamentalement le même: l’existence juridique de l’Écosse et de la Catalogne est directement issue de la volonté d’un État central unitaire, respectivement le Royaume-Uni et l’Espagne. La compétence législative de tenir un référendum sur l’autodétermination de ces régions est d’ailleurs ambiguë. Devant ce dilemme, le Royaume-Uni permet à l’Écosse d’organiser un référendum sur sa souveraineté. Il en résulte un processus démocratique juste, équitable, décisif et respecté de tous. De son côté, l’Espagne interdit à la Catalogne d’en faire de même, ce qui n’empêche pas Barcelone de tout mettre en œuvre afin de consulter sa population. Il en découle un processus de participation citoyenne n’ayant rien à voir avec un référendum en bonne et due forme. 20 ans après le dernier référendum sur la souveraineté du Québec, l’étude des référendums de l’Écosse et de la Catalogne nous permet de mettre en lumière la justesse, mais aussi l’incohérence partielle des enseignements de la Cour suprême du Canada dans son Renvoi relatif à la sécession du Québec. D’un côté, la nécessité d’équilibrer les principes constitutionnels sous-jacents de démocratie et de constitutionnalisme est mise en exergue. Parallèlement, les concepts de question et de réponse claires, d’effectivité et de négociations post-référendaires prennent une toute autre couleur face à un nouvel impératif absent des conclusions de la Cour suprême : celui des négociations pré-référendaires.
Resumo:
Chemical, x-ray and other data are given for todorokite, (Mn, Mg, Ca, Ba, Na, K)2.Mn5O12.3H2O, from Charco Redondo, Cuba, Farragudo, Portugal, and Hüttenberg, Austria. Additional localities at Romanèche, France, Saipan Island, Bahia, Brazil and Sterling Hill, New Jersey, are noted. Delatorreite of Simon and Straczek (1958) is identical with todorokite.
Resumo:
Investor State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) has gained prominence in recent years with an explosion in the number of investor claims against states. While the evolution of this type of arbitration was expected, its focus and context was not. Investors are currently bringing actions against developed states in unanticipated policy areas. Greece, facing actions from investors challenging its debt haircut and Spain, battling investor challenges to its revamped energy policy are examples of the use of arbitration as a political as well as a dispute resolution tool. It is for this reason why the proposal for the inclusion of ISDS in the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) has caused so much heated discussion. This paper examines the recent evolution and likely trajectory of investor state dispute settlement, reflecting on consequences for perceptions of arbitration and its links with politics and economics.
Resumo:
At all normative levels, family migration law can disproportionally and negatively affect immigrant women’s rights in this field, producing gendered effects. In some cases, such effects are related to the normative and judicial imposition of unviable family-related models (e.g., the ʻgood mother ̕ the one-breadwinner family, or a rigid distinction between productive and reproductive work). In other cases, they are due to family migration law’s overlooking of the specific needs and difficulties of immigrant women, within their families and in the broader context of their host countries’ social and normative framework.To effectively expose and correct this gender bias, in this article I propose an alternative view of immigrant women’s right to family life, as a cluster of rights and entitlements rather than as a mono-dimensional right. As a theoretical approach, this construction is better equipped to capture the complex experiences of immigrant women in the European legal space, and to shed light on the gendered effects generated not by individual norms but by the interaction of norms that are traditionally assigned to separated legal domains (e.g., immigration law and criminal law). As a judicial strategy, this understanding is capable of prompting a consideration by domestic and supranational courts of immigrant women not as isolated individuals, but as ‘individuals in context’. I shall define this type of approach as ‘contextual interpretation’, understood as the consideration of immigrant women in the broader contexts of their families, their host societies and the normative frameworks applicable to them. Performed in a gendersensitive manner, a contextual judicial interpretation has the potential to neutralize the gendered effects of certain family migration norms. To illustrate these points, I will discuss selected judicial examples offered by the European Court on Human Rights, as well as from domestic jurisdictions of countries with a particularly high incidence of immigrant women (Italy and Spain).
Resumo:
Participation usually sets off from the bottom up, taking the form of more or less enduring forms of collective action with varying degrees of infl uence. However, a number of projects have been launched by political institutions in the last decades with a view to engaging citizens in public affairs and developing their democratic habits, as well as those of the administration. This paper analyses the political qualifying capacity of the said projects, i.e. whether participating in them qualifi es individuals to behave as active citizens; whether these projects foster greater orientation towards public matters, intensify (or create) political will, and provide the necessary skills and expertise to master this will. To answer these questions, data from the comparative analysis of fi ve participatory projects in France and Spain are used, shedding light on which features of these participatory projects contribute to the formation of political subjects and in which way. Finally, in order to better understand this formative dimension, the formative capacity of institutional projects is compared with the formative dimension of other forms of participation spontaneously developed by citizens.
Resumo:
Desde la llegada al trono de la dinastía Trastámara los diferentes monarcas castellanos llevaron a cabo una serie de actuaciones respecto a las órdenes religiosas. Durante los primeros años, éstas estuvieron dirigidas, en su mayoría, a la orden franciscana, a lo que habría que sumar la introducción en Castilla de la orden de la Cartuja y las primeras fundaciones jerónimas. Sin embargo, las reinas Beatriz de Portugal y Catalina de Lancaster, junto al infante Fernando de Antequera, fueron los protagonistas del cambio devocional que se produjo en Castilla y que alcanzó su cénit al alcanzar la mayoría de edad Juan II. Desde finales del siglo XIV vieron la luz una serie de fundaciones dominicas y se reformaron algunos conventos por parte de estos personajes; de manera progresiva, comenzaron a confiar en los frailes de esta orden diferentes cometidos espirituales, sociales y políticos.