915 resultados para human dignity
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De inegável relevância na vida humana, a posse se configura como um dos temas mais controvertidos no âmbito do Direito Civil. Em todos os seus contornos e características, incluindo sua natureza jurídica, terminologia, efeitos e classificações, observamos um debate acirrado e polêmico a seu respeito, o que demonstra o firme interesse dos estudiosos sobre a possessio através dos séculos. Ademais, compete ao aplicador do Direito compreender o fenômeno possessório a partir das premissas e valores constitucionais fundamentais, em especial o princípio da dignidade da pessoa humana, levando em consideração as mutações sociais e a realidade dos fatos, para que seja possível extrair do ordenamento caminhos efetivos à concretização de uma sociedade justa e solidária, a fim de erradicar a pobreza e diminuir as desigualdades sociais. Neste contexto, de forma prospectiva e adequando os conceitos civilistas à Carta da República, defendemos a aplicação do artigo 1276 do Código Civil também em benefício do ocupante qualificado de imóvel abandonado, de modo a consolidar o domínio em seu favor no mesmo triênio conferido à Administração Pública, garantindo-se então aos menos favorecidos o legítimo acesso à moradia e ao trabalho. Na medida em que o ser humano se constitui no foco de atenção, preocupação e proteção do ordenamento jurídico acreditamos que as exegeses normativas devem concretizar o disposto no artigo 1, inciso III, da Constituição da República, razão pela qual a posse de outrem exercida ininterruptamente sobre bem abandonado merece funcionar como forma de aquisição originária da propriedade imóvel privada no lapso de tempo estatuído no artigo 1276 do Código Civil.
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Bain, William, 'In Praise of Folly: International Administration and the Corruption of Humanity', International Affairs, (2006) 82(3) pp.525-538 RAE2008
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The power of human rights idea and its expansion are connected with the experience of so far unprecedented pain and cruelty caused by man to man during the Second World War. Doctrine of legal positivism strenghtened totalitarian systems. One of the essential goals that were set by totalitarian systems was ethnic cleansing within both one’s and subjugated communities. To achieve this goal, concentration camps were established. This Second World War’s events gave raise to a question: does the common morality of the whole mankind exist? The Nuremberg Trials based on conviction that this common morality of the whole mankind exists. In this lawsuits Nazis were on trials for mass murder and crimes against humanity despite the fact that this crimes did not exist as a criminal offences in international law of that time. Lawyers of Nazis argued that their clients should not have been on trials for crimes against humanity because the rule “lex retro non agit” (“the law does not operate retroactively”) should have been in force. International Military Tribunal dismissed this argument – it was stated they tried Nazis are responsible for acts resulting from breach of the natural law. Therefore, the primacy of natural law over civil law (was approved and they admitted that morality and law are essential components of international reality. Since The Nuremberg Trials, the process of making international relations more ethical proceeded consistently through positivisationi.e. introducing human rights ideas to civil law (this issue is included in the Part I of the book: Positivisation of human rights idea). In this way, contemporary human rights as civil law arose, established on the basis of international agreement. Using them in order to legitimize and validate humanitarian interventions undertaken in various parts of the world became the common standard. However, positivisation of human rights idea did not mean that one common paradigm was accepted. Many interpretation of human rights arose and many new human rights formed in concrete cultures. It gives raise to a question about validity of interventions especially in the context of cultural differences in various parts of the world that influence perception, understanding and interpretation of human rights (this issues are discussed in Part II of this book). At present human rights are not only relativized to cultural contexts but undergo semantic changes as a result of globalisation process as well (Part II of the book: Human rights idea vs globalisation). Moreover, the propositions of establishing institutions and global structures that would strengthen human rights idea appear, interalia new propositions of citizenship defining (ujmowanie jako definiowanie)in response to a decreasing role and significance of nation states in the age of globalization. The idea of human rights dominated present-day law, culture and daily life both in local and global dimension. Human rights issue became essential for philosophy, especially political philosophy.
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There is a collective worldview on social policies that is expressed and understood by university professionals. However, it takes students time to construct this knowledge. Here, we provide fundamental ideas and a dynamic to facilitate learning of social policies. The preparation of a brief dictionary of significant terms is to be constructed as a group, alongside the maieutic work to be carried out by the teacher. The goal is to discover keys to understand the meaning of social policies and the underlying values that sustain a social and democratic rule-of-law state such as the one proposed in the Spanish Constitution of 1978. Attention is focused on the structure of the mixed welfare state. This is an integral proposal and comprises three dimensions. First, it considers the state and its possible welfare agents: business, market, the Church and civil society. The attitudes with which universal and inclusive social action is promoted, breaking radically with the aid-based meaning contained in other systems, are then addressed. Finally, we examine human dignity as a principle and aim of intervention, a basis for understanding other concepts such as human, social, labour and political rights. It is to be hoped that these pages prove useful for both teaching staff and students.
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Libertarian paternalism, as advanced by Cass Sunstein, is seriously flawed, but not primarily for the reasons that most commentators suggest. Libertarian paternalism and its attendant regulatory implications are too libertarian, not too paternalistic, and as a result are in considerable tension with ‘thick’ conceptions of human dignity. We make four arguments. The first is that there is no justification for a presumption in favor of nudging as a default regulatory strategy, as Sunstein asserts. It is ordinarily less effective than mandates; such mandates rarely offend personal autonomy; and the central reliance on cognitive failures in the nudging program is more likely to offend human dignity than the mandates it seeks to replace. Secondly, we argue that nudging as a regulatory strategy fits both overtly and covertly, often insidiously, into a more general libertarian program of political economy. Thirdly, while we are on the whole more concerned to reject the libertarian than the paternalistic elements of this philosophy, Sunstein’s work, both in Why Nudge?, and earlier, fails to appreciate how nudging may be manipulative if not designed with more care than he acknowledges. Lastly, because of these characteristics, nudging might even be subject to legal challenges that would give us the worst of all possible regulatory worlds: a weak regulatory intervention that is liable to be challenged in the courts by well-resourced interest groups. In such a scenario, and contrary to the ‘common sense’ ethos contended for in Why Nudge?, nudges might not even clear the excessively low bar of doing something rather than nothing. Those seeking to pursue progressive politics, under law, should reject nudging in favor of regulation that is more congruent with principles of legality, more transparent, more effective, more democratic, and allows us more fully to act as moral agents. Such a system may have a place for (some) nudging, but not one that departs significantly from how labeling, warnings and the like already function, and nothing that compares with Sunstein’s apparent ambitions for his new movement.
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Tese de doutoramento, Enfermagem, Universidade de Lisboa, com a participação da Escola Superior de Enfermagem, 2014
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Dissertação apresentada à Escola Superior de Comunicação Social como parte dos requisitos para obtenção de grau de mestre em Audiovisual e Multimédia.
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Trabalho de projeto apresentado à Escola Superior de Comunicação Social como parte dos requisitos para obtenção de grau de mestre em Gestão Estratégica das Relações Públicas.
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Domestic violence is one of the most serious problems that contemporary society faces. Domestic violence that specifically occurs between spouses is a particular case of domestic violence that has caused a high number of victims - mostly women - putting thus an enormous challenge to states with regard to combating this problem. In this thesis we intend to proceed with the study of this phenomenon in the Angolan context. The objective of this study is trying to understand how such violence is manifested in Angola, what factors may be at it’s source and what effects can be observed on the victims, their families and in society itself. Being the Angolan people strongly linked to traditions and customs, it seemed interesting to also address the issue of domestic violence under customary law. In addition to the problem of the study itself, we proceed to exposure and analysis of how the state and civil society have intervened in this matter. At the end of this study, we conclude that despite the fact that the issue of domestic violence has received more attention in recent years from the public entities and society in general, there is still a long way to go. This path involves not only more actions of the state but also a change of mentality, which can enable the break with social stereotypes in adopting a different behavior over the issue under review and internalizing that human dignity is the basic principle of any state that proclaims democratic rights.
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Based on bibliographical research and the analysis of court rulings, this study investigates the characterization of slave-like labor by Brazilian courts. After the alteration of article 149 of the Brazilian Penal Code, introduced by Law nº 10.803/2003, which typifies the practice of contemporary slavery in Brazil, divergent characterizations of this practice remain. The courts currently employ the broadest concept of contemporary slave labor, in which the crime is characterized by the engagement in one of the following conducts established as a criminal offense: labor with the restriction of freedom, submission to exhaustive working conditions, degrading working conditions, and debt bondage. The engagement in one of the above is therefore enough to constitute a crime. Contemporary slave labor in Brazil is not characterized only by the restriction of the worker’s freedom, as in the case of forced labor or debt bondage, but also through the submission of the workers to situations that offend their human dignity. Individual freedom and the dignity of the human person, fundamental tenets of the Brazilian Federal Constitution, are juridical resources safeguarded by law. Contemporary slavery is not limited to the mere infringement of labor laws, but represents a severe violation of the human rights of the workers involved.
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The suppression of internal border controls has led the European Union to establish a mechanism for determining the Member State responsible for examining each asylum application, with the main intention of deterring asylum seekers from lodging multiple applications and guaranteeing that it will be assessed by one of the States – the Dublin System. Even though it holds on a variety of criteria, the most commonly used is the country of first entrance in the EU. The growing migrating flows coming mainly from Northern Africa have thus resulted in an incommensurable burden over the border countries. Gradually, countries like Greece, Bulgaria and Italy have lost capability of providing adequate relief to all asylum seekers and the records of fundamental rights violations related to the provision of housing and basic needs or inhuman detention conditions started piling up. To prevent asylum seekers who had already displaced themselves to other Member States from being transferred back to countries where their human dignity is questionable, the European Court of Human Rights and the Court of Justice have developed a solid jurisprudence determining that when there is a risk of serious breach of fundamental rights all transfers to that country must halt, especially when it is identified with systemic deficiencies in the asylum system and procedures. This reflexion will go through the jurisprudence that influenced very recent legislative amendments, in order to identify which elements form part of the obligation not to transfer under the Dublin System. At last, we will critically analyze the new rising obligation, that has clearly proven insufficient in light of the international fundamental rights framework that the Member States and the EU are bound to respect, proposing substantial amendments with a view to reach a future marked by high solidarity and global responsibility from the European Union.
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Ne bis in idem, understood as a procedural guarantee in the EU assumes different features in the AFSJ and in european competition law. Despite having a common origin (being, in both sectors the result of the case law of the same jurisdictional organ) its components are quite distintic in each area of the integration. In the AFSJ, the content of bis and idem are broader and addressed at a larger protection of individuals. Its axiological ground is based on the freedom of movements and human dignity, whereas in european competition law its closely linked to defence rights of legal persons and the concept of criminal punishment of anticompetitive sanctions as interpreted by the ECHR´s jurisprudence. In european competition law, ne bis in idem is limited by the systemic framework of competition law and the need to ensure parallel application of both european and national laws. Nonetheless, the absence of a compulsory mechanism to allocate jurisdiction in the EU (both in the AFSJ and in the field of anti-trust law) demands a common axiological framework. In this context, ne bis in idem must be understood as a defence right based on equity and proportionality. As far as its international dimension is concerned, ne bis in idem also lacks an erga omnes effect and it is not considered to be a rule of ius cogens. Consequently, the model which the ECJ has built regarding the application of the ne bis in idem in transnational and supranational contexts should be replicated by other courts through cross fertilization, in order to internationalize that procedural guarantee and broaden its scope of application.
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Surrogacy is the arrangement made by at least three people, in order for a surrogate or gestational mother to carry a pregnancy for the two intended parents, with the objective of the former party relinquishing all rights to the child, once the child is born. As it has only been in recent years that that same reproductive method has begun to be commonly accepted due to certain modern scientific developments that thus diminished ethical and moral negative stances, there is still an unsettling legal void (both at a national and international level) in regards to such subsidiary form of reproduction. As such, some countries have not only left their citizens with no choice but to travel abroad in order to enter a surrogacy arrangement (leading to private international law issues on establishing parenthood and nationality of the born child) or to resort to surrogacy within black market conditions. Unfortunately, one of those countries is Portugal as it has been considered, both by its political parties and experts in the area, and by its citizens as not dealing adequately with such theme and thus being poorly equipped to deal with surrogacy, at both a legal and social level. The present paper attempts to analyse Portugal’s current legal perspective by looking at the present efforts being made to contradict the current situation, and thus outline altruistic gestational surrogacy’s tangible future within such nation. In order to also become aware of possible improvements specifically regarding to the full protection of human rights and human dignity as a whole, the United Kingdom’s legal standpoint in relation to surrogacy was also studied. Via direct comparison of both social and legal perspectives, a new approach to altruistic surrogacy is thus proposed with view to suggest a harmonious solution for countries that have at least recognized that the present issue deserves to be duly noticed and that altruistic gestational surrogacy may exist in order to grant protection of human dignity and not to place it in check.
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In the midst of changes of the world political order fostered mainly by the very debated phenomenon of globalization, the nation-state is confronted with new paradigms regarding their identification with society. Citizenship, as was defined up to the latter decades of the last century, rooted in nationalist ideals that tend to condition it full exercise on exclusionary policies oriented criteria, is not consistent with the human needs of present days. One can observe, mainly in Europe with the establishment of European citizenship, certain propensity towards a relative detachment between nationality and citizenship. It is expected with the present research to expose some of the arguments invoked by those who defend the possibility of a post-national conception of citizenship, i.e., decoupled from the concept of nationality and national boundaries, in order to develop a grounding for a necessary re-articulation of this institute. This assumption is based mainly on the movement of universal human rights and the revaluation of human dignity, especially through participatory policies on citizenship and respect for ethnic and cultural diversity.