Meeting of the Joint Distribution Committee and the Executive Committee of the American Jewish Relief Committee 1918 in New York

Reproduction of a painting of a meeting of the Joint Distribution Committee (representing the American Jewish Relief Committee, the Central Rellief Committee and the People's Relief Committee) and the Executive Committee of the American Jewish Relief Committee, with chairman Felix Warburg, secretary Albert Lucas, stenographer Mrs. F. Friedman, executive director Boris Bogen, comptroller Harriet Lowenstein, associate treasurer Paul Baerwald and treasurer Arthur Lehman; Office of Mr. Felix M. Warburg, 52 William Street, New York

Stochastic growth of the Eastern King Prawn (melicertus plebejus (hess, 1865)) harvested off Eastern Australia

Stochastic growth models were fitted to length-increment data of eastern king prawns, Melicertus plebejus (Hess, 1865), tagged across eastern Australia. The estimated growth parameters and growth transition matrix are for each sex representative of the species' geographical distribution. Our study explicitly displays the stochastic nature of prawn growth. Capturing length-increment growth heterogeneity for short-lived exploited species such as prawns that cannot be readily aged is essential for length-based modelling and improved management.

Combined Jewish Philanthropies (Boston, Mass.) records, undated, 1865-1989 (bulk 1942-1979)

The Combined Jewish Philanthropies (CJP) of Boston, Massachusetts is the oldest federated Jewish philanthropy in the United States. The current incarnation of CJP was formed in 1960, when two separate federated philanthropies – the Combined Jewish Appeal and Associated Jewish Philanthropies – merged to create a single organization dedicated to serving the needs of Boston’s Jewish community. CJP’s records contain the history of several other organizations, from the forerunners of the current Federation to the Jewish institutions supported by CJP. Their beginnings can be traced to the founding of the United Hebrew Benevolent Association (UHBA) in 1864 at the Pleasant Street Synagogue (now Temple Israel.) This collection contains meeting minutes, correspondence, photographs, scrapbooks, financial documents and ledgers, appeal information, publicity, programs, brochures and other written documents relating CJP’s history.

Comparing Notes 1918-1991

Memoir by Pierre Ferrand, written in 1992, including recollections of his meeting with Alfred Doeblin in the freight car of a military transport leaving occuppied Paris in 1940 for Cahors, information on Ferrand's family which Ferrand believes is portrayed in Doeblin's "Schicksalsreise," critical comments on Doeblin's work and character, and information on Ferrand's father's work as Advisor on German Affairs for the French government and on the family's emigration to the United States; newspaper clipping of 1991 with letter to the editor on Frederick the Great by Pierre Ferrand.

Milton Weill papers, 1918-1950.

Contains correspondence, memoranda, speeches, etc. to various departments on the National Jewish Welfare Board, the Anti-Defamation League, and the Jewish War Veterans of the U.S. relating to Jewish personnel in the U.S. Armed Forces during World War II and concerned with public relations, anti-Semitism and discrimination, the chaplaincy, etc.; includes also published articles and radio addresses for the same period and extensive correspondence with Rabbi Milton Steinberg from 1946 to 1950, as well as material by and about Rabbi Steinberg. The collection also contains personal family correspondence while Weill was serving overseas during World War I, memorabilia and a scrapbook relating to these military experiences, and undated typescript copies of dramatic sketches.

American Jewish Committee. Office of Jewish War Records, undated, 1918-1921, 1962.

The records consist of documentation of the American Jewish Committee's project to describe Jewish participation in the United States Armed Forces during World War I. The bulk of the material consists of questionnaires that the AJC sent to servicemen to determine Jewish identity, which contain information on personal identification and details of military service. Responses to the questionnaire come from both Jews and non-Jews. In addition, the collection contains office papers concerning the project and a ledger of manuscripts. The manuscripts document the distribution of records the Office of Jewish War Records collected, as well as list Jews who died or were given military honors.

Henry Roth papers undated, 1918-1995

Papers include a large number of journals and notebooks, hundreds of fan letters, general correspondence, manuscripts by and about Roth, and publications by and about Roth. Papers also include various editions of his works and several annotated volumes of his personal reference library. Topical files contain photographs and items reflecting his interests and personal history.

Verein Mekor Chajim Collection 1915-1918

The bulk of the collection consists of circular letters of the Jewish orthodox organization Mekor Chajim in Frankfurt/Main and of issues of ‘Feldbrief der Agudas Jisroel Jugendorganisation’, sent to Jewish soldiers during World War I; 1915-1918

Sankarihautaus vapaussodassa : valkoisten kaatuneiden hautaaminen Suomessa vuonna 1918

Civil War Hero Burials the funerals of the fallen White in Finland in 1918 This study focuses on the burial with honours of fallen White combatants during the Finnish Civil War of 1918, as well as on the reasons underpinning the practice. The main sources of the study included the archives of the White army, the Civil Guard organisation and the Church, as well as the newspapers. The genetic method of history research was used. Both the existing tradition of military burials and the ecclesiastical burial culture influenced the burials of those who fell during the Civil War. The first war hero funerals took place as early as the beginning of February 1918, and the first larger-scale collective funerals were organised in Laihia and Vaasa in the Ostrobothnia province, with the latter attended by the supreme civil and military leaders of White Finland. From early on, these funerals assumed their characteristic features, such as the lion flag a design for the Finnish national flag proposed immediately upon the declaration of the country s independence military parades, lines of honour guards, eulogies, salutes and common war hero graves. As a result of the general offensive begun in mid-March 1918, the numbers of the fallen multiplied, so special organisations were established to handle the burials of the fallen. At the same time, the war hero funerals became more frequent and diffused, and the numbers of the buried grew throughout the country. In early March, the advocates of the republican system of government published their appeal in the newspapers, requesting that collective graves for those who fell in the war prepared in every locality. They motivated their request by stating that it was the funerals in particular that had inspired many men to join the ranks voluntarily in the first place, and that the large collective soldiers graves increased the numbers of those who answered the call and left for the front. The Civil Guard organisation arranged the burials of war heroes. The clergy contributed by officiating the religious service and by clearly aligning themselves with the Whites in their eulogies. The teachings of the Lutheran Church suggest that they found the Whites to be the temporal authority instituted by God, and therefore authorised raising the sword against the Reds. Speaking at the funerals with great pomp and sentimental power, the leaders of the Civil Guard and the exponents of the learned classes instigated their audiences against the Reds. The funeral speeches idealised the war hero s death by recalling military history since the times of ancient Greece. Being of the emblematic colour of the Whites, the white coffin assumed a particular importance connected to ideas of biblical purity and innocence. By the end of May 1918, almost 3,300 Whites were buried in the soldiers graves prepared by the burial organisation in some 400 localities. Only about 200 men remained missing in action or unidentified. The largest common graves accommodated over 60 fallen combatants. Thus, the traditions of the 1918 Civil War directly influenced war hero burial practices, which continued into the Finnish Winter War of 1939.

Juutalaisvastaisuus suomalaisissa aikakauslehdissä ja kirjallisuudessa 1918-1944

Anti-Semitism existed in Finland during the whole period covered by this study. The immoral acts associated with Jews in the articles were mostly regarded as universal habits, qualities and/or modes of action, that is, unconnected with any particular Finnish Jew. Researchers have tried to explain anti-Semitism in several ways. The theory of Jews as outsiders has been a popular explanation as well as xenophobia, chimerical anti-Semitism and the socio-economic models. The main sources of this study have been over 400 Finnish periodicals and magazines, literature and text books published between 1918 and 1944. This vast number of magazines includes those of the army and the civil guard, religion, humour and the papers of the Finnish extreme right. One can see a distinct foreign and especially German influence in the subjects and phraseology of Finnish anti-Semitic writings between 1918 and 1944. Several known Finnish anti-Semitic writers had some kind of link with Germany. Some Finnish organisations and societies were openly anti-Semitic during this period. There had been cycles in the activity of anti-Semitic writing in Finland, obvious peaks appearing in 1918 1919, 1929 1931, 1933 1938 and 1942 1944. The reason for the 1918 1919 activity was the civil rights which were granted to the Jews in Finland, and the Russian Bolshevik revolution. The worldwide depression from 1929 to 1932 seem to be the reason for new anti-Semitic writing activity. The rise of National Socialism in Germany and the influence this phenomenon had in Finland was the reason for the peak during 1933 1938. During the continuation war 1942 1944 National Socialist Germany was fighting side-by-side with Finland and their anti-Semitic propaganda found easier access to Finland. Of the 433 magazines, journals and newspapers which were used in this study, 71 or 16.4 per cent had at least one article that can be identified as anti-Semitic; especially the magazines of national socialists and other extreme right parties were making anti-Semitic annotations. There were about 50 people known to have written anti-Semitic articles. At least half of these known writers had studied at the university, including as many as 10 priests. Over and above these, there was an even larger number of people who wrote under a pseudonym. The material used suggested that anti-Semitism was not very popular in Finland between 1918 and 1944. Anti-Semitic articles appeared mostly in the magazines of the extreme right, but their circulation was not very large. A proof of the slight influence of these extreme right anti-Semitic ideas is that, beside the tightening of policy towards Jewish immigrants in 1938 and the handing over of eight of these refugees to Germany in 1942, the official policy of Finland never became anti-Semitic. As was stated before, despite the cycles in the number of writings, there does not appear to have been any noticeable change in public opinion. One must also remember that most Finns had not at that period actually met a Jew. The material used suggests that between 1918 and 1944 the so-called Jewish question was seemingly unimportant for most Finns and their attitude to Jews and Jewishness can be described as neutral.

Itsenäisen Suomen puolesta : Sotilaskomitea 1915-1918

For Independent Finland. The Military Committee 1915–1918 In the course of the First World War, several organizations were founded with the purpose of making Finland independent or, at least, restoring her autonomous status. The Military Committee was the most significant active independence organization in Finland in the First World War, in addition to the activist student movement, i.e., the Jaeger Movement. The Military Committee was an organization founded in 1915 by officers who had attended the Hamina Cadet School, with the goal of creating a national army for a liberation war against the Russian troops. It was believed that the liberation war should succeed only with the help of the German Army. With the situation in society continually tensing up in the autumn 1917, the Military Committee also had to figure on the possibility of a Civil War. The activities of the Military Committee started in the early part of 1915 when they were still small-scale, but they gained significant momentum after the Russian Revolution in March 1917. In January 1918, the Military Committee formed the general staff for the White Army, the Senate’s troops. The independence-related activities of the Hamina cadets in the years of the First World War were more extensive and multifaceted than has been believed heretofore. The work of the Military Committee was divided into preparations for a liberation war in Finland, on one hand, and in Stockholm and Berlin, on the other hand. In Finland, the Military Committee took part in intelligence gathering for Germany and in supporting the recruiting Jaegers, and later in founding the civil guard organization, in solving the law and order authorities issue, and finally in selecting the Commander-in-Chief for the Senate’s troops. The member of the Military Committee, especially Captain Hannes Ignatius of the Cavalry contributed greatly to the drafting of the independence activists’ national action plan in Stockholm in May 1917. This plan preceded the formation of the civil guard organization. The Military Committee’s role in founding the civil guards was initially minor, but in the fall of 1917, the Military Committee started to finance the activities of the civil guards, named several former officers as commanders of the civil guards and finally overtook the entire civil guard movement. In Stockholm and Berlin, the representatives of the Military Committee were in active contact with both the high command of the German Army and with the representatives of the Swedish Army. Colonel Nikolai Mexmontan, who was a representative of the Military Committee, collaborated with Swedish officers and Jaeger officers in Stockholm in coming up with comprehensive and detailed plans for starting the Liberation War. Under Mexmontan’s leadership, there were serious negotiations to enter into a confederation with Germany. Lieutenant Colonel Wilhelm Thesleff, on the other hand, became the commander of the Jaeger Battalion 27. The influence and importance of the Military Committee came to the forefront in independent and conflict-torn Finland. The Military Committee became a Senate committee on the 7th of January 1918, with its chairman, for all practical purposes, as the Commander-in-Chief in an eventual war. Lieutenant General Claes Charpentier was the chairman of the Military Committee from mid-December 1917 onwards, but on the 15th of January 1918 he had to resign in favour of Lieutenant General Gustaf Mannerheim. Soon after that, Mannerheim got an order from the chairman of the Senate P. E. Svinhufvud to organize and assume the leadership of the law and order authorities. The chairman of the Military Committee became the Commander-in-Chief of the Senate troops in January 1918, and the Military Committee became the Commander-in-Chief’s general staff. The Military Committee had turned from a clandestine organization into the first general staff of the independent Finnish Army.

Kiista, eheys, unohdus : Vapaussodan muistaminen suojeluskunnan ja veteraaniliikkeen toiminnassa 1918-1944

Conflict, Unity, Oblivion: Commemoration of the Liberation War by the Civic Guard and the Veterans´ Union in 1918-1944 The Finnish Civil War ended in May 1918 as a victory for the white side. The war was named by the winners as the Liberation War and its legacy became a central theme for public commemorations during the interwar period. At the same time the experiences of the defeated were hindered from becoming a part of the official history of Finland. The commemoration of the war was related not only to the war experience but also to a national mission, which was seen fulfilled with the independence of Finland. Although the idea of the commemoration was to form a unifying non-political scene for the nation, the remembrance of the Liberation War rather continued than sought to reconcile to the conflict of 1918. The outbreak of the war between the Soviet Union and Finland in 1939 immediately affected the memory culture. The new myth of the Miracle of the Winter War, which referred to the unity shown by the people, required a marginalization of controversial memory of the Liberation War. This study examines from the concepts of public memory and narrative templates how the problematic experience of a civil war developed to a popular public commemoration. Instead of dealing with the manipulative and elite-centered grandiose commemoration projects, the study focuses on the more modest local level and emphasizes the significance of local memory agents and narrative templates of collective memory. The main subjects in the study are the Civil Guard and the Veterans´ Union. Essential for the widespread movement was the development of the Civic Guard from a wartime organization to a peacetime popular movement. The guards, who identified themselves trough the memories and the threats of civil war, formed a huge network of memory agents in every corner of the country. They effectively linked both local memory with official memory and the civic society with the state level. Only with the emergence of the right wing veteran movement in the 30ies did the tensions grow between the two levels of public memory. The study shows the diversity of the commemoration movement of the Liberation War. It was not only a result of a nation-state project and political propaganda, but also a way for local communities to identify and strengthen themselves in a time of political upheaval and uncertainty.

"Innokas punikki". Hyvinkään punakaartilaisnaiset sisällissodan jälkiselvittelyissä 1918.

Hyvinkääläiset työläisnaiset ottivat vuoden 1918 sisällissotaan osaa punakaartin riveissä ruoanlaittajina, sairaanhoitajina sekä asetta kantaneina sotilaina. Valkokaartia tukemaan saapuneet saksalaissotilaat saavuttivat Hyvinkään huhtikuun 20. päivä, ja pitäjä valloitettiin. Osa hyvinkääläisnaisista oli tässä vaiheessa siirtynyt jo pohjoisemmille rintamille. Valkoiset etenivät kuitenkin voittoisasti kohti pohjoista, ja suurin osa hyvinkääläisnaisista oli antautunut 1. toukokuuta mennessä. Tämä tutkimus tarkastelee Hyvinkään punakaartilaisnaisiin kohdistuneita kuulustelututkimuksia ja toimenpiteitä sisällissodan jälkiselvittelyissä, jotka alkoivat huhtikuussa ja jatkuivat vuoden loppuun saakka. Samalla tuon esiin runsaasti uutta tietoa Hyvinkään punakaartilaisnaisten toimista sisällissodassa sekä heidän taustoistaan. Tärkeimpiä lähteitä tutkimuksessani ovat erilaiset Kansallisarkistossa säilytettävät oikeusasiakirjat: Hyvinkään pitäjän kenttäoikeuksien pöytäkirjat, viralliset esitutkintapöytäkirjat sekä valtiorikosoikeuksien ja valtiorikosylioikeuden aktit. Lisäksi olen etsinyt tietoa sodassa ja sen jälkiselvittelyissä surmansa saaneista punaisista hyvinkääläisnaisista. Tässä tärkeimpinä lähteinäni ovat olleet Suomen Sotasurmat 1914–1922 -projektin nimitiedosto sekä valkokaartin kirjanpidosta löytyneet vangitsemistiedot. Olen hyödyntänyt suuren tietomäärän käsittelyssä tilastollisia menetelmiä. Tarkastelen naisia kuitenkin paljon myös yksilötasolla, sillä juuri yksilötarinat rikastuttavat paikallishistoriallista tutkimusta. Tutkimukseni perusteella punaisiksi luokiteltuja hyvinkääläisnaisia menehtyi sisällissodan jälkiselvittelyissä 27 – heistä suurin osa Lahden ja Hämeenlinnan seudulla, missä viimeiset taistelut käytiin. Menehtyneistä naisista moni oli vasta 16–17-vuotias. Myös hyvinkääläisnaisia joutui suurille vankileireille – tässä yhteydessä tarkastelen kahden naisen vankileirimuistelmia. Kotipaikkakunnalla tutkittiin samanaikaisesti kenttäoikeuksissa 64 hyvinkääläisnaista. Kenttäoikeuksien tehtävänä oli kartoittaa punakaartilaisten toimintaa sekä heidän tietojansa paikkakunnalla ja lähiseuduilla tapahtuneista murhista sekä ryöstöistä. Kenttäoikeuksissa kuulustelluista naisista valtaosa vapautettiin lyhyen vankeuden jälkeen. Jälkiselvittelyjen virallisessa vaiheessa 116 hyvinkääläistä punakaartilaisnaista joutui kuulusteluihin. Heistä vajaa puolet oli toiminut sodan aikana erilaisissa huoltotehtävissä mm. punakaartin ruokalassa. 25 naista oli epäiltynä Hyvinkäällä huhtikuussa perustetussa aseellisessa naiskaartissa toimimisesta. Loput olivat toimineet punaisten hallinnossa tai sairaanhoitotehtävissä kotipaikkakunnalla ja rintamilla. Kuulustelujen perusteella 81 naista sai vuoden 1918 jälkipuoliskolla syytteen valtiorikosoikeudessa; heistä suurin osa avunannosta valtiopetokseen. Tutkimukseni kattaa näin kaikkiaan noin 150 hyvinkääläistä punakaartilaisnaista. Tutkimukseni valottaa heidän toimintaansa sodan aikana sekä arvioi rankaisutoimenpiteiden motiiveja. Tutkimukseni mukaan asetta kantaneisiin naisiin suhtauduttiin jälkiselvittelyissä keskimäärin hyvin ankarasti. Muiden punakaartilaisnaisten osalta rankaisutoimenpiteissä ei ollut yhtenäistä linjaa. Perunankuorinta punakaartin ruokalassa saattoi olla tuomittava rikos siinä missä kaartilaisten matkoilla liikkuminen ja ryöstetyn tavaran kätkeminen.

The British Intervention in South Russia 1918-1920

Soon after the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, a three-year civil war broke out in Russia. As in many other civil wars, foreign powers intervened in the conflict. Britain played a leading role in this intervention and had a significant effect on the course of the war. Without this intervention on the White side, the superiority of numbers in manpower and weaponry of the Bolsheviks would have quickly overwhelmed their opponents. The aim of this dissertation is to explain the nature and role of the British intervention on the southern, and most decisive, front of the Civil War. The political decision making in London is studied as a background, but the focus of the dissertation is on the actual implementation of the British policy in Russia. The British military mission arrived in South Russia in late 1918, and started to provide General Denikin s White army with ample supplies. General Denikin would have not been able to build his army of more than 200,000 men or to make his operation against Moscow without the British matériel. The British mission also organized the training and equipping of the Russian troops with British weapons. This made the material aid much more effective. Many of the British instructors took part in fighting the Bolsheviks despite the orders of their government. The study is based on primary sources produced by British departments of state and members of the British mission and military units in South Russia. Primary sources from the Whites, including the personal collections of several key figures of the White movement and official records of the Armed Forces of South Russia are also used to give a balanced picture of the course of events. It is possible to draw some general conclusions from the White movement and reasons for their defeat from the study of the British intervention. In purely material terms the British aid placed Denikin s army in a far more favourable position than the Bolsheviks in 1919, but other military defects in the White army were numerous. The White commanders were unimaginative, their military thinking was obsolete, and they were incapable of organizing the logistics of their army. There were also fundamental defects in the morale of the White troops. In addition to all political mistakes of Denikin s movement and a general inability to adjust to the complex situation in Revolutionary Russia, the Whites suffered a clear military defeat. In South Russia the Whites were defeated not because of the lack of British aid, but rather in spite of it.

"Ei kansa elä vain leivästä" : Suomen Taideyhdistys ja kuvataiteen kannattajakunnan muotoutuminen Helsingissä 1846-1865.

Tutkielma käsittelee kuvataideyleisön muotoutumista Suomen Taideyhdistyksen piirissä 1800-luvun puolivälissä sosiaalihistoriallisesta näkökulmasta. Tärkein lähdemateriaali on Suomen Taideyhdistyksen arkisto, jonka avulla tarkastellaan laajemmin yhdistyksen ideaa, sen jäsenyyttä, maanlaajuista jäsenkartuntaa ja johtokunnan taiteen kannattajiin suuntaamaa missiota toiminnan alkuvuosikymmeninä. Yhdistyksen helsinkiläinen jäsenistö vuosina 1846−1865 on luokiteltu kymmeneen luokkaan jäsenluettelossa annettujen nimikkeiden perusteella. Lähdeaineiston ja sen pohjalta tehdyn luokittelun avulla analysoidaan pääkaupungin jäsenkuntaa ja sen suhdetta koko maan jäsenistöön. Jäsenkunnasta nostetaan esille myös joitakin kiinnostavia yksilöitä. Tutkielman pääasiallinen teoreettinen viitekehys on Sosiologi Everett Rogersin malli innovaatioiden diffuusiosta. Taiteen kannattaminen uutena ideana vertautuu tutkielmassa uuteen keksintöön ja sen leviämiseen. Tutkielmassa osoitetaan, että kuvataiteen saadessa 1800-luvun kuluessa uudenlaisia merkityksiä myös taiteen yleisö määrittyi uudelleen. Vuonna 1846 perustetulla Suomen Taideyhdistyksellä oli tässä ratkaiseva ja aktiivinen rooli. Taiteen kannattajakunnan ydin oli Helsingissä, jossa vaikutti yhdistyksen lähinnä korkeista virkamiehistä ja professoreista koostunut johtokunta. Taideyhdistyksen toiminnan vakiintuessa taiteen kannattamisen idea levisi ja sitä levitettiin yhä useammille paikkakunnille sekä laajempiin kansankerroksiin. Yhdistyksen jäsenkuntaan liittyi lähinnä säätyläistöä, mutta taidenäyttelytoiminta tavoitti myös alempia yhteiskuntaluokkia. Taideyhdistyksen helsinkiläisessä jäsenkunnassa virkamiehistön rooli oli suuri. Alkuvaiheessa liittyneet yhteiskunnalliselta statukseltaan korkeat henkilöt saivat hallitsijan vakuuttumaan toiminnan luotettavuudesta. Taiteen kannattajakunta muodostui kuitenkin kasvavassa määrin alemmasta virkamiehistöstä ja elinkeinojen harjoittajista. Merkittävä osuus oli myös Keisarillisen Aleksanterinyliopiston opettajilla ja siellä tutkinnon suorittaneilla. Tärkein taiteen pääkaupunkilaista kannattajakuntaa yhdistänyt sosiaalinen viitekehys olikin yliopisto. Sen antama koulutus, sivistys ja henkinen pääoma olivat taustalla suurimmalla osalla yhdistykseen Helsingissä liittyneistä. He kuuluivat pääsääntöisesti aktivoituvaan sivistyneistöön, joka syntyi sääty-yhteiskunnan vanhojen rakenteiden hämärtyessä ja yliopistotutkintojen saadessa yhä suurempaa yhteiskunnallista merkitystä.