Efectos de la ayuda internacional para el desarrollo en la consolidación de Somalia (1969-1991)

Esta monografía tiene como objetivo analizar los efectos de la transferencia de ayuda internacional para el desarrollo en el proceso de consolidación de Somalia. Dicha ayuda surgió como política pública en el contexto de la Guerra Fría y su instrumentalización dependió de los conflictos e intereses de las potencias de la época. En la década de los 60, Somalia fue receptora de millones de dólares en ayuda, que minaron el proceso de state-building dado que las transferencias no dependieron del desempeño económico, social ni político del Estado. El cual, dirigido por el General Barre, se convirtió en un ente cuyo único fin era la captación de la ayuda y cuyo control era la única forma de asegurar la supervivencia física. Los enfrentamientos entre clanes por el poder llevaron no sólo al colapso del Estado, sino también al surgimiento del período de anarquía más largo conocido por un Estado moderno.

O Estado e a construção da ordem arquivística em Moçambique (1975-2010)

Esta tese tem como objetivo compreender o Arquivo Histórico de Moçambique (AHM) como lugar de informação arquivística e de ação do Estado em Moçambique, analisando o processo histórico de sua configuração, tendo em conta as implicações desse processo no cenário arquivístico nacional e relação com o projeto pós-colonial de nação, particularmente entre 1975 e 2010. Com base na visão do Estado ampliado em Gramsci e na teoria do Estado como relação em Poulantzas a tese mapeia a dimensão teórica do Estado, cujo poder baseia-se em informação. Esta abordagem, baseada na concepção teórica do Estado como campo de informação, consolida um quadro conceitual fundamental para o entendimento do Estado moçambicano e seu processo histórico de construção. A mesma abordagem conduziu o estudo de caráter histórico na análise dos processos de constituição e disponibilização de arquivos públicos, constituídos no quadro da configuração do AHM dentro do processo histórico de construção do Estado neste país em suas várias redes de interações, envolvendo diversos atores sociais, seja no universo político-administrativo ou arquivístico em si. Constatou-se uma mudança na trajetória do AHM, redefinindo o processo histórico de construção da memória e da identidade nacional através dos arquivos, dentro do processo de construção de uma ordem arquivística politicamente aceite, iniciado em 1975 e consolidado nos anos 2000.

Políticas de Segurança no Brasil: Desafios Diante das Novas Agendas

In the last two decades, the trend in security policies in Brazil shows the shift path on public policies, that allows us to see changes from state building policies to the growing presence of others public branches and civil society. From state and bureaucratic based functions, security tends to see more as problem of management and public agenda setting, mainly, with growing participation on state and local levels. Nevertheless the challenges remain in terms of changes in the whole picture of security in the country. The article explores some of them, without the desire of comprehensiveness.

Il Pluralismo tra Democrazia ed Autoritarismo: Il Caso Russo

The research explores the mechanisms in the formation and consolidation of a new regime which combines democratic and authoritarian features; it has emerged as result of democratization processes affecting different world areas in recent years. The study analyses a case of great international significance, post-communist Russia: here internal factors strongly prevail in front of the external variables of democratic imitation and contagion, thus showing to what extent Russia differs from other political contexts. The study intends to examine the strategies used by this regime to solve internal conflicts and become stable in spite of the democratizing pressures coming from outside. Indeed, the literature about political transformations has shown the problems in analyzing these polities together with the need to examine their peculiarities more in depth. In this perspective, the first section focuses on the dynamics of State-building in Russia as a fundamental process in tracing the specific characteristics of the current regime: particularly, it is suggested that the State dimension comes out as crucial in determining the level of political and social pluralism accepted in post-Soviet Russia. This argument is worked out in the second section, which analyses the main mechanisms used by the incumbents to limit and control pluralism within the two arenas of political competition and civil society, from where the major threats to the status quo are supposed to come. The main hypothesis is that the leadership interventions in these spheres during the last ten years have shaped a regime which can be characterized as a new type of authoritarianism: with respect to traditional authoritarian forms a certain degree of political contestation is accepted, visible in the presence of a multiparty system, semi-competitive elections and of the several representatives of civil society. Yet, this diversity is curbed basically in two different ways: from one hand the incumbents provide support to political and social actors who sponsor government politics (see the party of power and pro-Kremlin movements). From the other they use some non coercive forms of control and restriction (in legislation, in political elections) against those actors who promote values and priorities opposed to the official ones.

Representing Afghanistan: The United States and Democracy's Imposition

There is an ongoing mission in Afghanistan; a mission driven by external political forces. At its core this mission hopes to establish peace, to protect the populace, and to install democracy. Each of these goals has remained just that, a goal, for the past eight years as the American and international mission in Afghanistan has enjoyed varied levels of commitment. Currently, the stagnant progress in Afghanistan has led the international community to become increasingly concerned about the viability of a future Afghan state. Most of these questions take root in the question over whether or not an Afghan state can function without the auspices of international terrorism. Inevitably, the normative question of what exactly that government should be arises from this base concern. In formulating a response to this question, the consensus of western society has been to install representative democracy. This answer has been a recurring theme in the post Cold War era as states such as Bosnia and Somalia bear witness to the ill effects of external democratic imposition. I hypothesize that the current mold of externally driven state-building is unlikely to result in what western actors seek it to establish: representative democracy. By primarily examining the current situation in Afghanistan, I claim that external installation of representative democracy is modally flawed in that its process mandates choice. Representative democracy by definition constitutes a government reflective of its people, or electorate. Thus, freedom of choice is necessary for a functional representative democracy. From this, one can deduce that because an essential function of democracy is choice, its implementation lies with the presence of choice. State-building is an imposition that eliminates that necessary ingredient. The two stand as polar opposites that cannot effectively collaborate. Security, governing capacity, and development have all been targeted as measurements of success in Afghanistan. The three factors are generally seen as mutually constitutive; so improved security is seen as improving governing capacity. Thus, the recent resurgence of the Taliban in Afghanistan and a deteriorating security environment moving forward has demonstrated the inability of the Afghan government to govern. The primary reason for the Afghan government’s deficiencies is its lack of legitimacy among its constituency. Even the use of the term ‘constituency’ must be qualified because the Afghan government has often oscillated between serving the people within its territorial borders and the international community. The existence of the Afghan state is so dependent on foreign aid and intervention that it has lost policy-making and enforcing power. This is evident by the inability of Afghanistan to engage in basic sovereign state activities as maintaining a national budget, conducting elections, providing for its own national security, and deterring criminality. The Afghan state is nothing more than a shell of a government, and indicative of the failings that external state-building has with establishing democracy.

Explorar y medir en tierras de caudillos : Amadeo Jacques en Santiago del Estero, 1856-1858

Fil: Banzato, Guillermo. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales (UNLP-CONICET); Argentina.

Il valore del voto: Italia e Spagna nel dibattito sulla rappresentanza politica liberale (1860-1870)

During the 1860's and 1870's, Spain and Italy experienced a convergence of debates on the significance of political representation in the framework of Liberal State. Spain suffered a political and social crisis, ending with the Revolution of 1868 and the adoption of male universal suffrage in 1878. Its coeval Italy began to build its new Kingdom, anxious about state building, as well as the relevance of electoral processes in the Constitutional scheme. Although members of parliament and essayists of both countries well knew their neighbour's political reality, a dialogue on representation didn't occur. Nonetheless, we believe it is useful to analyse the survey drawn by the Italian publicist in the light of current knowledge of the opinions that prevailed in Spain. What sense did they give to the general election? How did they understand the value of the vote? Who were considered eligible voters? These questions comprise the main subjects of the essay.

Feministas y ciudadanas. Las aportaciones del feminismo español a la construcción del Estado democrático

El feminismo de la Transición contribuyó de manera decisiva a la extensión de los principios igualitarios en la sociedad española, replanteó el concepto de política para integrar en ella a las mujeres como sujetos activos y nuevos derechos vinculados a lo personal, y se movilizó en campañas muy influyentes en demanda de reformas legales que consolidaron la naturaleza democrática del Estado. En este texto se propone partir de la paradoja de la igualdad y la diferencia para reflexionar sobre las relaciones entre feminismo y política en la Transición, abordando tanto el debate de la doble y la única militancia, como las principales interpretaciones sobre el alcance de los logros del feminismo en la configuración del Estado democrático.

Making or Breaking the Republic of Moldova? The Autonomy of Gagauzia. EDAP 02/2013

This article describes the process of self-determination and the creation of a territorial autonomy of the Gagauz people in the Republic of Moldova. It also analyses the situation in the autonomy after the change of government in Chisinau in 2009 and evaluates the current status of accommodation of the Gagauz’ interests in the country. Aspects of state-building and the influence of external actors are explored as well. Gagauzia (Gagauz Yeri) is one of the first post-Soviet autonomies. Since its establishment in 1994, no violent conflict has taken place there. However, the Gagauz language and culture remain relatively unprotected, and incentives as well as support for the integration of the Gagauz are low. The article outlines the potential for future disputes between the central government and local authorities, due to continuous attempts to limit Gagauzia’s self-governance and conflicting interpretations of how the autonomy should work. Furthermore, struggles between Gagauz political leaders and other local realities hamper the successful realization of Gagauz Yeri. With respect to Moldova’s efforts to resolve the Transnistrian conflict and to integrate with the European Union, compromises and cooperation through an ongoing dialogue between the centre and autonomy are clearly due. Resolving the remaining stumbling blocks could make Gagauzia a living, rather than symbolic autonomy.

The future of human rights protection in the new Libya: prospects and challenges. Jean Monnet Occasional Paper No. 6/2014

There is no doubt that demand for the respect of human rights was one of the factors behind the Arab Spring and Libya is no exception. Four decades of absolute dictatorship headed by Muammar Gaddafi had been further tainted with gross violations of human rights of Libyan citizens and restrictions on their basic freedoms. Before the revolution, Libya was a country where no political parties were allowed. Freedom of expression and the press were extremely restricted. Reports about the country’s human rights violations published by a number of international organizations documented large scale human rights abuses at the hands of the Gaddafi regime. The 17 February 2011 revolution in Libya led to a turning point in the country’s history. The regime of Muammar Gaddafi which had dominated the country since 1969 eventually collapsed, leading to the beginning of the painful task of reconciliation and state building. Nonetheless it is estimated that more than 7000 prisoners are held captive by various militias and armed groups without due process. This in addition to thousands of internally displaced persons. State building involves the consolidation of a democratic state based on a democratic constitution. In 2011, a constitutional declaration was adopted to replace the one that had been in effect since 1969. This was intended as a stop-gap solution to allow the new political forces unleashed in the country time to write a new democratic constitution. To help consolidate the democratic state, three elements are required: that human rights be placed at its core; that these rights are truly implemented and applied; and lastly that the independence of the judiciary is safeguarded. For all this to happen it is also essential to strengthen education on human rights by encouraging non-governmental organizations to take a stronger role in promoting human rights. Libyan citizens can only avail themselves of these rights and strengthen their implementation if they know what they are and how they can benefit from their implementation

The EU’s Self-Defeating Aid Policy towards Palestine. CEPS Policy Brief No. 343/May 2016

Motivated by the dual aims of strengthening the Middle East Peace Process and contributing to Palestinian state-building, the European Union and its member states have been the biggest donors of financial assistance to the Palestinians. This CEPS Policy Brief finds, however, that these efforts have not achieved the desired change, as the EU failed to develop a coherent strategy to address Israel’s violations of international humanitarian law and it has accepted practices that undermine its political objectives. Hence, the author, Brigitte Herremans, argues that the aid has not contributed to a strong Palestinian government that can contribute to the security of both Palestinian and Israeli civilians. She calls upon the EU and its member states to take more measures to ensure that aid is received by people in need and that illegal practices on the part of Israel do not hamper its effectiveness.

O direito ao próprio direito: modelos latino-americanos de autonomia política indígena

O objetivo deste trabalho é saber se o direito indigenista, como denominarei o direito estatal que diz respeito aos povos indígenas, reconhece a legitimidade do direito indígena, como denominarei o direito produzido pelos povos indígenas, nas experiências colombiana, boliviana e brasileira. A escolha da Bolívia se justifica pelo fato de as Constituições recentes deste país e do Equador serem consideradas um novo marco do constitucionalismo pluralista ao refundarem suas ordens buscando superar a ausência indígena constituinte. Já a Colômbia se destaca entre os países que, sob a influência recente do Convênio 169, incorporaram expressamente o pluralismo jurídico em suas Constituições. A jurisprudência produzida pela Corte Constitucional do país a respeito do direito indígena é considerada exemplar e inspiradora dos desenvolvimentos mais recentes na Bolívia. O trabalho está voltado para dois aspectos do tema: a autonomia jurisdicional, ou a capacidade para julgar conflitos conforme as normas e procedimentos próprios, e os mecanismos de controle de tais decisões. A metodologia do trabalho abrange revisão bibliográfica, seleção e análise documental de decisões judiciais e textos legais. Argumento que a acomodação de autonomias políticas e ordens jurídicas de diferentes culturas depende da criação de meta-instituições e metarregras que solucionem conflitos e promovam a coordenação entre os direitos, permitindo que os grupos se relacionem de maneira equitativa, controlem a dinâmica de suas identidades culturais e se sintam parte de uma mesma comunidade política. A prática das instituições brasileiras, no entanto, está muito mais voltada a aplicar o direito estatal aos índios do que a exercer controle sobre o direito indígena, o que indica que o paradigma da assimilação prevalece sobre eventuais concepções multiculturais de Estado e sociedade, ainda que o direito legislado apresente regras que reconhecem o pluralismo jurídico. Em outras palavras, as instituições estatais enxergam os indígenas como pessoas que percorrem o caminho da incapacidade jurídica à capacidade plena à medida em que se familiarizam com a cultura dominante, e não como pessoas que podem transitar entre diferentes ordens jurídicas. Por outro lado, a experiência recente de países latino-americanos que se abriram ao pluralismo jurídico mostra um caminho difícil e repleto de questões em aberto. As que mais se destacam são a possibilidade de violações de direitos humanos por autoridades indígenas e a tensão entre centralização política e autonomia política. Em relação ao primeiro caso, o aspecto crucial é saber quem deve julgar as violações e sob quais critérios, além de evitar decisões culturalmente enviesadas. Já o segundo caso depende da superação de traços autoritários relacionados ao governo central e da predominância das estruturas estatais já consolidadas, tanto no nível central quanto no nível local, sobre as instituições mantidas pelos povos indígenas. Ainda há um descompasso entre o discurso constitucional de igualdade entre as ordens jurídicas e a prática de subordinação das ordens indígenas às instâncias estatais.

Collections of the Minnesota Historical Society.

(cont) The source of the Mississippi / by N.H. Winchell -- Prehistoric man at the headwaters of the Mississippi River / by J.V. Brower -- Charter members of the Minnesota Historical Society and its work in 1896 / by Alex. Ramsey -- History of agriculture in Minnesota / by James J. Hill -- History of mining and quarrying in Minnesota / by Warren Upham -- History of the discovery of the Mississippi River and the advent of commerce in Minnesota / Russell Blakeley -- Reminiscences of persons and events in the early days of the Minnesota Historical Society / by William H. Kelley -- Fort Snelling from its foundation to the present time / by Richard W. Johnson -- Sully's expedition against the Sioux, in 1864 / by David L. Kingsbury -- State-building in the West / by Charles E. Flandrau -- Obituaries.

What have we done wrong? The responsibilities of the rich

This paper surveys hostile reactions to claims that the I I September attacks were understandable in terms of the actions of the west towards poor parts of the world and the rich countries' own public commitments to democracy and affluence at home. The paper argues that domestic resentment is likely to continue to foment because concerted institution-building commensurate with the rich countries' material capacities has been neglected. Much responsibility for the global discontent can be attributed to policies advocated by the west and imposed on both rich and poor countries alike by policy-elites within the rich countries. Intellectuals have a role in re-activating the sorts of high-minded state-building and policy-making capacities that preoccupied them in the immediate post-1945 period.

The leaderless resistance: George Lincoln Rockwell and the White Separatist Movement

The scope of the thesis encapsulates the wider post-war White Separatist Movement from the origins of American Nazism under George Lincoln Rockwell to the later developments of leaderless resistance and the political and cultural changes to the movement. The specific focus will be upon the relationship between George Lincoln Rockwell and the leaderless resistance concepts, in particular through its development and utilisation. Due to the complexity of the issues and the variety of influencing factors it is necessary in the first instance to assess it in terms of a historiography to allow themes to develop. As a result of this historical analysis themes have become evident to allow a conceptual analysis. In particular the thesis will utilise the following thematic contexts for assessing the various developments within White Separatism: including, state building; political marketing; the role of the media; and the propensity for terror and hate activities. In assessing the basis upon which the conceptual analysis is developed the research has utilised extensive use of texts, radio broadcasts, and pamphlets from the movement. The study has also been able to consider, government reports, law enforcement updates and communications from Civil Rights groups and other agencies. In the conceptual analysis of this information and themes, the thesis utilises new concepts as a means of creating an understanding of a rapidly changing area of politics; including ‘organic politic’ and ‘political firms’, when assessing political marketing trends; and assessing terrorist motivation.