Educação em direitos humanos: cidadania ou emancipação humana?

This study aims to identify the horizon of emancipation in Human Rights Education, using the philosophy of praxis as a theoretical framework, basing on authors as Tonet, Losurdo, Marx, and Saviani and Duarte, taking as a privileged locus analysis of the Plan National Human Rights Education (PNEDH, 2007). The discussion about the historical development of the movement of the struggles for human rights was a starting point to indicate how, in general, these struggles have been developing since the context of bourgeois revolutions. From there we tried to discuss how the prospect of citizenship has been treated within the Rights Education, the latter being a reflection of social movements' struggles for rights from the year 1980. Situating this movement within a larger movement on the issue of education in Brazil in the twentieth century, we tried to discuss the flags such as citizenship, the strengthening of civil society and creating a culture of rights as a goal of emancipation. Seeking to differentiate between citizenship as political emancipation and human emancipation, was placed the imperative to take the citizenship as a mediator and not as an endpoint in order to equip a culture of struggle for a classless society without exploitation of man by man

Rethinking Care Through Social Reproduction: Articulating Circuits of Migration

Care has come to dominate much feminist research on globalized migrations and the transfer of labor from the South to the North, while the older concept of reproduction had been pushed into the background but is now becoming the subject of debates on the commodification of care in the household and changes in welfare state policies. This article argues that we could achieve a better understanding of the different modalities and trajectories of care in the reproduction of individuals, families, and communities, both of migrant and nonmigrant populations by articulating the diverse circuits of migration, in particular that of labor and the family. In doing this, I go back to the earlier North American writing on racialized minorities and migrants and stratified social reproduction. I also explore insights from current Asian studies of gendered circuits of migration connecting labor and marriage migrations as well as the notion of global householding that highlights the gender politics of social reproduction operating within and beyond households in institutional and welfare architectures. In contrast to Asia, there has relatively been little exploration in European studies of the articulation of labor and family migrations through the lens of social reproduction. However, connecting the different types of migration enables us to achieve a more complex understanding of care trajectories and their contribution to social reproduction.

Breve reseña histórica de la evolución y el desarrollo del derecho a la educación

This article seeks to illustrate the path that the conception of the Right to Education has followed and the interpretation that has being made of it in the different stages. In each one of these stages, the experts in the subject have categorized this Right from the beginning, locating it among Human Rights in the fundamental place that it deserves, or that should deserve, serving as an entrance door to the enjoyment of a full social citizenship, that becomes aware and guarantor of many other Rights that derive from it.

Prisoners, rights and citizenship

The denial of civil rights to convicts has a long history. Its origins lie in the idea of ‘civil death’. Convicts who were not punished by execution would instead suffer civil death which stripped them of inheritance, family and political rights (Davidson, 2004). In Australia and internationally the removal of prisoners’ voting rights has been a controversial topic which has been a subject of much debate and a number of legislation changes (Davidson, 2004). This article argues that even though the latest amendment to the Australian Electoral legislation is, on the face of it, democratic and inclusive, it is in fact a denial of prisoners’ civil rights, which has its roots in the concept of civil death. My argument is in keeping with the themes of the Crime and Governance thematic group and focuses on my research interests in sociology of deviance, social reactions to crime, and socio-legal topics.

Virtue ethics, CSR and corporate citizenship

The Global Alliance for Public Relations and Communication Management values the dignity of the individual; human rights; and equal opportunity. Its Code of Ethics declares a professional’s duty to broader society. The code advocates education to reinforce this ethical outlook. This paper contributes a specific approach towards the practitioner’s ethical understanding. It enlists the critique of Alasdair MacIntyre who strongly criticises much conventional ethical theory. MacIntyre’s teleological approach is joined with a notion of a hierarchy of narratives of ethical expectations in an argument which counsels that public relations must always operate at the highest level of these narratives.

Gestão da polícia militar: a cultura institucional como agente limitador da construção de uma polícia cidadã

Esta dissertação teve como objetivo compreender de que maneira a cultura organizacional da polícia militar influencia o modelo de gestão da instituição. O cotidiano institucional da policia militar é repleto de situações que servem de objeto de argüição sobre o processo de construção da identidade do policial militar como resultante de um comportamento normativo e disciplinar que consolida conceitos historicamente enraizados, os quais se repassam de geração a geração. O modo de agir do policial militar configura uma cultura institucional que reforça a crise de segurança instalada na sociedade. Frente a tal realidade, a gestão institucional passa a ser um importante objeto de investigação capaz de contribuir com mudanças no trabalho policial militar, pois ainda persiste no modus operandi da segurança pública uma ação tipicamente ligada ao controle da violência mediante o uso da violência. Presumivelmente, esse papel seria exercido através do cumprimento da doutrina que atualmente é ensinada nas academias militares. No entanto, essas formulações são usadas como anteparo e reforço de valores militares rígidos, configurando a cultura organizacional da instituição, de maneira que tais preceitos e as práticas que as acompanham são as referências principais do discurso teórico e dos argumentos ideológicos da Polícia Militar. Os resultados obtidos mostraram que as bases doutrinárias, transplantadas do exército brasileiro e que originaram as policias militares, persistem até os dias atuais nessa instituição e resultou na absorção da doutrina militar expressa no pensamento, símbolos, modus operandi e estrutura, o que a mantém sob controle rígido, atendendo às expectativas do Estado em detrimento do povo ou da própria policia; a cultura organizacional da polícia militar permanece quase inalterada desde suas origens, o que a coloca em dissonância com a realidade contemporânea; o modelo de gestão que a polícia militar utilizar foi construído a partir da base ideológica de suas origens, centrado na hierarquia e na disciplina, e que tem no cumprimento do regulamento o foco central da gestão; e que o modelo de gestão praticado pela polícia militar impede o cumprimento de sua missão institucional e social porque seu foco está deslocado, ou seja, ao invés de focar a solução dos problemas de segurança e defesa dos direitos da sociedade visa ao cumprimento linear, puro e simples do regulamento militar (Esse trecho está muito confuso!! Não consigo entender o que você quis dizer). A conclusão é que a cultura organizacional das polícias militares determina o modelo de gestão contemporâneo da instituição focado na militarização. É um modelo que privilegia a hierarquia e a disciplina (e ao apego ao regulamento), em detrimento do capital intelectual e da participação de seus membros e da sociedade na identificação e solUção dos seus objetivos e metas. Como resultado, a polícia militar se distanciou da solução de sua missão institucional e social, o que levou a sociedade a se ressentir de proteção e defesa de seus direitos.

Formação de oficiais da PMMA: uma visão paraláctica acerca da segurança pública

Estudo sobre o processo de formação de oficiais militares na Universidade Estadual do Maranhão. O Curso de Formação de Oficiais (CFO-PMMA) pertence à Universidade, fruto de um convênio entre UEMA e PMMA, pioneiro, no nordeste brasileiro, em aplicar os princípios dos direitos humanos e cidadania na sua matriz curricular, desde a década de 90. Mas, as aplicações destes conhecimentos nas práticas policiais são pouco evidentes. A estrutura curricular do curso prioriza as disciplinas específicas da PMMA, porém, o elenco das disciplinas da UEMA é mais restrito. Mesmo assim, há uma positividade da imagem dos oficiais egressos do curso – bacharéis em segurança pública. O método utilizado foi o indutivo, com abordagem qualitativa, aplicou-se entrevista semiestruturada junto aos informantes-chaves das instituições envolvidas. O resultado demonstrou a necessidade de uma reorientação do curso, a partir da restauração dialógica entre as instituições envolvidas, para sedimentar os princípios norteadores do curso, que é formar gestores do sistema de segurança pública, cidadãos capazes de atuarem na manutenção da ordem e enfrentamento de situações de conflitualidade.

Visões de um quadro complexo: a violência policial no espelho das representações sociais

In the last three decades, the Brazilian social dynamics evidenced increasing requirements in the public security, in the search not only for efficient and efficient police institutions, however that they added in its daily one, positions more adjusted to the Democratic State of Right and a bigger respect to the human rights and the citizenship. In this direction, the practical one of the police violence has been hardly debated in the media and the academics institutions, in the search for elements that clarify its roots and elements of intervention that allow to its control and reduction. The research considers, from the study of the social representations constructed by the soldiers of the Military Policy of the Rio Grande do Norte, having as objects the police violence, searching to evidence the central elements of these representations and its practical reproduction in the daily one, while a products of habitus effective in the institution

Upholding whose right? Discretionary police powers to punish, collective 'pre-victimisation and the dilution of individual rights

This article uses the example of Victoria’s alcohol-related banning notice provisions to explore the changing conception of balance within criminal justice processes. Despite the formalisation of individual rights within measures such as Victoria’s Charter of Human Rights and Responsibilities Act 2006, the discretionary power of the police to issue on-the-spot punishments in response to actual or potential criminal behaviour has increased steadily. A key driver, evident across the parliamentary debates of the banning legislation, is a presumed need to protect the broader community of potential victims. As a result, the individual rights of those accused (but not necessarily convicted) of undesirable behaviours are increasingly subordinated to the pre-emptive protection of the law-abiding majority. This shift embodies a largely unsubstantiated notion of collective pre-victimisation. Significantly, despite the expectations of Victoria’s Charter, measures such as banning notices have been enacted with insufficient evidence of the underlying collective risk, of their likely effectiveness and without meaningful ongoing scrutiny. The motto of Victoria Police – Uphold the Right –appears to belie a growing uncertainty over whose rights should be upheld and how.

Submission to the External Independent Review of the United Nations Response to Allegations of Sexual Exploitation and Abuse and Other Serious Crimes by Members of Foreign Military Forces Not Under United Nations Command in the Central African Republic

In 2015 the UN Secretary-General established an External Independent Review to review how the United Nations has responded to allegations of child sexual exploitation and child sexual abuse, and to make recommendations concerning how the United Nations should respond to allegations in the future. This submission to the Review Panel draws on literature regarding children's rights, the nature of child sexual abuse, international instruments and policy, the nature of institutional child sexual abuse, and the CAR case itself. It makes recommendations for reform of UN protocols and procedures to better prevent child sexual abuse, and to improve responses to future occurrences.

An Analysis of the Concept of Citizenship: Legal, Political and Social Dimensions

The thesis aims at analyzing concept of citizenship in political philosophy. The concept of citizenship is a complex one: it does not have a definitive explication, but it nevertheless is a very important category in contemporary world. Citizenship is a powerful ideal, and often the way a person is treated depends on whether he or she has the status of a citizen. Citizenship includes protection of a person’s rights both at home and abroad. It entails legal, political and social dimension: the legal status as a full member of society, the recognition of that status by fellow citizens and acting as a member of society. The thesis discusses these three dimensions. Its objective is to show how all of them, despite being insufficient in some aspects, reach something important about the concept. The main sources of the thesis are Civic Republicanism by Iseult Honohan (Routledge 2002), Republicanism by Philip Pettit (Clarendon Press 1997), and Taking Rights Seriously by Ronald Dworkin (1997). In addition, the historical part of the thesis relies mainly on the works of Aristotle, Immanuel Kant, Adam Smith, Quentin Skinner, James Pocock and James Tully. The writings of Will Kymlicka, John Rawls, Chantal Mouffe, and Shane Phelan are referred to in the presentation and critique of the liberal tradition of thought. Hannah Arendt and Seyla Benhabib’s analysis of Arendt’s philosophy both address the problematic relations between human rights and nation-states as the main guarantors of rights. The chapter on group rights relies on Peter Jones’ account of corporate and collective rights, after which I continue to Seumas Miller’s essay on the (liberal) account of group rights and their relation to the concept of citizenship. Republicanism and Political Theory (2002) edited by Cécile Laborde and John Maynor is also references. David Miller and Maurizio Viroli represent the more “rooted” version of republicanism. The thesis argues that the full concept of citizenship should be seen as containing legal, political and social dimensions. The concept can be viewed from all of these three angles. The first means that citizenship is connected with certain rights, like the right to vote or stand for election, the right to property and so on. In most societies, the law guarantees these rights to every citizen. Then there is also the social dimension, which can be said to be as important as the legal one: the recognition of equality and identities of others. Finally, there is the political dimension, meaning the importance of citizens’ participation in the society, which is discussed in connection with the contemporary account of republicanism. All these issues are discussed from the point of view of groups demanding for group-specific rights and equal recognition. The challenge with these three aspects of citizenship is, however, that they are difficult to discuss under one heading. Different theories or discourses of citizenship each approach the subject from different starting points, which make reconciling them sometimes hard. The fundamental questions theories try to answer may differ radically depending on the theory. Nevertheless, in order to get the whole image of what the citizenship discourses are about all the aspects deserve to be taken into account.

"A firma é forte": trabalho, crime e consumo nas redes de sociabilidade da "violência urbana"

Esta tese argumenta que aquilo que Alba Zaluar chamou de ética do provedor, quer dizer, a prática em torno da qual o trabalhador pobre urbano e favelado construía a sua identidade em relação à do bandido, sofreu uma metamorfose, cujo resultado foi a emergência de uma ordem de interação sui generis inscrita nas redes de sociabilidade da violência urbana. A ética do provedor metamorfoseou-se em uma lealdade instrumental e isso deu origem a uma espécie de vínculo social armado e impulsionado internamente como uma forma de convívio capaz de forçar as relações de rotina em dois movimentos concomitantes, de aproximação e de separação de quem vive e circula nessas redes de sociabilidade da violência urbana. O estudo da forma de convívio é feito a partir da construção de uma coleção de relatos baseada em entrevistas com um grupo heterogêneo de tipos sociais por exemplo, trabalhador favelado, ex-traficante, familiar de bandido, policial militar, policial civil, militar das Forças Armadas, jornalista, fotógrafo, professor da rede pública, pesquisador, militante de Direitos Humanos, advogado etc. , e, também, da observação flutuante em três favelas, uma delas com tráfico de drogas a varejo armado e ostensivo e as outras duas com Unidades de Polícia Pacificadora (UPPs). Assim, a coleção de relatos e a observação flutuante são articuladas num recorte transversal e não linear orientado para a abordagem dessa ordem de interação emergida por contiguidade entre a ordem social convencional e a violenta, visando capturar a dimensão intersubjetiva e empírica da forma de convívio que junta e separa, simultaneamente, as pessoas que vivem sob ameaça da violência física, do assédio moral e da corrupção do dinheiro, fatores altamente coercitivos e que produzem os deslizamentos de sentido entre as categorias crime, trabalho e consumo.

Prawa człowieka w kontekstach kulturowych

The power of human rights idea and its expansion are connected with the experience of so far unprecedented pain and cruelty caused by man to man during the Second World War. Doctrine of legal positivism strenghtened totalitarian systems. One of the essential goals that were set by totalitarian systems was ethnic cleansing within both one’s and subjugated communities. To achieve this goal, concentration camps were established. This Second World War’s events gave raise to a question: does the common morality of the whole mankind exist? The Nuremberg Trials based on conviction that this common morality of the whole mankind exists. In this lawsuits Nazis were on trials for mass murder and crimes against humanity despite the fact that this crimes did not exist as a criminal offences in international law of that time. Lawyers of Nazis argued that their clients should not have been on trials for crimes against humanity because the rule “lex retro non agit” (“the law does not operate retroactively”) should have been in force. International Military Tribunal dismissed this argument – it was stated they tried Nazis are responsible for acts resulting from breach of the natural law. Therefore, the primacy of natural law over civil law (was approved and they admitted that morality and law are essential components of international reality. Since The Nuremberg Trials, the process of making international relations more ethical proceeded consistently through positivisationi.e. introducing human rights ideas to civil law (this issue is included in the Part I of the book: Positivisation of human rights idea). In this way, contemporary human rights as civil law arose, established on the basis of international agreement. Using them in order to legitimize and validate humanitarian interventions undertaken in various parts of the world became the common standard. However, positivisation of human rights idea did not mean that one common paradigm was accepted. Many interpretation of human rights arose and many new human rights formed in concrete cultures. It gives raise to a question about validity of interventions especially in the context of cultural differences in various parts of the world that influence perception, understanding and interpretation of human rights (this issues are discussed in Part II of this book). At present human rights are not only relativized to cultural contexts but undergo semantic changes as a result of globalisation process as well (Part II of the book: Human rights idea vs globalisation). Moreover, the propositions of establishing institutions and global structures that would strengthen human rights idea appear, interalia new propositions of citizenship defining (ujmowanie jako definiowanie)in response to a decreasing role and significance of nation states in the age of globalization. The idea of human rights dominated present-day law, culture and daily life both in local and global dimension. Human rights issue became essential for philosophy, especially political philosophy.

Civil Rights on the Cell Block: Race, Reform, and Violence in Texas Prisons and the Nation, 1945-1990

This study, "Civil Rights on the Cell Block: Race, Reform, and Violence in Texas Prisons and the Nation, 1945-1990," offers a new perspective on the historical origins of the modern prison industrial complex, sexual violence in working-class culture, and the ways in which race shaped the prison experience. This study joins new scholarship that reperiodizes the Civil Rights era while also considering how violence and radicalism shaped the civil rights struggle. It places the criminal justice system at the heart of both an older racial order and within a prison-made civil rights movement that confronted the prison's power to deny citizenship and enforce racial hierarchies. By charting the trajectory of the civil rights movement in Texas prisons, my dissertation demonstrates how the internal struggle over rehabilitation and punishment shaped civil rights, racial formation, and the political contest between liberalism and conservatism. This dissertation offers a close case study of Texas, where the state prison system emerged as a national model for penal management. The dissertation begins with a hopeful story of reform marked by an apparently successful effort by the State of Texas to replace its notorious 1940s plantation/prison farm system with an efficient, business-oriented agricultural enterprise system. When this new system was fully operational in the 1960s, Texas garnered plaudits as a pioneering, modern, efficient, and business oriented Sun Belt state. But this reputation of competence and efficiency obfuscated the reality of a brutal system of internal prison management in which inmates acted as guards, employing coercive means to maintain control over the prisoner population. The inmates whom the prison system placed in charge also ran an internal prison economy in which money, food, human beings, reputations, favors, and sex all became commodities to be bought and sold. I analyze both how the Texas prison system managed to maintain its high external reputation for so long in the face of the internal reality and how that reputation collapsed when inmates, inspired by the Civil Rights Movement, revolted. My dissertation shows that this inmate Civil Rights rebellion was a success in forcing an end to the existing system but a failure in its attempts to make conditions in Texas prisons more humane. The new Texas prison regime, I conclude, utilized paramilitary practices, privatized prisons, and gang-related warfare to establish a new system that focused much more on law and order in the prisons than on the legal and human rights of prisoners. Placing the inmates and their struggle at the heart of the national debate over rights and "law and order" politics reveals an inter-racial social justice movement that asked the courts to reconsider how the state punished those who committed a crime while also reminding the public of the inmates' humanity and their constitutional rights.