887 resultados para Aboriginal Australians -- Civil rights.
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A presente tese de mestrado tem como principal objetivo discutir a natureza da responsabilidade civil extracontratual do Estado por ato omissivo, em face dos direitos fundamentais de prestações positivas aos sujeitos de direitos especificados na CF/1988. Para tanto, buscou-se conhecer os contornos constitutivos da responsabilidade civil e dos direitos fundamentais; a relação constitucional do Estado com a cidadania; o papel do Estado em relação à efetividade dos direitos fundamentais destinados aos sujeitos de direitos especificados. Para execução desse propósito, a doutrina e a legislação constitucional e infraconstitucional foram consultadas e interpretadas. Da análise doutrinária, pode-se perceber que a corrente majoritária defende ser subjetiva a natureza da responsabilidade civil do Estado por omissão; e da análise jurisprudencial constata-se que, nos dias de hoje, há um movimento crescente em considerar como objetiva essa mesma responsabilidade. Por fim, chegou-se à conclusão de que a responsabilidade civil do Estado é sempre objetiva e, com relação aos danos produzidos por sua omissão em conferir efetividade aos direitos fundamentais dos sujeitos de direitos especificados, há que se observar uma abordagem diferenciada na apuração dos pressupostos.
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Este trabalho tem a missão de analisar a Responsabilidade Civil do consumidor – pessoa física – superendividado no Direito Brasileiro, e está dividido em quatro capítulos. O primeiro capítulo ressalta as noções básicas para a análise do conceito de superendividamento da pessoa física e como os sistemas dos diversos regimes jurídicos de outros países tratam o tema. Mostra , ainda, a forma de prestigiar a dignidade do devedor e o direito de satisfação ao crédito dos credores, ambos integrantes de uma relação horizontal de eficácia de direitos fundamentais. O capítulo 2 aborda a evolução do tema no Poder Legislativo Brasileiro, bem como as propostas de órgãos de defesa do consumidor e sugestões verificadas no estudo metodológico como alternativa para amenizar a problemática no Brasil. No terceiro capítulo, há um estudo que demonstra a distinção de situações possíveis do regime geral da Responsabilidade Civil do superendividado pessoa física ativo e passivo em comparação com o fornecedor que atue com boas ou más condutas em face do endividamento da pessoa física. O capítulo 4 tratou de apresentar, como proposta principal, os métodos de julgamentos do tema Responsabilidade Civil do consumidor superendividado na perspectiva do Poder Judiciário Brasileiro, com destaque o endividamento do produtor rural pessoa física. O estudo do tema é uma proposta inovadora no direito consumerista brasileiro. Tem por objetivo aperfeiçoar boas práticas comerciais no mercado de consumo no Brasil, pois o consumo voraz frente à produção desenfreada de produtos e um mercado publicitário agressivo deve existir em coerência e razoabilidade com uma propensa relação jurídica eficaz em que consumidor e fornecedor são atores que objetivam sempre o equilíbrio contratual, em preservação ao sinalagma genético do contrato de consumo.
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Structured human rights dialogues are held with each of the five Central Asian republics. They are designed to discuss questions of mutual interest and enhance cooperation on human rights as well as to raise the concerns of the EU on human rights in Central Asia. In addition, the dialogues seek to involve human rights activists, NGO members, and academia representatives from both Europe and Central Asia through civil society seminars. But is this working? Is improvement in human rights noticeable in the region? This policy brief reviews and evaluates the performance of the dialogues to date, paying specific attention to the shortcomings of the existing practices, and provides recommendations for what could be improved with regard to planning and procedures.
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The Tunisian constitution of 27 January 2014 was deemed essentially compatible with international human rights principles and standards. These were adopted at the outcome of a dual process, which was underway both inside the National Constituent Assembly (NCA) and outside it, between the NCA and civil society stakeholders. Three successive drafts fell considerably short of expectations (6 August 2012, 14 December 2012 and 22 April 2013). The fourth draft (1 June 2013) was still fraught with 20 or so fundamental divergences. These were resolved, thanks to the National Dialogue in cooperation with the ad hoc “consensus commission” (lajnet tawafuqat) within the NCA, which is chaired by Mustapha Ben Jaafar (President of the NCA). The final text was overwhelmingly adopted on 26 January 2014 by 200 votes, with 12 against and four abstentions. It was promulgated on 10 February.
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Addressing the issue of “women’s rights in Egypt may seem like an easy topic from a purely legal standpoint, but the most enlightening way to do so is to adopt a holistic approach by understanding the political, social, cultural and class effects of this issue. Since 1952, people in Egypt have looked at “women’s rights as a purely state matter, one characterised mainly by legal reforms. Until 2011, women’s rights were manipulated via a top-down approach by making changes in some policies and laws. Since 2011, with the emergence of the question of social movements, tackling women’s rights has been transformed via the use of certain tools and different perspectives. This is clearly manifested in the vast mobilisation that took place in governorates outside Cairo, which featured the use of artistic tools such as graffiti, story-telling performances, the production of feminist songs, open-microphone sessions, etc., in addition to the extensive use of social media and online campaigning to mainstream feminist ideologies and highlight violations experienced by women. Before 2011, the public space in Egypt was limited to citizens, political groups and civil society for employing legal approaches such as litigations and policy changes by direct pressure on authorities. The 2011 revolution opened the public space to the use of new tools that are not limited to protests and sit-ins, but also new media windows and new political forces who carried the question of certain rights in their agendas as well as the accessibility of different governmental actors. This paper will highlight different topics around women’s rights and gender issues in Egypt after 2011. This paper will review different gender issues after 2011, including the targeting of women in public spaces, women’s representation in decision-making bodies, legal reform, economic and social rights, and sexual and reproductive rights. It will also investigate how the feminist movement has changed and evolved since 2011, and to what degree women's issues and feminism can be analysed in a multidisciplinary way.
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Since the Muslim Brotherhood rule was toppled in July 2013, the regime of President Abd al-Fattah al-Sisi has strived to consolidate his one-man rule; he painted the political opposition and civil society as traitors and foreign agents and exploited the fight against terrorism to suppress freedom of expression, justify a crackdown on the press, eclipse justice in courtrooms, throw thousands in prison, and tighten his grip on police forces. The regime has postponed parliamentary elections for some time, while it marginalised and weakened the non-Islamist political parties that helped Sisi take power. He did so by promoting electoral lists with candidates who are loyal to the president, to ensure control over the new assembly and by obstructing any political alliance that could form an opposition. At the same time, the security apparatus has been given free rein to control the public sphere and engineer the electoral process. This may ultimately lead to a parliament that includes no advocates for rights and liberties, which is particularly significant since the incoming assembly will review the huge amount of legislation that President Sisi has issued in the absence of a parliament. In addition, shortly before elections, President Sisi raised questions about the constitution, calling for it to be amended to reduce the powers of the parliament and increase those of the president. It is thus clear that Sisi seeks not only to consolidate his regime, without political opposition, but to free his rule of any effective oversight from society or parliament.
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At head of title: Ministerio de justicia é instrucción pública.
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Item 1022-B, 1022-C (microfiche)
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"Serial no. 98-10."
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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At head of title: República del Paraguay.
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Mode of access: Internet.