Language use and language attitudes in Malawian universities

This study aims to investigate patterns of language use and language attitudes amongst students in Malawian universities. This will highlight whether language issues affect Malawians’ ability to engage with tertiary education. It has been claimed that ineffective language policies in developing countries restrict people’s ability to access systems such as education. As a result, this has a negative impact on their own, and their country's, development. Specifically, Malawi frequently has the lowest rates of university enrolment worldwide and is consistently ranked amongst the world’s poorest countries. Recent language policy changes within Malawi have brought the issue of language use within education to the fore, with increased debate over whether English or indigenous languages are suitable for use in education. Through targeting university students across Malawi’s universities using semistructured interviews, data was collected to illustrate aspects of the sociolinguistic situation within Malawian universities. The results reveal that both English and indigenous languages are used within the university environment, while also suggesting that issues do arise from language use within university. While students recognise both positive and negative aspects of using each language, they are generally more favourable towards the use of English as a medium of instruction within university

Polityka Turcji wobec mniejszości muzułmańskich i niemuzułmańskich w świetle standardów Unii Europejskiej

Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa

Medienvermittelte transnationale Öffentlichkeiten im Zeitalter praktischer Hybridisierung (English title: Mediated transnational publics in environments of practical hybridisation)

This article is concerned with the repercussions of societal change on transnational media. It offers a new understanding of multilingual programming strategies by examining “Radio MultiKulti” (RM), a public service radio station discontinued from 1/1/2009 by Rundfunk Berlin-Brandenburg. In its fourteen years of existence, “RM” had to implement a well-intended and politically-motivated logic of ‘multiethnic, intercultural service station’. However, as we demonstrate, such a direction, despite some achievements, has resulted in the constraints to RM’s journalistic activities and language policy, drawing criticism for the station’s economic viability. This paper proposes that multilingual media services are to be framed by the concept of practical hybridity that allows a necessary responsiveness towards an ever-changing media environment, at the moment within digital culture. Our approach draws on Mikhail Bakhtin’s and Yuri Lotman’s theoretical approaches to hybridity, as well as in-depth interviews conducted with “RM” staff from 2005 onwards, further interviews with key agents outside RM and a continuous monitoring of the public debate which culminated at the end of 2008 in the controversial decision to close the radio station. Against this background, the concluding remarks are meant to contribute to the scholarly debate on hybridization as well as to inform multilingual media policy in the 21st century.

Rights versus reality : the difficulty of providing 'access to English' in Queensland courts

This project reviewed the success of the Aboriginal English in the Courts booklet which was published by the Department of Justice and Attorney-General in 2000, with a view to improving access to the courts for speakers of Aboriginal English in Queensland. Surveys and interview were conducted with judges, magistrates, prosecutors, legal aid lawyers and courts registry staff. The feedback from the research has shown that the handbook has had little impact on ‘access to English’ in Queensland courts. The problems relate to the tension between protecting the rights of the accused under an adversarial system and legitimately introducing the issues of language uncertainty to the court in a non-prejudicial manner. In addition, the interviews have brought to light emerging language issues in remote communities that cannot be remedied under existing language policy mechanisms, such as the provision of interpreters or friends of court.

The influences of Bislama on lexical choices in children's written English: A case study in Vanuatu

In Vanuatu, there have been concerns that Bislama (the national language of Vanuatu and a creole with an adapted English vocabulary) hinders English language learning. Consequently, previous language policy restricted the use of Bislama in schools. The findings from this study offer significant insights and implications that may assist teachers with using Bislama in their classrooms in a way that furthers English language and literacy development. This research is timely because the Vanuatu Government have recently implemented a new language policy that allows the vernacular island languages and Bislama to be used as a linguistic resource in schools.

Public opinion on useful languages in Europe

This article analyses the results of five Eurobarometer surveys (of 1995, 1997, 1998, 2000 and 2005) designed to measure which languages Europeans consider most useful to know. Most Europeans are of the opinion that English is the most useful, followed by French and German. During the last decade the popularity of French and German as useful languages has been decreasing significantly, while English has remained universally favoured as the most useful language. French and German have lost their popularity especially among those who do not speak them as a foreign language. On the other hand, Spanish, Russian and other languages (often these include languages of neighbouring countries, minority languages or a second official language of the country in question) have kept and even increased their former level of popularity. Opinions about useful languages vary according to a respondent’s knowledge of languages, education and profession. This article analyses these differences and discusses their impact on the study of foreign languages and the future of the practice of foreign languages in Europe.

Ale jaskkot eatnigiella : Alkuperäiskansaliikkeen ja saamen kielen merkitys saamelaisten identiteetille

This study examines the Sámi people and the construction of the Sámi identity and the role of language in the cross-border Sámi movement within the context of the international indigenous movement and discourse between 1962 and 2008. The Sámi movement began as a reaction to state assimilation policies. This led to the birth of indigenous processes strengthening the Sámi cultures and languages. Activities across borders and the ethnopolitical processes in each of the Nordic countries in question also formed the basis of the internationalization of the Sámi people. The discourse on indigenous peoples has grown into a question of human rights, which is examined in different national and international contexts. The study is based on ethnographic data that has been collected via interviews, questionnaires and participant observation with the researched people in different meetings and events. Archive and newsprint material are also used. The approach of the study is auto-ethnographic. The post-colonial theories used in the study strive to destabilize power relations and the distinctions of otherness produced by colonialism, and to reclaim both one's own culture and language in the context of the indigenous movement. A standard model for this type of approach was created by Edward W. Said in his 1978 work Orientalism. The central concepts of the analysis are decolonization, otherness, ethnicity and identity. The dissertation consists of four published articles and an introduction. The subject matter is analyzed on three levels: global, European and Nordic. On the global level, the results demonstrate that the indigenous movement has constructed a new understanding of indigenousness with new rights. International treaties have facilitated the unification of new concepts and rights, such as the right to self-determination and language, also helping in transforming them into rights of the Sámi people on a national level. On the Nordic level, aligning the Sámi culture with indigenous discourse became significant for the process of developing the Sámi identity in the Sámi movement. In this process, the Sámi movement made use of Sámi languages in order to mobilize groups of people and to construct relatedness between different Sámi groups. The realization that one s own language is significant to one's culture has resulted in recreating the vitality, visibility and the legitimation of language in society more generally. The migration of the Sámi people from their traditional territories to increasingly multi-ethnic urban areas alters one's relationship to one's own community as the relationship to cultural traditions changes. Among the urban Sámi, who form a group of ‘new Sáminess’, linguistic discrimination and assimilation continue because of the lack of legislative and other effective language policy measures to promote the learning and use of the Sámi language.

Régimen jurídico de las lenguas y reconocimiento de la diversidad lingüística en el Tratado por el que se establece una Constitución para Europa

The territory of the European Union is made up of a rich and wide-ranging universe of languages, which is not circumscribed to the «State languages». The existence of multilingualism is one of Europe’s defining characteristics and it should remain so in the constantly evolving model of Europe’s political structure. Nonetheless, until now, the official use of languages has been limited to the «State languages» and has been based on a concept of state monolingualism that has led to a first level of hierarchization among the languages of Europe. This has affected the very concept of European language diversity. The draft of the treaty establishing a European Constitution contains various language-related references that can be grouped in two major categories: on the one hand, those references having to do the constitutional status of languages, and on the other, those regarding the recognition of European language diversity. Both issues are dealt with in this article. In analyzing the legal regime governing languages set forth in the draft of the constitutional treaty, we note that the draft is not based on the concept of the official status of languages. The language regulation contained in the draft of the constitutional treaty is limited in character. The constitutional language regime is based on the concept of Constitutional languages but the official status of languages is not governed by this rule. The European Constitution merely enunciates rights governing language use for European citizens vis-à-vis the languages of the Constitution and refers the regulation of the official status of languages to the Council, which is empowered to set and modify that status by unanimous decision. Because of its broad scope, this constitutes a regulatory reservation. In the final phase of the negotiation process a second level of constitutional recognition of languages would be introduced, linked to those that are official languages in the member states (Catalan, Basque, Galician, etc.). These languages, however, would be excluded from the right to petition; they would constitute a tertium genus, an intermediate category between the lan guages benefiting from the language rights recognized under the Constitution and those other languages for which no status is recognized in the European institutional context. The legal functionality of this second, intermediate category will depend on the development of standards, i.e., it will depend on the entrée provided such languages in future reforms of the institutional language regime. In a later section, the article reflects on European Union language policy with regard to regional or minority languages, concluding that the Union has not acted in accordance with defined language policy guidelines when it has been confronted, in the exercise of its powers, with regional or minority languages (or domestic legislation having to do with language demands). The Court of Justice has endeavoured to resolve on a case by case basis the conflicts raised between community freedoms and the normative measures that protect languages. Thus, using case law, the Court has set certain language boundaries for community freedoms. The article concludes by reflecting on the legal scope of the recognition of European language diversity referred to in Article II-82 of the European Constitution and the possible measures to implement the precept that might constitute the definition of a true European language policy on regional or minority languages. Such a policy has yet to be defined.

De Flor do Lácio à Língua Global: uma análise discursiva das relações de poder nas políticas linguísticas para a promoção, a difusão e a projeção do português da Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa (CPLP)

Nesta última década notamos uma série de políticas que visam ampliar a presença da língua portuguesa no mundo, tais como a inauguração da TV Brasil Internacional (2010), no âmbito do governo brasileiro ou a entrada em vigor do acordo ortográfico de 1990 (2009), no âmbito da Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa (CPLP), organização internacional formada por todos os países de língua oficial portuguesa. Diante desse panorama, esta pesquisa propõe-se a contribuir para a compreensão do papel de políticas linguísticas na configuração do que seja a expansão do português no mundo contemporâneo. Para isso, partimos das premissas de que todo discurso é polêmico pelo princípio da interincompreensão constitutiva (MAINGUENEAU, 2008 [1984]), e de que todo texto político-jurídico-normativo busca apagar, superar essa polêmica e construir um sentido único. Esse caminho teórico-metodológico, nos leva a questionar sobre que processos discursivos constroem essa busca de univocidade para superar a polêmica nos documentos de políticas linguísticas para a expansão do português? Quais coerções foram enfatizadas? De que maneira o enunciador se apresenta em nome dessa univocidade? Acreditamos que encontrar respostas a essas indagações nos levem a discutir relações de poder que sustentam essas políticas linguísticas de expansão do português nesta última década. Para desenvolver nossa pesquisa, selecionamos como corpora de análise, declarações e resoluções da Conferência de Chefes de Estado e de Governo e do Conselho de Ministros da CPLP sobre a difusão e promoção da língua portuguesa, por causa do poder político e simbólico, que essa organização representa em relação à temática. Assim, pudemos identificar quatro posições/faces de enunciadores, o ufanista, o defensor, o apreensivo e o idealista-apaziguador, que juntos compõem um enunciador, que chamamos de super graças a sua memória e a sua competência interdiscursivas e sua maneira específica de enunciar, que potencializam o poder imperativo de seus enunciados. Nas sequências discursivas analisadas podemos constatar que esse (super)enunciador na busca da adesão do coenunciador, articula alianças (a língua portuguesa comum, a sociedade civil) e oposições (diversidade cultural dos países, a língua inglesa) na construção de uma aparente homogeneidade linguística a fim de superar a heterogeneidade fundante da própria CPLP. Desse modo, as polêmicas são silenciadas e podemos notar um processo de construção de um novo sentido de língua portuguesa, homogeneizante em contraposição a outro já em curso de gramatização e heterogeneização das línguas portuguesas nacionais

O regressismo e o conservadorismo no periódico O Brasil

O presente trabalho consiste no estudo e na analise de algumas materias do periodico 'O Brasil', nos anos de 1840 a 1843, a fim de estabelecer como que se deu a conformaçao da identidade politica dos regressistas, futuros conservadores, frente a de seus antagonistas politicos, os progressistas, futuros liberais. Essa identidade foi sendo definida através do embate politico estabelecida na imprensa do século XIX entre os principais representantes dos grupos politicos. A imprensa foi sendo utilizada não só para divulgar suas ideias e ideais, mas como um espaço possível de produçao de conhecimento e significados. Dessa feita, a fim de se perceber em que base a identidade politica partidária regressista / conservadora foi sendo conformada e divulgada, abordam-se dois temas: a antecipação da maioridade de D. Pedro II e a Revolta Liberal de 1842; acrescidos pela análise de um Dicionario Crítico da Língua Politica, que foi divulgado e problematizado nas páginas do 'O Brasil' em 1843. A discussão sobre a maioridade do jovem monarca e depois a sua concretização exigiu de ambos os grupos politicos em maior definição de seus projetos de ação e de seus posicionamentos, a ponto de suas identidades irem sendo delimitadas e rearanjadas. A análise dos conflitos armados de São Paulo e Minas Gerais, em 1842, possibilitou visualizar um desenho mais polarizado das identidades politicas partidarias que passaram a ser denominados de liberais e conservadores. O dicionário político publicado e problematizado nas páginas do 'O Brasil' retratou em palavras a dinâmica de conformação e re-significação dessas identidades politicas.

Em nome do pai, do filho e do poder joanino: Portugal e a Santa Sé na primeira metade do século XVIII

Esta tese tem como propósito analisar as relações político-diplomáticas entre Portugal e a Santa Sé na primeira metade do século XVIII, tendo como principal problemática o corte das relações diplomáticas entre as duas cortes -, ocorrido entre 1728-1731. O episódio resultou, no nível mais imediato, da recusa de Roma em conceder paridade a Portugal diante das outras cortes europeias, negando a ascensão do núncio apostólico Vicente Bichi, ao título de cardeal. Tal política inseria-se em uma linguagem diplomática tradicional, para a qual Roma permanecia o centro da cristandade e distribuidora de privilégios. A opção de D. João V em manter-se fiel a uma linguagem tradicional não o impediu de se apropriar e de utilizar uma linguagem moderna, expressão compartilhada pelos loci de poder setecentistas, representados pelas monarquias que se consolidavam na França, na Inglaterra, na Áustria, na Prússia e até na Rússia, operando a partir de uma razão de Estado, a linguagem diplomática moderna, que configurou o tabuleiro político europeu entre os congressos de Utrecht e de Viena. Linguagem esta que fora traduzida pelos embaixadores ou chefes de missão portugueses, o que permitiu a participação de Portugal nas grandes decisões do período e consolidou a política de privilégio de D. João V, consagrando o monarca Fidelíssimo e, consequentemente, o reino português numa Europa em transformação.

Attitudes of Norwegians towards the growing influence of English

This paper shortly outlines the present status of English in Norway, principally in relation to the growing presence of English lexical borrowings in Norwegian. Some attention will also be devoted to the views held by Norwegian linguists towards the potential threat that the English language represents, particularly in domains where it is likely to supersede the Norwegian language.

Planning humanitarian projects with educational focus in Guinea rural areas

Dissertação apresentada à Universidade Fernando Pessoa como parte dos requisitos para obtenção do grau de Mestre em Acção Humanitária, Cooperação e Desenvolvimento