972 resultados para Juridical ideology


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El concepto de servicio público, a pesar de las muchas polémicas que despierta en la doctrina, es una de las nociones que más interés despierta en los estudios del Derecho Administrativo. En efecto, se trata de una prestación técnica que satisface necesidades de carácter general, con sujeción a un régimen jurídico exorbitante del derecho ordinario. En tal virtud, como competencia de la Administración Pública, contribuye a la realización de los cometidos estatales y de los fines públicos. El presente trabajo aborda los principales aspectos que rodean a la temática del servicio público, de modo que brinda una introducción sumamente útil sobre la materia.

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La Constitución de la República de 2008, no obstante calificar al Ecuador como un Estado unitario, dota a los gobiernos autónomos descentralizados de una “facultad legislativa” que, a primera vista, haría pensar en la existencia de ordenamientos jurídicos locales, de modo similar a lo que sucede en un Estado federal. Esta aparente contradicción merece un análisis sobre la naturaleza y alcance que tienen los instrumentos normativos que emiten los gobiernos autónomos descentralizados, sobre sus límites y contenidos y sobre la función que cumplen en el ordenamiento jurídico de un Estado unitario como es el Ecuador.

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La falta de una ley general de procedimientos administrativos ha hecho que, en el Ecuador, no exista una regulación clara sobre la forma de extinguir los actos administrativos. Ello ha generado prácticas administrativas que lindan con la arbitrariedad y no toman en cuenta los derechos generados en virtud de los actos de la administración. La reciente promulgación del Código Territorial soluciona en algo el problema, al establecer un procedimiento general para todos los gobiernos autónomos descentralizados. El presente texto analiza la forma en que el referido Código aborda el tema, forma que, si bien tiene sus particularidades, en general sigue el esquema del Estatuto del Régimen Jurídico y Administrativo de la Función Ejecutiva, permitiendo con ello una necesaria uniformización de procedimientos.

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Esta novela corta de Salazar Arboleda pertenece al Realismo en transición hacia el Naturalismo, pero, a la vez, enlaza tanto con la novela gótica inglesa del siglo XVIII, como con el cuento fantástico prevalente en la primera mitad del siglo XIX en Francia y Alemania. El cambio de tipos narrativos dentro de la historia que se relata: novela histórica-novela psicológica- novela fantástica-novela ética muestra la forma en que las literaturas europeas eran asimiladas, adaptadas e innovadas durante el siglo XIX en la narrativa ecuatoriana, pero también la manera en que la novela era un vehículo de difusión ideológica.

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Escritas durante la primera mitad del siglo XX, Canaima, La vorágine, y Sangama son tres novelas de la selva en las cuales aparece una representación del mundo indígena del Amazonas o del Orinoco. Se ha repetido que se trataba de novelas progresistas, que encerraban una crítica del sistema social de la época, y más particularmente del genocidio acarreado por la explotación del caucho durante el “ciclo da borracha”. Sin embargo estas ficciones nos proporcionan un enfoque ambiguo de la realidad indígena. Una visión impregnada por las mismas concepciones del siglo XIX que favorecieron los excesos, maltratos y masacres que dichas novelas pretenden denunciar. Este ensayo se propone analizar la matriz científica de estas representaciones, insistiendo en el paradigma racialista decimónico, derivado de la teoría evolucionista y de la ideología del progreso. Los indios de las ficciones se desplazan como fantasmas en un universo mágico, embrujado, o infernal que carece de realidad. Este “flor” romántico es la proyección literaria de una estrategia biopolítica que se da en las sociedades de la época: la cuestión gira en torno a la construcción del pueblo nacional. Los “aparecidos” del espacio novelesco son un momento de unas estrategias discursivas más globales: se trata de construir una homegeneidad nacional a partir de una etnicidad ficticia que requiere el rechazo del “otro atrasado”. El espectro es la huella o el testigo de esta violencia fundadora.

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El presente artículo se enfoca en las contradicciones del proyecto nacional ecuatoriano de principios del siglo XX en cuanto pretende subsanar identidades en conflicto dentro de las nuevas configuraciones sociales y espaciales. Para ello se examina la forma en la que Luis A. Martínez reconoce la ambivalencia de la modernidad al punto de confeccionar sus obras como alegorías de fallidas comunidades imaginadas. Tanto sus catecismos de agricultura como su novela A la costa (1905), además de contribuir a los debates intelectuales de la época sobre la participación del país en el moderno sistema-mundo capitalista, testimonian las contradicciones existentes dentro del liberalismo como ideología hegemónica. De ahí que los textos arriba mencionados sean considerados como bisagras que vislumbran lo nacional en lo liminar aunque todavía sin subvertir los desencuentros entre la clase dominante y la subalterna.

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El 4 de octubre de 2012, la profesora Cecilia Mafla Bustamante entrevistó al conocido poeta cuencano Efraín Jara Idrovo. En este diálogo el escritor narra su trayectoria poética, su ideología política y sus influencias literarias nacionales e internacionales. También hace reflexiones, conjuntamente con su hijo Johnny Jara, sobre el poema Sollozo por Pedro Jara, considerado su mejor obra. Además, examina la estructura semiótica del signo lingüístico y su carácter biplano que mira hacia el sentido y hacia la materialidad del signo, según la teoría de Jan Mukařovský. Profundiza su pensamiento existencial en el concepto “el mundo es la configuración de la conciencia”, y finalmente medita sobre el proceso de la escritura y la producción poética en el Ecuador.

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This article argues that those termed 'liberals' in the United States had the opportunity in the late 1940's to use overseas case studies to reshape the ramshackle political agenda of the New Deal along more specifically social democratic lines, but hat they found it impossible to match interest in the wider world with a concrete programme to overcome tension between left-wing politics and the emerging anti-totalitarianism of the Cold War. The American right, by contrast, conducted a highly organised publicity drive to provide new meaning for their anti-statist ideology in a post-New Deal, post-isolationist United States by using perceived failures of welfare states overseas as domestic propaganda. The examples of Labour Britain after 1945 and Labour New Zealand both provided important case studies for American liberals and conservatives, but in the Cold War it was the American right who would benefit most from an ideologically driven repackaging of overseas social policy for an American audience.

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Rejecting the concept of law as subservient to social pathology, the principle aim of this article is to locatc law as a critical matter of social structure - and power - which requires to be considered as a central element in the construction of society and social institutions. As such, this article contends that wider jurisprudential notions such as legal procedure and procedural justice, and juridical power and discretion are cogent, robust normative social concerns (as much as they are legal concerns) that positively require consideration and representation in the ernpifical study of sociological phenomena. Reflecting upon scholarship and research evidence on legal procedure and decision-making, the article attempts to elucidate the inter-relationship between power, 'the social', and the operation of law. It concludes that law is not 'socially marginal' but socially, totally central. (c) 2009 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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This article examines the politics of place in relation to legal mobilization by the anti-nuclear movement. It examines two case examples - citizens' weapons inspections and civil disobedience strategies - which have involved the movement drawing upon the law in particular spatial contexts. The article begins by examining a number of factors which have been employed in recent social movement literature to explain strategy choice, including ideology, resources, political and legal opportunity, and framing. It then proceeds to argue that the issues of scale, space, and place play an important role in relation to framing by the movement in the two case examples. Both can be seen to involve scalar reframing, with the movement attempting to resist localizing tendencies and to replace them with a global frame. Both also involve an attempt to reframe the issue of nuclear weapons away from the contested frame of the past (unilateral disarmament) towards the more universal and widely accepted frame of international law.

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This article begins by identifying a close relationship between the image of children generated by several sociologists working within the new sociology of childhood perspective and the claims and ambitions of the proponents of children's autonomy rights. The image of the child as a competent, self-controlled human agent are then subjected to observation from the perspective of Niklas Luhmann's social systems theory. The new sociology of childhood's constructivist approach is compared and contrasted with Niklas Luhmann's theory of 'operational constructivism'. The article applies tenets of Luhmann's theory, to the emergence of the new childhood sociologist's image of the child as a competent, self-controlled social agent, to the epistemological status of this image and, in particular, to claims that it derives from scientific endeavour. The article proceeds to identify two theoretical developments within sociology - sociology of identity and social agency - which have brought about fundamental changes in what may be considered 'sociological' and so 'scientific' and paved the way for sociological communications about what children,really are'. In conclusion, it argues that the merging of sociology with polemics, ideology, opinion and personal beliefs and, at the level of social systems, between science and politics represents in Luhmann's terms 'dedifferentiation'- a tendency he claims may have serious adverse consequences for modern society. This warning is applied to the scientific status of sociology - its claim to be able to produce 'facts' for society, upon which social systems, such as politics and law, may rely. Like the mass media, sociology may now be capable of producing only information, and not facts, about children.

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An overtly critical perspective on 're-engineering construction' is presented. It is contended that re-engineering is impossible to define in terms of its substantive content and is best understood as a rhetorical label. In recent years, the language of re-engineering has heavily shaped the construction research agenda. The declared goals are to lower costs and improve value for the customer. The discourse is persuasive because it reflects the ideology of the 'enterprise culture' and the associated rhetoric of customer responsiveness. Re-engineering is especially attractive to the construction industry because it reflects and reinforces the existing dominant way of thinking. The overriding tendency is to reduce organizational complexities to a mechanistic quest for efficiency. Labour is treated as a commodity. Within this context, the objectives of re-engineering become 'common sense'. Knowledge becomes subordinate to the dominant ideology of neo-liberalism. The accepted research agenda for re-engineering construction exacerbates the industry's problems and directly contributes to the casualization of the workforce. The continued adherence to machine metaphors by the construction industry's top management has directly contributed to the 'bad attitudes' and 'adversarial culture' that they repeatedly decry. Supposedly neutral topics such as pre-assembly, partnering, supply chain management and lean thinking serve only to justify the shift towards bogus labour-only subcontracting and the associated reduction of employment rights. The continued casualization of the workforce raises real questions about the industry's future capacity to deliver high-quality construction. In order to appear 'relevant' to the needs of industry, it seems that the research community is doomed to perpetuate this regressive cycle.

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We present a conceptual architecture for a Group Support System (GSS) to facilitate Multi-Organisational Collaborative Groups (MOCGs) initiated by local government and including external organisations of various types. Multi-Organisational Collaborative Groups (MOCGs) consist of individuals from several organisations which have agreed to work together to solve a problem. The expectation is that more can be achieved working in harmony than separately. Work is done interdependently, rather than independently in diverse directions. Local government, faced with solving complex social problems, deploy MOCGs to enable solutions across organisational, functional, professional and juridical boundaries, by involving statutory, voluntary, community, not-for-profit and private organisations. This is not a silver bullet as it introduces new pressures. Each member organisation has its own goals, operating context and particular approaches, which can be expressed as their norms and business processes. Organisations working together must find ways of eliminating differences or mitigating their impact in order to reduce the risks of collaborative inertia and conflict. A GSS is an electronic collaboration system that facilitates group working and can offer assistance to MOCGs. Since many existing GSSs have been primarily developed for single organisation collaborative groups, even though there are some common issues, there are some difficulties peculiar to MOCGs, and others that they experience to a greater extent: a diversity of primary organisational goals among members; different funding models and other pressures; more significant differences in other information systems both technologically and in their use than single organisations; greater variation in acceptable approaches to solve problems. In this paper, we analyse the requirements of MOCGs led by local government agencies, leading to a conceptual architecture for an e-government GSS that captures the relationships between 'goal', 'context', 'norm', and 'business process'. Our models capture the dynamics of the circumstances surrounding each individual representing an organisation in a MOCG along with the dynamics of the MOCG itself as a separate community.

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Around the time of Clausewitz’s writing, a new element was introduced into partisan warfare: ideology. Previously, under the ancien régime, partisans were what today we would call special forces, light infantry or cavalry, almost always mercenaries, carrying out special operations, while the main action in war took place between regular armies. Clausewitz lectured his students on such ‘small wars’. In the American War of Independence and the resistance against Napoleon and his allies, operations carried out by such partisans merged with counter-revolutionary, nationalist insurgencies, but these Clausewitz analysed in a distinct category, ‘people's war’. Small wars, people's war, etc. should thus not be thought of as monopoly of either the political Right or the Left.

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At the heart of the ‘special relationship’ ideology, there is supposed to be a grand bargain. In exchange for paying the ‘blood price’ as America's ally, Britain will be rewarded with exceptional influence over American foreign policy and its strategic behaviour. Soldiers and statesman continue to articulate this idea. Since 9/11, the notion of Britain playing ‘Greece’ to America's ‘Rome’ gained new life thanks to Anglophiles on both sides of the Atlantic. One potent version of this ideology was that the more seasoned British would teach Americans how to fight ‘small wars’ in Iraq and Afghanistan, thereby bolstering their role as tutor to the superpower. Britain does derive benefits from the Anglo-American alliance and has made momentous contributions to the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Yet British solidarity and sacrifices have not purchased special influence in Washington. This is partly due to Atlanticist ideology, which sets Britain unrealistic standards by which it is judged, and partly because the notion of ‘special influence’ is misleading as it loses sight of the complexities of American policy-making. The overall result of expeditionary wars has been to strain British credibility in American eyes and to display its lack of consistent influence both over high policy and the design and execution of US military campaigns. While there may be good arguments in favour of the UK continuing its efforts in Afghanistan, the notion that the war fortifies Britain's vicarious world status is a dangerous illusion that leads to repeated overstretch and disappointment. Now that Britain is in the foothills of a strategic defence review, it is important that the British abandon this false consciousness.