941 resultados para World War Two


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Dr. Kenneth Johnson, Associate Professor of Arts and Humanities at Florida International University will speak on the nature of violence in the imagery of World War II propaganda material found at the Wolfsonian FIU Museum Archives. Lecture held on March 20, 2013 at the Green Library, Maidique Campus, Florida International University.

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Dr. Kenneth Johnson, Associate Professor of Arts and Humanities at Florida International University will speak on the nature of violence in the imagery of World War II propaganda material found at the Wolfsonian FIU Museum Archives. Lecture held on March 20, 2013 at the Green Library, Maidique Campus, Florida International University.

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Research macroeconomists have witnessed remarkable methodological developments in mathematical, statistical, and computational tools during the last two decades. The three essays in this dissertation took advantage of these advances to analyze important macroeconomic issues. The first essay, “ Habit Formation, Adjustments Costs, and International Business Cycle Puzzles” analyzes the extent to which incorporating habit formation and adjustment costs in investment in a one-good two-country general equilibrium model would help overcome some of the international business cycle puzzles. Unlike standard results in the literature, the model generates persistent, cyclical adjustment paths in response to shocks. It also yields positive cross-country correlations in consumption, employment, investment, and output. Cross-country correlations in output are higher than the ones in consumption. This is qualitatively consistent with the stylized facts. These results are particularly striking given the predicted negative correlations in investment, employment, and output that are typically found in the literature. The second essay, “Comparison Utility, Endogenous Time Preference, and Economic Growth,” uses World War II as a natural experiment to analyze the degree to which a model where consumers' preferences exhibit comparison-based utility and endogenous discounting is able to improve upon existing models in mimicking the transitional dynamics of an economy after a shock that destroys part of its capital stock. The model outperforms existing ones in replicating the behavior of the saving rate (both on impact and along the transient paths) after this historical event. This result brings additional support to the endogenous rate of time preference being a crucial element in growth models. The last essay, “Monetary Policy under Fear of Floating: Modeling the Dominican Economy,” presents a small scale macroeconomic model for a country (Dominican Republic) characterized by a strong presence of fear of floating (reluctance to have a flexible exchange rate regime) in the conduct of monetary policy. The dynamic responses of this economy to external shocks that are of interest for monetary policy purposes are analyzed under two alternative interest rate policy rules: One being the standard Taylor rule and another that responds explicitly to deviations of the exchange rate with respect to its long-term trend.

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Since the creation of supersonic vehicles, during the Second World War, the engineers have given special attention to the interaction between the aerodynamic efforts and the structures of the aircrafts due to a highly destructive phenomenon called flutter in aeronautical panel. Flutter in aeronautical panels is a self-excited aeroelastic phenomenon, which can occurs during supersonic flights due to dynamic instability of inertia, elastic and aerodynamic forces of the system. In the flutter condition, when the critical aerodynamic pressure is reached, the vibration amplitudes of the panel become dynamically unstable and increase exponentially with time, affecting significantly the fatigue life of the existing aeronautical components. Thus, in this paper, the interest is to investigate the possibility of reducing the effects of the supersonic aeroelastic instability of rectangular plates by applying passive constrained viscoelastic layers. The rationale for such study is the fact that as the addition of viscoelastic materials provides decreased vibration amplitudes it becomes important to quantify the suppression of plate flutter coalescence modes that can be obtained. Moreover, despite the fact that much research on the suppression of panel flutter has been carried out by using passive, semi-active and active control techniques, very few of them are adapted to deal with the problem of estimating the flutter speeds of viscoelastic systems, since they must conveniently account for the frequency- and temperature-dependent behavior of the viscoelastic material. In this context, two different model of viscoelastic material are developed and applied to the model of sandwich plate by using finite elements. After the presentation of the theoretical foundations of the methodology, the description of a numerical study on the flutter analysis of a three-layer sandwich plate is addressed.

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This dissertation seeks to advance our understanding of the roles that institutions play in economic development. How do institutions evolve? What mechanisms are responsible for their persistence? What effects do they have on economic development?

I address these questions using historical and contemporary data from Eastern Europe and Russia. This area is relatively understudied by development economists. It also has a very interesting history. For one thing, for several centuries it was divided between different empires. For another, it experienced wars and socialism in the 20th century. I use some of these exogenous shocks as quasi-natural social experiments to study the institutional transformations and its effects on economic development both in the short and long run.

This first chapter explores whether economic, social, and political institutions vary in their resistance to policies designed to remove them. The empirical context for the analysis is Romania from 1690 to the 2000s. Romania represents an excellent laboratory for studying the persistence of different types of historical institutional legacies. In the 18th and 19th centuries, Romania was split between the Habsburg and Ottoman Empires, where political and economic institutions differed. The Habsburgs imposed less extractive institutions relative to the Ottomans: stronger rule of law, a more stable and predictable state, a more developed civil society, and less corruption. In the 20th century, the Romanian Communist regime tried deliberately to homogenize the country along all relevant dimensions. It was only partially successful. Using a regression discontinuity design, I document the persistence of economic outcomes, social capital, and political attitudes. First, I document remarkable convergence in urbanization, education, unemployment, and income between the two former empires. Second, regarding social capital, no significant differences in organizational membership, trust in bureaucracy, and corruption persist today. Finally, even though the Communists tried to change all political attitudes, significant discontinuities exist in current voting behavior at the former Habsburg-Ottoman border. Using data from the parliamentary elections of 1996-2008, I find that former Habsburg rule decreases by around 6 percentage points the vote share of the major post-Communist left party and increases by around 2 and 5 percentage points the vote shares of the main anti-Communist and liberal parties, respectively.

The second chapter investigates the effects of Stalin’s mass deportations on distrust in central authority. Four deported ethnic groups were not rehabilitated after Stalin’s death; they remained in permanent exile until the disintegration of the Soviet Union. This allows one to distinguish between the effects of the groups that returned to their homelands and those of the groups that were not allowed to return. Using regional data from the 1991 referendum on the future of the Soviet Union, I find that deportations have a negative interim effect on trust in central authority in both the regions of destination and those of origin. The effect is stronger for ethnic groups that remained in permanent exile in the destination regions. Using data from the Life in Transition Survey, the chapter also documents a long-term effect of deportations in the destination regions.

The third chapter studies the short-term effect of Russian colonization of Central Asia on economic development. I use data on the regions of origin of Russian settlers and push factors to construct an instrument for Russian migration to Central Asia. This instrument allows me to interpret the outcomes causally. The main finding is that the massive influx of Russians into the region during the 1897-1926 period had a significant positive effect on indigenous literacy. The effect is stronger for men and in rural areas. Evidently, interactions between natives and Russians through the paid labor market was an important mechanism of human capital transmission in the context of colonization.

The findings of these chapters provide additional evidence that history and institutions do matter for economic development. Moreover, the dissertation also illuminates the relative persistence of institutions. In particular, political and social capital legacies of institutions might outlast economic legacies. I find that most economic differences between the former empires in Romania have disappeared. By the same token, there are significant discontinuities in political outcomes. People in former Habsburg Romania provide greater support for liberalization, privatization, and market economy, whereas voters in Ottoman Romania vote more for redistribution and government control over the economy.

In the former Soviet Union, Stalin’s deportations during World War II have a long-term negative effect on social capital. Today’s residents of the destination regions of deportations show significantly lower levels of trust in central authority. This is despite the fact that the Communist regime tried to eliminate any source of opposition and used propaganda to homogenize people’s political and social attitudes towards the authorities. In Central Asia, the influx of Russian settlers had a positive short-term effect on human capital of indigenous population by the 1920s, which also might have persisted over time.

From a development perspective, these findings stress the importance of institutions for future paths of development. Even if past institutional differences are not apparent for a certain period of time, as was the case with the former Communist countries, they can polarize society later on, hampering economic development in the long run. Different institutions in the past, which do not exist anymore, can thus contribute to current political instability and animosity.

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At first glance the Aliens Restriction Act of 1914, which was introduced and passed on the first day of World War One, seems a hasty and ill-prepared piece of legislation. Actually, when examined in the light of Arthur Marwick's thesis that war is a forcing house for pre-existent social and governmental ideas, it becomes clear that the act was not after all the product of hastily formed notions. In point of fact it followed the precedent of detailed draft clauses produced in 1911 by a sub-committee of the Committee of Imperial Defence established to consider the treatment of aliens in the event of war. Indeed the draft clauses and the restrictions embodied in the 1914 act were strikingly similar to restrictions on aliens legislated in 1793. Hostility to aliens had been growing from 1905 to 1914 and this hostility blossomed into xeno-phobia on the outbreak of war, a crucial precondition for the specifically anti-enemy fears of the time. In 1919 the Aliens Restriction (Amendment) Bill was introduced into parliament to extend temporarily the provisions of the 1914 act thus permitting the Home Secretary to plan permanent, detailed legislation. Two minority groups of MPs with extreme views on the treatment of aliens were prominent in the debates on this bill. The extreme Liberal group which advocated leniency in the treatment of aliens had little effect on the final form of the bill, but the extreme Conservative group, which demanded severe restrictions on aliens, succeeded in persuading the government to include detailed restrictions. Despite its allegedly temporary nature, the Aliens Restriction (Amendment) Act of 1919 was renewed annually until 1971.

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Background: Depression is the largest contributing factor to years lost to disability, and symptom remission does not always result in functional improvement. Comprehensive analysis of functioning requires investigation both of the competence to perform behaviours, as well as actual performance in the real world. Further, two independent domains of functioning have been proposed: adaptive (behaviours conducive to daily living skills and independent functioning) and interpersonal (behaviours conducive to the successful initiation and maintenance of social relationships). To date, very little is known about the relationship between these constructs in depression, and the factors that may play a key role in the disparity between competence and real-world performance in adaptive and interpersonal functioning. Purpose: This study used a multidimensional (adaptive and interpersonal functioning), multi-level (competence and performance) approach to explore the potential discrepancy between competence and real-world performance in depression, specifically investigating whether self-efficacy (one’s beliefs of their capability to perform particular actions) predicts depressed individuals’ underperformance in the real world relative to their ability. A comparison sample of healthy participants was included to investigate the level of depressed individuals’ impairment, across variables, relative to healthy individuals. Method: Forty-two participants with depression and twenty healthy participants without history of, or current, psychiatric illness were recruited in the Kingston, Ontario community. Competence, self-efficacy, and real-world functioning all in both adaptive and interpersonal domains, and symptoms were assessed during a single-visit assessment. Results: Relative to healthy individuals, depressed individuals showed significantly poorer adaptive and interpersonal competence, adaptive and interpersonal functioning, and significantly lower self-efficacy for adaptive and interpersonal behaviours. Self-efficacy significantly predicted functional disability both in the domain of adaptive and interpersonal functioning. Interpersonal self-efficacy accounted for significant variance in the discrepancy between interpersonal competence and functioning. Conclusions: The current study provides the first data regarding relationships among competence, functioning, and self-efficacy in depression. Self-efficacy may play an important role in the deployment of functional skills in everyday life. This has implications for therapeutic interventions aimed at enhancing depressed individuals’ engagement in functional activities. There may be additional intrinsic or extrinsic factors that influence the relationships among competence and functioning in depression.

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As England suffered heavy casualties at the front during World War One, the nation closed ranks against outsiders at home. England sought to reaffirm its racial dominance at the heart of the empire, and the Chinese in London became the principal scapegoat for anti-foreign sentiment. A combination of propaganda and popular culture, from the daily paper to the latest theatre sensation, fanned the flames of national resentment into a raging Sinophobia. Opium smoking, gambling and interracial romance became synonymous with London's Limehouse Chinatown, which was exoticised by Sax Rohmer's evil mastermind Fu Manchu and Thomas Burke's tales of lowlife love. England's Yellow Peril exploded in the midst of a catastrophic war and defined the representation of Chinese abroad in the decades to come.

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According to Tilly, two laws shaped the process of transformation undergone by Western European societies since the Peace of Westphalia until the end of the 20th century: their increasing inner homogenisation and their growing heterogeneity between them. Cultural inner homogenisation affected, fi rst, those ethnic groups living within the territories of the said states. The second phase of homogenisation impinged on those groups that immigrated after World War II. This process followed different models according to the country considered, but the 1973 oil crisis revealed their general lack of success. During the last quarter of the 20th century and onwards, these European societies have been altered by two progressive and contradictory global logics: a process of cultural homogenisation at the world level (rather than society level) and a process of cultural re-creation led by those groups with an immigrant background, who have reacted against their integration shortcomings by searching for new sources of social and personal esteem in their respective cultural and religious traditions. This paper seeks to clarify these processes from a social differentiation and political representation theory perspective. The latter becomes indispensable, as the said processes have happened in a context in which the structure of relations (i.e. communication) between civil society and the democratic political sphere have experienced a radical crisis. In this way, the complex relations that exist between civil society, culture, religion and politics in these Western European societies are depicted.

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El objetivo del artículo es analizar algunos aspectos de los orígenes de la “política cultural” estadounidense en Argentina. La atención se concentrará en el pasaje desde las declaraciones del presidente Hoover, que contribuyeron a favorecer un clima útil y propicio a la intensificación de los intercambios, a los primeros pasos concretos realizados en el periodo de la presidencia de Roosevelt. Se tratará, en particular, de individualizar las características de la cooperación establecida entre organismos estadounidenses y argentinos para favorecer la proyección cultural estadounidense en el país y el intercambio cultural entre Estados Unidos y Argentina, donde se iba intensificando la difusión de un sentimiento anti-imperialista, y que era entonces objetivo de formas de propaganda particularmente agresivas por parte de los regímenes totalitarios.

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The horrors and suffering of World War II directly affected Simone de Beauvoir. Exposed to destruction and pervasive death, and haunted by the separation from her beloved, she is bound to conclude that an individual—especially an intellectual—is powerless when confronted with extreme violence. In this context, the writer becomes increasingly aware that action must be taken to defend both the common good and those whose lives are under threat. The restrained existentialist—an independent woman focused on her personal development and happiness—thus undergoes a kind of evolution, and becomes an author sincerely concerned with other people and their basic needs— especially with those suffering harm or afflicted by violence. The drama of war enables Beauvoir to adopt a broader view of the misery of human existence and to deal with subjects hitherto unbeknownst to her.

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Many critics of Doctorow have classified him as a postmodernist writer, acknowledging that a wide number of thematic and stylistic features of his early fiction emanate from the postmodern context in which he took his first steps as a writer. Yet, these novels have an eminently social and ethical scope that may be best perceived in their intellectual engagement and support of feminist concerns. This is certainly the case of Doctorow’s fourth and most successful novel, Ragtime. The purpose of this paper will be two-fold. I will explore Ragtime’s indebtedness to postmodern aesthetics and themes, but also its feminist elements. Thus, on the one hand, I will focus on issues of uncertainty, indeterminacy of meaning, plurality and decentering of subjectivity; on the other hand, I will examine the novel’s attitude towards gender oppression, violence and objectification, its denunciation of hegemonic gender configurations and its voicing of certain feminist demands. This analysis will lead to an examination of the problematic collusion of the mostly white, male, patriarchal aesthetics of postmodernism and feminist politics in the novel. I will attempt to establish how these two traditionally conflicting modes coexist and interact in Ragtime.

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The First World War was won not just on the battlefields but on the Home Front, by the men, women and children left behind. This book explores the lives of the people of Pershore and the surrounding district in wartime, drawing on their memories, letters, postcards, photographs, leaflets and recipes to demonstrate how their hard work in cultivating and preserving fruit and vegetables helped to win the Great War. Pershore plums were used to make jam for the troops; but ensuring these and other fruits and vegetables were grown and harvested required the labour of land girls, Boy Scouts, schoolchildren, Irish labourers and Belgian refugees. When submarine warfare intensified, food shortages occurred and it became vital for Britain to grow more and eat less food. Housewives faced many challenges in feeding their families and so in 1916 the Pershore Women’s Institute was formed, providing many women with practical help and companionship during some of Britain’s darkest hours in history.

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Despite narratives of secularization, it appears that the British public persistently pay attention to clerical opinion and continually resort to popular expressions of religious faith, not least in time of war. From the throngs of men who gathered to hear the Bishop of London preach recruiting sermons during the First World War, to the attention paid to Archbishop Williams' words of conscience on Iraq, clerical rhetoric remains resonant. For the countless numbers who attended National Days of Prayer during the Second World War, and for the many who continue to find the Remembrance Day service a meaningful ritual, civil religious events provide a source of meaningful ceremony and a focus of national unity. War and religion have been linked throughout the twentieth century and this book explores these links: taking the perspective of the 'home front' rather than the battlefield. Exploring the views and accounts of Anglican clerics on the issue of warfare and international conflict across the century, the authors explore the church's stance on the causes, morality and conduct of warfare; issues of pacifism, obliteration bombing, nuclear possession and deterrence, retribution, forgiveness and reconciliation, and the spiritual opportunities presented by conflict. This book offers invaluable insights into how far the Church influenced public appraisal of war whilst illuminating the changing role of the Church across the twentieth century.

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A Grande Guerra foi o acontecimento ápice de tensões acumuladas entre as potências da Europa ainda no começo da segunda década do século XX. O conflito deflagrado no verão de 1914 expandiu-se e envolveu nações de outros continentes, tornando-o mundial, com repercussões que extrapolaram os mais de quatro anos de batalhas oficiais – atualmente pode-se concluir que a Segunda Guerra Mundial nada mais foi do que a segunda parte de um conflito que não acabou de forma a contentar todos os países beligerantes. Entretanto, a Grande Guerra também demarcou o final de uma era conhecida como belle époque, um tempo que simbolicamente representava o apogeu cultural, econômico e social na Europa, inspirador do modelo civilizador em nações no novo mundo, inclusive no Brasil. Na Amazônia, sobretudo na capital do Estado do Pará, Belém, vivia-se ainda sob o imaginário da era da abundância provocada pela exportação da borracha nativa, cujo inicio ocorreu no final do século XIX e na primeira década do século passado. Nesse cenário, desenvolveu-se um jornalismo forte e muito sintonizado com as questões nacionais, regionais e de além-mar. Formado por intelectuais, políticos e escritores, o jornalismo paraense cobriu de forma sistemática os acontecimentos em torno da Grande Guerra, desde a morte do herdeiro do trono do Império Austro-húngaro, Francisco Ferdinando, até a paz ser selada. Com base neste panorâma, o objetivo desta investigação centra-se no esforço para compreender a natureza da cobertura jornalística dos jornais paraenses acerca da Primeira Guerra Mundial, tendo como objeto de análise três jornais diários que circulavam à época: Estado do Pará, Folha do Norte e A Tarde. Os dois primeiros eram jornais generalistas e de longo período de circulação. O terceiro foi um jornal vespertino, publicado entre setembro de 1915 e setembro de 1916, portanto, de caráter ocasional. Para alcançar esse objetivo, a metodologia usada compreende as análises quantitativa e qualitativa de conteúdo, conforme descrito por Sousa (2006). A primeira parte das análises centra-se em avaliar os dados relativos ao número de peças, de espaços dedicados ao tema da guerra, entre outros aspectos quantificáveis. Na segunda parte usou-se a análise qualitativa com base no estudo do diálogo establecido entre os aspectos da historiografia e os achados jornalísticos nos três jornais.