(Des)ordenamientos territoriales salteños : Una aproximación al contexto previo al Ordenamiento Territorial de Bosques Nativos en la provincia de Salta

En este artículo indagamos en las características productivas de la provincia de Salta en los años previos a la sanción de la Ley Nacional No. 26.331 de "Presupuestos Mínimos de Protección Ambiental de los Bosques Nativos" y de la puesta en marcha del Ordenamiento Territorial de Bosques Nativos. Luego de reseñar las transformaciones en el agro que desde inicios de la década de 1970 tienen lugar en la Argentina, avanzamos en la caracterización del proceso y sus particularidades en el este salteño, en donde en las últimas décadas se ha dado un rápido avance de la frontera agropecuaria por sobre territorios antes marginales para la producción agrícola y ganadera empresarial

Organizaciones vecinales en municipios de Mendoza : Potencialidad para generar prácticas sociales con inteligencia territorial

The idea of Territorial Intelligence emphasizes the participation of different types from actors in the decisions that concern to the local territory. Between the communitarian actors, the ocal organizations are fundamental because they have an existential knowledge of the geographic space who share the neighbors. That knowledge, is focused generally in the deficiencies of the district or of the district and it is constituted in its reason of being, like average for the defense as opposed to the authority of the local government. This so shared in common function is left lamentably to a quite traditional relation like intermediary between municipality and community annotated. A special case constitutes the cooperative calls of rural services or vicinal organizations that are in charge to administer the service of potable water, those that are generally led by people greater or small proprietors of traditional agriculture. A strong territorial identity can be observed that, as opposed to the transformations and modernization of the field, subsists exactly by that feeling of root. In the province of Mendoza, the importance of the ocal organizations was increased during the decade of the' 90 with the decentralization processes, to canalize house policies, some public works and services in the districts. From a perspective of associated management, projects of economic, cultural, environmental development would have to revitalize their function like organizations able to also agglutinate not only demands but that they promote to the local territory from other dimensions. With these motivations and the purpose of proposing strategies to induce practices of ocal work with territorial intelligence, a set of reflections that allow to compare the space distribution and the characteristics of these organizations between 90 years' and the present time, in some departments of the province of Mendoza appears. The most important result is expressed in a tipología of ocal unions, with a cartography that ties feasible territory and social actors to collaborate to generate transformations social, specially in rural areas

New agri-environmental policies for the sustainability of mountainous olive farming. Evidences from Andalusia, Spain

La sostenibilidad de los sistemas olivareros situados en zonas de pendiente y montaña (SMOPS) en Andalucía se encuentra actualmente amenazada por las elevadas tasas de abandono que afectan a estos sistemas productivos. Así, la consumación de este proceso de abandono, no sólo pondría en peligro a las propias explotaciones, sino a todo el conjunto de bienes y servicios no productivos y al patrimonio cultural generado por este sistema productivo. En este contexto, la búsqueda de alternativas políticas enfocadas a revertir este proceso se erige como una necesidad categórica en aras de garantizar en el largo plazo la sostenibilidad de los olivares de montaña. Esta tesis pretende hacer frente a esta necesidad a través de la construcción de un marco político alternativo para los SMOPS, que permita la integración simultánea de todas las dimensiones que pueden influir en su desarrollo; esto es: el marco político actual, principalmente determinado por la Política Agraria Común (PAC) de la Unión Europea (UE); las preferencias de la sociedad hacia la oferta de bienes y servicios públicos generados por los SMOPS; y las preferencias y voluntad de innovación hacia nuevos manejos y sistemas de gestión de los agricultores y propietarios de las explotaciones. Para ello, se emplea una metodología de investigación mixta, que abarca la realización de cuatro encuestas (personales y online) llevadas a cabo a los agentes o grupos de interés involucrados directa o indirectamente en la gestión de los SMOPS –ciudadanos, agricultores y propietarios y expertos-; una profunda revisión de las herramientas de política agroambiental actuales y posibles alternativas a las mismas; y el desarrollo de nuevas estrategias metodológicas para dotar de mayor precisión y fiabilidad las estimaciones obtenidas a partir del Método del Experimento de Elección (MEE) en el campo de la valoración medioambiental. En general, los resultados muestran que una estrategia de política agroambiental basada en la combinación de los Contratos Territoriales de Zona Rural (CTZR) y el manejo ecológico supondría una mejora en la sostenibilidad de los sistemas olivareros de montaña andaluces, que, al mismo tiempo, propiciaría una mejor consideración de las necesidades y demandas de los agentes implicados en su gestión. Asimismo, los hallazgos obtenidos en esta investigación demandan un cambio de paradigma en los actuales pagos agroambientales, que han de pasar de una estrategia basada en la implementación de acciones, a otra enfocada al logro de objetivos, la cual, en el caso del olivar, se podría centrar en el aumento del secuestro de carbono en el suelo. Desde un punto de vista metodológico, los resultados han contribuido notablemente a mejorar la fiabilidad y precisión de las conclusiones estimadas a partir del MEE, mediante el diseño de un novedoso proceso iterativo para detectar posibles comportamientos inconsistentes por parte de los entrevistados con respecto a su máxima Disposición al Pago (DAP) para lograr la situación considerada como “óptima” en los olivares ecológicos de montaña andaluces. En líneas generales, el actual marco institucional favorece la puesta en práctica de la mayoría de las estrategias propuestas en esta tesis; sin embargo son necesarios mayores esfuerzos para reconducir los actuales Pagos Agroambientales y Climáticos de la PAC, hacia una estrategia de política agroambiental adaptada a las necesidades y requisitos del territorio en el que se aplica, enfocada al logro de objetivos y que sea capaz de integrar y coordinar al conjunto de agentes y grupos de interés involucrados -directa o indirectamente- en la gestión de los olivares de montaña. En este contexto, se espera que la puesta en práctica de nuevas estructuras y acuerdos de gobernanza territorial juegue un importante papel en el desarrollo de una política agroambiental realmente adaptada a las necesidades de los sistemas olivareros de montaña andaluces. ABSTRACT The long-term sustainability of Andalusian sloping and mountainous olive production systems (SMOPS) is currently threatened by the high abandonment rates that affect these production systems. The effective occurrence of this abandonment process is indeed menacing not only farms themselves, but also the wide array of public goods and services provided by SMOPS and the cultural heritage held by this production system. The search of policy alternatives aimed at tackling this process is thus a central necessity. This thesis aims to undertake this necessity by building an alternative policy framework for SMOPS that simultaneously integrates the several dimensions that are susceptible to influence it, namely: the current policy framework, mainly determined by the European Union’s (EU) Common Agricultural Policy (CAP); the social preferences toward the supply of SMOPS’ public goods and services; and farmers’ preferences and willingness to innovate toward new management practices in their farms. For this purpose, we put into practice a mixed-method strategy that combines four face-to-face and online surveys carried out with SMOPS’ stakeholders -including citizens, farmers and experts-; in-depth analysis of current and alternative agrienvironmental policy (AEP) instruments; and the development of novel methodological approaches to advance toward more reliable Discrete Choice Experiment’s (DCE) outcomes in the field of environmental valuation. Overall, results show that a policy strategy based on the combination of Territorial Management Contracts (TMC) and organic management would further enhance Andalusian SMOPS’ sustainability by simultaneously taking into account stakeholders’ demands and needs. Findings also call for paradigm shift of the current action-oriented design of Agri-Environmental-Climate Schemes (AECS), toward a result-based approach, that in the case of olive orchards should particularly be focused on enhancing soil carbon sequestration. From a methodological perspective, results have contributed to improve the accuracy and feasibility of DCE outcomes by designing a novel and iterative procedure focused in ascertaining respondents’ inconsistent behaviour with respect to their stated maximum WTP for the attainment of an ideal situation to be achieved in organic Andalusian SMOPS. Generally, the present institutional framework favours the implementation of the main policy strategies proposed in this thesis, albeit further efforts are required to better conduct current CAP’s agri-environmental instruments toward a territorially targeted result-oriented strategy capable to integrate and coordinate the whole set of stakeholders involved in the management of SMOPS. In this regard, alternative governance structures and arrangements are expected to play a major role on the process of tackling SMOPS’ agri-environmental policy challenge.

The History and Challenges of Cohesion Policies. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 14 No. 2, February 2014

From Introduction. Regional economic disequilibria was viewed as both an obstacle to and result of integration (European Commission 1965; European Commission 1962; European Commission 1969). Even within the Treaty of Rome, the Community tried to establish mechanisms to alleviate regional inequality. However, it was not until 1975 that the main mechanism of regional policy was established as a result of British and Irish enlargement: the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF). Since then, cohesion policy has become a significant EU expenditure accounting for €347bn, or 35.7% of the total EU budget for 2007-13(European Commission Regional Policy-Info Regio 2012). It has also become a key policy linked to enlargement. The underlying principle of cohesion policy assumes that the market alone cannot solve development problems and therefore government intervention is needed. This notion is in direct contrast to the underlying principle of EU competition policy, which asserts that the free market can solve economic development problems (Meadows, interview by author, 2003). The logic underlying cohesion policy is not only counter to EU competition policy, but also regulatory policies. Unlike other EU policies, cohesion policy is not a sectoral policy, but rather territorial in nature (Leonardi, 2006). Thus at times EU regulatory policy has also unintentionally worked counter to the goals of regional policy, sometimes disadvantaging poorer regions (Dudek, 2005). As the Community has sought to ameliorate regional disparities, it meant that all levels of government: local, regional, national and supranational would need to be involved, however, member states have different territorial governance and European regional development programs have to varying degrees impacted the relationship and policy responsibility of different levels of government (Leonardi, 2006; Bachtler and Michie 1993; Marks, 1993). The very nature of regional development policy has provoked a re-examination of subsidiarity, or which level of government is the lowest and most appropriate level. The discussion of policy formulation and implementation at the lowest level possible also addresses the issue of the democratic deficit. Some argue that the closer government is to the people the more responsive and representative it is. Democracy, however, also implies that public funds are used in a transparent way and for public rather than private good. Yet, as we examine the history and current situation of EU regional funds we find that corruption and misuse still abound. Thus, to understand the history of regional policy it is imperative to look at the major transformations of the policy, how regional policy has impacted subsidiarity and the quality of democracy, become an important instrument of enlargement and contradicted or conflicted with other EU policies.

Identity, Ideology, and Cinema: Making Sense of Japan's Foreign and Security Policies in the 1950s and 2000s

Japan is an important ally of the United States–the world’s third biggest economy, and one of the regional great powers in Asia. Making sense of Japan’s foreign and security policies is crucial for the future of peace and stability in Northeast Asia, where the possible sources of conflict such as territorial disputes or the disputes over Japan’s war legacy issues are observed. This dissertation explored Japan’s foreign and security policies based on Japan’s identities and unconscious ideologies. It employed an analysis of selected Japanese films from the late 1940s to the late 1950s, as well as from the late 1990s to the mid-2000s. The analysis demonstrated that Japan’s foreign and security policies could be understood in terms of a broader social narrative that was visible in Japanese popular cultural products, including films and literatures. Narratives of Japanese families from the patriarch’s point of view, for example, had constantly shaped Japan’s foreign and security policies. As a result, the world was ordered hierarchically in the eyes of the Japan Self. In the 1950s, Japan tenaciously constructed close but asymmetrical security relations with the U.S. in which Japan willingly subjugated itself to the U.S. In the 2000s, Japan again constructed close relations with the U.S. by doing its best to support American responses to the 9/11 terrorist attacks by mobilizing Japan’s SDFs in the way Japan had never done in the past. The concepts of identity and unconscious ideology are helpful in understanding how Japan’s own understanding of self, of others, and of the world have shaped its own behaviors. These concepts also enable Japan to reevaluate its own behaviors reflexively, which departs from existing alternative approaches. This study provided a critical analytical explanation of the dynamics at work in Japan’s sense of identity, particularly with regard to its foreign and security policies.

Do Multiculturalism Policies Erode the Welfare State (Working Paper 33)

The past 30 years have witnessed a dramatic change in the way Western democracies deal with ethnic minorities. In the past, ethnic diversity was often seen as a threat to political stability, and minorities were subject to a range of policies intended to assimilate or marginalize them. Today, many Western democracies have adopted a more accommodating approach. This is reflected in the widespread adoption of multiculturalism policies for immigrant groups, the acceptance of territorial autonomy and language rights for national minorities, and the recognition of land claims and selfgovernment rights for indigenous peoples. We refer to these policies as “multiculturalism policies” or MCPs. The adoption of MCPs has been controversial, for two reasons. The first is a philosophical critique, which argues that MCPs are inherently inconsistent with basic liberal-democratic principles. Since the mid-1990s, however, this philosophical debate has been supplemented by a second argument: namely, that MCPs make it more difficult to sustain a robust Welfare State (hereafter WS). Critics worry that such policies erode the interpersonal trust, social solidarity and political coalitions that sustain a strongly redistributive WS. This paper reviews the reasons why critics believe that MCPs weaken political support for redistribution, and then examines empirically whether the adoption of MCPs has, in fact, been associated with erosion of the WS. This examination involves two steps: we develop a taxonomy of MCPs and classify Western democracies as “strong”, “modest” or “weak” in their level of MCPs. We then examine whether the strength of MCPs is associated with the erosion of the WS during the 1980s and 1990s. The evolution of the WS is measured through change in four indicators: social spending as a percentage of GDP; the redistributive impact of taxes and transfers; levels of child poverty; and the level of income inequality. We find no evidence of a consistent relationship between the adoption of MCPs and the erosion of the WS. Our analysis has limits, and we hope it stimulates further research. Nevertheless, the preliminary evidence presented here is clear: the case advanced by critics of MCPs is not supported. The growing ethnic diversity of Western societies has generated pressures for the construction of new and more inclusive forms of citizenship and national identity. The evidence in this paper suggests that debates over the appropriateness of multiculturalism policies as one response to this diversity should not be pre-empted by unsupported fears about their impact on the WS.

National Cinemas and Non-Hegemonic Languages. The Invisibility of Galician Language Facing the Policies for Cultural Diversity

In the spirit of the proposals of the Agenda 2020 about the structural role of cinema in the configuration of the European identities, this article highlights the significance of the national cinemas in non-hegemonic languages in the conformation of a diverse European culture. Following this perspective, we use Galician cinema as a case study in which we analyze the presence (or more precisely the absence) of the Galician language in the original version in the feature films released between 2008 and 2012.This proposal is hosted by the I+D+I project eDCINEMA: “Towards the European Digital Space. The role of small cinemas in original version” (Ref. CSO2012-35784) financed by the Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness of Spain.

Territorial and demographic aspects of the Networks of Protected Natural Areas of Castilla-La Mancha: 1978-2014

The Autonomous Region of Castilla-La Mancha develops from the approval of the Spanish Constitution a whole executive and legislative branch to implement its policies on environmental protection. The new legislation (Law 9/1999, of 26 May) has pursued the conservation and the integral protection of the natural elements of the territory demanding to new criteria as such the environmental quality of ecosystems or the exceptional landscape. The spread and the declaration of new natural spaces have caused a double geographical and territorial model. First, natural spaces located in rural mountainous areas with depopulation and aging problems. And second, natural spaces situated in areas densely populated

Between Bacchus and Dionysus: European Union policies on rural development: the cases of Nemea and Basto wine regions

A actividade vitivinícola possui um conjunto diverso de características presentes no solo, território e comunidade que fazem parte do património cultural de uma determinada região. Quando a tradição se traduz num conceito como terroir que é formado por características territoriais, sociais e culturais de uma região rural, o vinho apresenta uma “assinatura” que se escreve “naturalmente” no paladar regionalmente identificado. Os vinhos da Região de Nemea, na Grécia e de Basto (Região dos Vinhos Verdes) em Portugal, estão ambos sob a proteção dos regulamentos das Denominações de Origem. No entanto, apesar de ambos serem regulados por sistemas institucionais de certificação e controlo de qualidade, afigura-se a necessidade de questionar se o património cultural e a identidade territorial específica, “impressa” em ambos os terroirs, pode ser protegida num sentido mais abrangente do que apenas origem e qualidade. Em Nemea, a discussão entre os produtores diz respeito ao estabelecimento de sub-zonas, isto é incluir na regulação PDO uma diferente categorização territorial com base no terroir. Ou seja, para além de estar presente no rótulo a designação PDO, as garrafas incluirão ainda informação certificada sobre a área específica (dentro do mesmo terroir) onde o vinho foi produzido. A acontecer resultaria em diferentes status de qualidade de acordo com as diferentes aldeias de Nemea onde as vinhas estão localizadas. O que teria possíveis impactos no valor das propriedades e no uso dos solos. Para além disso, a não participação da Cooperativa de Nemea na SON (a associação local de produtores de vinho) e como tal na discussão principal sobre as mudanças e os desafios sobre o terroir de Nemea constitui um problema no sector vitivinícola de Nemea. Em primeiro lugar estabelece uma relação de não-comunicação entre os dois mais importantes agentes desse sector – as companhias vinícolas e a Cooperativa. Em segundo lugar porque constituiu uma possibilidade real, não só para os viticultores ficarem arredados dessa discussão, como também (porque não representados pela cooperativa) ficar impossibilitado um consenso sobre as mudanças discutidas. Isto poderá criar um ‘clima’ de desconfiança levando a discussão para ‘arenas’ deslocalizadas e como tal para decisões ‘desterritorializadas’ Em Basto, há vários produtores que começaram a vender a sua produção para distribuidoras localizadas externamente à sub-região de Basto, mas dentro da Região dos Vinhos Verdes, uma vez que essas companhias tem um melhor estatuto nacional e internacional e uma melhor rede de exportações. Isto está ainda relacionado com uma competição por uma melhor rede de contactos e status mais forte, tornando as discussões sobre estratégias comuns para o desenvolvimento rural e regional de Basto mais difícil de acontecer (sobre isto a palavra impossível foi constantemente usada durante as entrevistas com os produtores de vinho). A relação predominante entre produtores é caracterizada por relações individualistas. Contudo foi observado que essas posições são ainda caracterizadas por uma desconfiança no interior da rede interprofissional local: conflitos para conseguir os mesmos potenciais clientes; comprar uvas a viticultores com melhor rácio qualidade/preço; estratégias individuais para conseguir um melhor status político na relação com a Comissão dos Vinhos Verdes. Para além disso a inexistência de uma activa intermediação institucional (autoridades municipais e a Comissão de Vinho Verde), a inexistência entre os produtores de Basto de uma associação ou mesmo a inexistência de uma cooperativa local tem levado a região de Basto a uma posição de subpromoção nas estratégias de promoção do Vinho Verde em comparação com outras sub-regiões. É também evidente pelos resultados que as mudanças no sector vitivinícolas na região de Basto têm sido estimuladas de fora da região (em resposta também às necessidades dos mercados internacionais) e raramente de dentro – mais uma vez, ‘arenas’ não localizadas e como tal decisões desterritorializadas. Nesse sentido, toda essa discussão e planeamento estratégico, terão um papel vital na preservação da identidade localizada do terroir perante os riscos de descaracterização e desterritorialização. Em suma, para ambos os casos, um dos maiores desafios parece ser como preservar o terroir vitivinícola e como tal o seu carácter e identidade local, quando a rede interprofissional em ambas as regiões se caracteriza, tanto por relações não-consensuais em Nemea como pelo modus operandi de isolamento sem comunicação em Basto. Como tal há uma necessidade de envolvimento entre os diversos agentes e as autoridades locais no sentido de uma rede localizada de governança. Assim sendo, em ambas as regiões, a existência dessa rede é essencial para prevenir os efeitos negativos na identidade do produto e na sua produção. Uma estratégia de planeamento integrado para o sector será vital para preservar essa identidade, prevenindo a sua desterritorialização através de uma restruturação do conhecimento tradicional em simultâneo com a democratização do acesso ao conhecimento das técnicas modernas de produção vitivinícola.

Identidad, reconocimiento y participación. Ordenamiento territorial y justicia ambiental en las zonas rurales de Medellín (Colombia)

Este artículo presenta los resultados de una investigación donde se usan la justicia ambiental y la comunicación para el cambio social como ejes teóricos. Se desarrolla con metodologías participativas en el contexto de las zonas rurales de Medellín durante el 2013. Su objetivo es identificar y clasificar las percepciones de los actores sociales que participan en la política de ordenamiento territorial. Los resultados que se encuentran son: (i) una gran diversidad de actores sociales, (ii) un alto nivel de dispersión de acciones en todo el territorio rural y (iii) unas identidades locales en constante cambio y reconstrucción, pero siempre asociadas a la ruralidad.El artículo finaliza subrayando algunas percepciones colectivas en respuesta a los efectos ambientales del modelo de expansión urbana y cómo los actores sociales de las cinco zonas rurales del municipio de Medellín cuentan con un legado de procesos de participación comunitaria con potencialidad para incidir con acciones locales en una justicia ambiental.

Gestão e desenvolvimento regional na ride/DF: corsap-DF/GO como modalidade de associativismo territorial

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciências Humanas, Departamento de Geografia, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Geografia, 2015.

Sistemas sociais comunitários e uso de recursos naturais : bases para políticas públicas e desenvolvimento territorial no estado do Pará

Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Centro de Desenvolvimento Sustentável, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Desenvolvimento Sustentável, 2016.

Typologies and spatialization of agricultural production systems in Rondônia, Brazil: linking land use, socioeconomics and territorial configuration.

The current Amazon landscape consists of heterogeneous mosaics formed by interactions between the original forest and productive activities. Recognizing and quantifying the characteristics of these landscapes is essential for understanding agricultural production chains, assessing the impact of policies, and in planning future actions. Our main objective was to construct the regionalization of agricultural production for Rondônia State (Brazilian Amazon) at the municipal level. We adopted a decision tree approach, using land use maps derived from remote sensing data (PRODES and TerraClass) combined with socioeconomic data. The decision trees allowed us to allocate municipalities to one of five agricultural production systems: (i) coexistence of livestock production and intensive agriculture; (ii) semi-intensive beef and milk production; (iii) semi-intensive beef production; (iv) intensive beef and milk production, and; (v) intensive beef production. These production systems are, respectively, linked to mechanized agriculture (i), traditional cattle farming with low management, with (ii) or without (iii) a significant presence of dairy farming, and to more intensive livestock farming with (iv) or without (v) a significant presence of dairy farming. The municipalities and associated production systems were then characterized using a wide variety of quantitative metrics grouped into four dimensions: (i) agricultural production; (ii) economics; (iii) territorial configuration, and; (iv) social characteristics. We found that production systems linked to mechanized agriculture predominate in the south of the state, while intensive farming is mainly found in the center of the state. Semi-intensive livestock farming is mainly located close to the southwest frontier and in the north of the state, where human occupation of the territory is not fully consolidated. This distributional pattern reflects the origins of the agricultural production system of Rondônia. Moreover, the characterization of the production systems provides insights into the pattern of occupation of the Amazon and the socioeconomic consequences of continuing agricultural expansion.

Identity, ideology, and cinema: Making sense of Japan's foreign and security policies in the 1950s and 2000s

Japan is an important ally of the United States–the world’s third biggest economy, and one of the regional great powers in Asia. Making sense of Japan’s foreign and security policies is crucial for the future of peace and stability in Northeast Asia, where the possible sources of conflict such as territorial disputes or the disputes over Japan’s war legacy issues are observed.^ This dissertation explored Japan’s foreign and security policies based on Japan’s identities and unconscious ideologies. It employed an analysis of selected Japanese films from the late 1940s to the late 1950s, as well as from the late 1990s to the mid-2000s. The analysis demonstrated that Japan’s foreign and security policies could be understood in terms of a broader social narrative that was visible in Japanese popular cultural products, including films and literatures. Narratives of Japanese families from the patriarch’s point of view, for example, had constantly shaped Japan’s foreign and security policies. As a result, the world was ordered hierarchically in the eyes of the Japan Self. In the 1950s, Japan tenaciously constructed close but asymmetrical security relations with the U.S. in which Japan willingly subjugated itself to the U.S. In the 2000s, Japan again constructed close relations with the U.S. by doing its best to support American responses to the 9/11 terrorist attacks by mobilizing Japan’s SDFs in the way Japan had never done in the past.^ The concepts of identity and unconscious ideology are helpful in understanding how Japan’s own understanding of self, of others, and of the world have shaped its own behaviors. These concepts also enable Japan to reevaluate its own behaviors reflexively, which departs from existing alternative approaches. This study provided a critical analytical explanation of the dynamics at work in Japan’s sense of identity, particularly with regard to its foreign and security policies.^

Urban public policies: towards the improvement of landscape ecological system. The case-study of the city of Évora, Portugal.

The Charter of European Planning 2013 presents a Vision for the future of European cities and regions, highlighting the sustainability of cities and the preservation of urban ecosystems, integrating the man-made environment with the natural ecosystems and contribute to the well-being and quality of life of their inhabitants and other stakeholders. Thus, urban public policies are crucial to the improvement of the landscape ecological system, achievable by city planning and design. The paper aims to analyse if public urban policies in Portugal have been integrating strategies and/or guidelines to enhance the ecological system of the landscape. Then, which new perspectives are possible, framed by the recently approved law Bases of Public Policy of Soils, Land Management and Urban Planning (2014). This new law, in contrast with the previous ones, don’t allow reserving land to urbanize, in municipal master plans. Moreover, it is possible to revert land classified for urban purposes in those plans into rustic soils (when it is not yet infra-structured or built). It allows creating new planning and design dynamics, convert several areas and including them in the urban ecological structure, essential to the enhancement of landscape ecological system. This is a filed of work where landscape architecture has huge responsibilities, by associating and harmonize man-made environment with natural systems, enlightening sustainability consistent with conservation and improvement of Nature while contributing to the well-being and quality of life of Man. A sustainability that is ethical, aesthetic, ecological and cultural. The study is supported by a case study – the city of Évora. The ultimate goal is to propose measures to promote larger and better integration of ecological component in urban public policies, framed by the new territorial management law, taking into account and highlighting the specificities of the landscape system – Man and Nature – at the local level.