983 resultados para Civic


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La tesi riguarda la concessione di spazi di proprietà pubblica a privati, intesi come singole persone o enti, quali ad esempio i collegi, da parte delle autorità cittadine. Le fonti a disposizione per indagare tale pratica burocratica sono quasi totalmente di natura epigrafica, per lo più attestanti l’espressione locus datus decreto decurionum, variamente abbreviata, o formule similari. Questo aspetto della vita civica è stata cursoriamente oggetto di studio in diversi contributi, ma si tratta di articoli che circoscrivono il tema, analizzandolo in relazione a ristrette aree geografiche, oppure considerandone determinati aspetti (ad esempio l’ambito sacro o quello funerario). Si è perciò ritenuto utile proseguire questa linea di ricerca affrontando uno studio di più ampio raggio, che comprenda la documentazione epigrafica dell’intero territorio italico (costituito dalle undici regioni augustee ad esclusione di Roma), per tutte le tipologie testuali (iscrizioni sacre, funerarie, onorarie, su opera pubblica, exempla decreti), allo scopo di formulare osservazioni più precise e puntuali sulla procedura burocratica in esame, pur con tutti i limiti noti a chi affronti questo genere di indagine. Tra le conclusioni raggiunte, è emerso come durante il I-II sec. d.C. vi fosse la tendenza a concedere, sporadicamente, dei loca sepulturae extraurbani a membri delle famiglie delle élites cittadine, anche donne e fanciulli, mentre il foro e le altre aree pubbliche interne alla città erano soprattutto utilizzate direttamente dai decurioni per l’elevazione di dediche e statue. Nel corso del II sec. d.C., con massima diffusione nell’età antonina e poi in quella severiana, prese invece piede l’uso privato a scopo onorario degli spazi pubblici siti all’interno delle città, ovvero in aree prima pressoché precluse all’intervento di singoli cittadini: familiari e liberti, collegi e altri organismi commissionavano statue dedicate prevalentemente agli amministratori locali, magistrati cittadini spesso divenuti anche cavalieri.

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La tesi tematizza come proprio oggetto di indagine i percorsi di partecipazione politica e civica dei giovani nei contesti di transizione alla vita adulta, concentrandosi sull’influenza delle relazioni tra generazioni su tali espressioni di coinvolgimento. L’approfondimento empirico consiste in una ricerca qualitativa condotta presso il quartiere Navile di Bologna nel 2012. Basandosi sull’approccio metodologico della grounded theory, essa ha coinvolto un campione di giovani e un campione di adulti per loro significativi attraverso interviste semistrutturate. Dall’analisi emerge una rilevante disaffezione giovanile nei confronti della politica che, tuttavia, non traduce in un rifiuto del coinvolgimento, ma in una “partecipazione con riserva” espressa attraverso atteggiamenti tutt’altro che passivi nei confronti della politica formale - basati sulla logica della riforma, della resistenza o della ribellione - e mediante un forte investimento in attività partecipative non convenzionali (associazionismo e coinvolgimento). A fare da sfondo all’interesse partecipativo dei giovani si colloca una lettura negativa della propria condizione presente ed un conseguente conflitto intergenerazionale piuttosto manifesto, che si riflette sulle stesse modalità di attivazione. La politica, nelle sue espressioni più strettamente formali, viene interpretata come un ‘territorio adulto’, gestito secondo logiche che lasciano poco spazio ai giovani i quali, per tale ragione, scelgono di attivarsi secondo modalità alternative in cui il confronto con l’altro, quando presente, avviene prevalentemente tra pari o su basi avvertite come più paritarie. Il distanziamento dei giovani dalla politica formale riflette quindi una parallela presa di distanza dagli adulti, i quali risultano smarriti nello svolgimento delle loro funzioni di modello e di riconoscimento. La loro ambivalenza rispetto ai giovani - ossia il continuo oscillare tra il profondo pessimismo e il cieco ottimismo, tra la guida direttiva e la deresponsabilizzazione - si traduce in un riconoscimento parziale delle reali potenzialità ed esigenze dei giovani come cittadini ed adulti emergenti.

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The latter part of the 20th century was a period characterized by a fundamental demographic transition of western society. This substantial and structural demographic change proposes several challenges to contemporary society and fosters the emergence of new issues and challenges. Among these, none is more crucial than the comprehension of the mechanisms and the processes that lead people to positive aging. Rowe and Kahn’s model of successful aging highlights the interplay between social engagement with life, health, and functioning for a positive aging experience. Other systemic models of successful aging (Kahana et al., 1996; 2003; Stevernik et al., 2006) emphasize the role of internal and external resources for attaining positive aging. Among these, the proactive coping strategies are indicated as important active strategies for avoiding the depletion of resources, counterbalancing the declines and maintaining social and civic involvement. The study has analyzed the role of proactive coping strategies for two facets of positive aging, the experience of a high social well-being and the presence of personal projects in fundamental life domains. As expected, the proactive coping strategies, referred to as the active management of the environment, the accumulation of resources and the actualization of human potentials are confirmed as positive predictors of high level of social well-being and of many personal projects focused on family, culture, leisure time, civic and social participation. Perceived health status give a significant contribution only to the possession of many personal projects. Gender and level of school education give also a significant contribution to these two dimensions of positive aging, highlighting how positive aging is rooted not only in the possession of personal resources, but also in historical models of education and in positive longitudinal chains related to early development.

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Nella tesi si osserva come nella cultura russa cambiava l’immagine di Roma. Se ancora alla fine del settecento l’antichità romana poteva risultare solamente uno strumento retorico-filologico da utilizzare per fare il proprio discorso più convincente, la generazione dei decabristi la stessa antica romanità la accostava alla cultura e storia russe tramite gli elevati ideali civici. La romanità ora risultava uno strumento di analisi della esperienza storica e politica della Russia anche nel contesto europeo. Da qui nasceva una serie di modelli russi legati all’antica Roma: il Catone di Radiscev, il Bruto dei decabristi, ecc. Vi attingeva generosamente anche una corrente di lirica russo-antica con i suoi ricchi riferimenti agli autori classici, Ovidio, Tacito, Orazio. Nasceva così una specie di Roma antica russa che viveva secondo le sue regole etiche ed estetiche. Con il fallimento dell’esperienza decabrista cambia anche l’approccio alle antichità: ci si distacca dalla visione storico-morale dell’antico, Roma non è più una categoria da emulare, ma una storia a sé stante e chiusa in sé stessa come ogni periodo storico. Essa smette di essere un criterio universale di giudizio etico e morale. Allo stesso tempo, una parte integrante della cultura russa all’epoca era il viaggio a Roma. I russi cresciuti con interesse e amore verso la Roma antica, impazienti ed emozionati, desideravano ora di vedere quella patria dei classici. Era come se fosse un appuntamento fra gli amici di vecchia data. Si affrettava a verificare di persona le muse di storia e di poesia. E con tutto questo si imparavano ad amare tutti i defetti della Roma reale, spesso inospitale, la Roma del dolore e della fatica. La voce importante nel racconto romano dei russi era anche la Roma del cristianesimo, dove ritrovare e ricoprire la propria “anima cristiana”.

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Oggetto del presente studio è il progetto di ricostruzione del centro urbano di Le Havre ad opera di Auguste Perret. Suo obiettivo è il riconoscimento di quell’idea di città posta a fondamento del progetto, per il quale ci si propone di indagare il senso e le grammatiche costitutive della sua forma. Quella di Le Havre costituisce una dimostrazione di come una forma urbana ancora compatta ed evocativa della città storica possa definirsi a partire dalle relazioni stabilite con gli elementi della geografia fisica. Nei suoi luoghi collettivi e monumentali, che rimandano chiaramente a una cultura dell’abitare che affonda le proprie radici nella più generale esperienza della costruzione della città francese, la città riconosce un valore formale e sceglie di rappresentare il proprio mondo civico dinanzi a quei grandi elementi della geografia fisica che costituiscono l’identità del luogo nel quale questa si colloca. Sembra infatti possibile affermare che gli spazi pubblici della città atlantica riconoscano e traducano nella forma della Place de l’Hôtel de Ville le ripide pendici della falesia del Bec-de-Caux, in quella della Porte Océane l’orizzonte lontano dell’Oceano, e nel Front-de-mer Sud l’altra riva dell’estuario della Senna. Questa relazione fondativa sembra essere conseguita anche attraverso la definizione di un’appropriata grammatica dello spazio urbano, la cui significatività è nel fondarsi sull’assunzione, allo stesso tempo, del valore dello spazio circoscritto e del valore dello spazio aperto. La riflessione sullo spazio urbano investe anche la costruzione dell’isolato, sottoposto a una necessaria rifondazione di forma e significato, allo scopo di rendere intellegibile le relazioni tra gli spazi finiti della città e quelli infiniti della natura. La definizione dell’identità dello spazio urbano, sembra fondarsi, in ultima analisi, sulle possibilità espressive delle forme della costruzione che, connotate come forme dell’architettura, definiscono il carattere dei tipi edilizi e dello spazio da questi costruito.

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Die Arbeit untersucht anhand empirischer Daten aus dem Jahr 2012 (ESS 6) das normative Demokratieverständnis von Jugendlichen im Alter zwischen 15 und 26 Jahren. Im Unterschied zu vorangegangenen Studien wird das normative Demokratieverständnis der Jugendlichen zum einen detaillierter untersucht, zum anderen dem der Erwachsenen gegenüber gestellt und drittens werden dessen Determinanten umfassender betrachtet. rnDen theoretischen Rahmen der Untersuchung bilden das klassische Konzept der politischen Kultur und die politische Sozialisationstheorie. rnEs zeigt sich, dass Jugendliche über ein verhältnismäßig gut ausgeprägtes normatives Demokratieverständnis verfügen, dieses jedoch niedriger ausgeprägt ist als das der Erwachsenen, wobei letzterer Befund für ältere Jugendliche nur noch punktuell gilt. Zudem weisen die Ergebnisse darauf hin, dass bei den Jugendlichen weitestgehend die gleichen Aspekte des normativen Demokratieverständnisses im gruppeninternen Vergleich über- bzw. unterdurchschnittlich ausgeprägt sind wie bei den Erwachsenen. Unterschiede zwischen Jugendlichen und Erwachsenen zeigen sich insbesondere für die elektorale Dimension der Demokratie und weniger für die liberale Dimension. Als wichtige Determinanten des Demokratieverständnisses von Jugendlichen werden sowohl der individuelle Bildungsgrad und das individuelle politische Interesse als auch der Bildungshintergrund der Eltern identifiziert.rnAus den Ergebnissen werden am Ende der Arbeit Implikationen mit Bezügen zu Inhalten, Adressaten und Akteuren politischer Bildungsarbeit diskustiert. rn

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Library and IT staff volunteer their time outside of work to many charitable organizations.

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This article explores the “unpopular” archived life of Charles P. Daly, thirty-five-year president (1864–1899) of the New York–based American Geographical Society. This one-time highly prominent judge and civic leader popularized geography among professionals and the public alike. Daly’s popular geography, along with his subsequent containment within the archives, suggests explanations for his dismissal among geographical audiences of today. It is a useful and necessary exercise to trace the neglect of Daly within histories of geography and recapture him for today’s audiences, not only because of his influence on post–Civil War American geography but also because his story can shed light on how “disciplinary remembering” functions in geography.

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In this article, we refine a politics of thinking from the margins by exploring a pedagogical model that advances transformative notions of service learning as social justice teaching. Drawing on a recent course we taught involving both incarcerated women and traditional college students, we contend that when communication among differentiated and stratified parties occurs, one possible result is not just a view of the other but also a transformation of the self and other. More specifically, we suggest that an engaged feminist praxis of teaching incarcerated women together with college students helps illuminate the porous nature of fixed markers that purport to reveal our identities (e.g., race and gender), to emplace our bodies (e.g., within institutions, prison gates, and walls), and to specify our locations (e.g., cultural, geographic, socialeconomic). One crucial theoretical insight our work makes clear is that the model of social justice teaching to which we aspired necessitates re-conceptualizing ourselves as students and professors whose subjectivities are necessarily relational and emergent.

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The paper deals with the problem of (the often supposedly impossible) conversion to “Hinduism”. I start with an outline of what I call the ‘no conversion possible’ paradigm, and briefl y point to the lack of refl ection on acceptance of converts in most theories of religious conversion. Then, two examples are presented: Firstly, I consider conversion to ISKCON and the discourse on the Hare Krishna movement’s Hinduness. Secondly, I give a brief outline of the globalsanatana dharmamovement as inaugurated by Satguru Siva Subramuniyaswami, a converted American Hindu based in Hawai’i. In the conclusion, I refl ect on (civic) social capital and engagement in global networks as a means to gain acceptance as converts to Hinduism. I argue in line with Stepick, Rey and Mahler (2009) that the religious movements’ civic engagement (in these cases engagement in favour of the Indian diasporic communities and of Hindus in India) provides a means for the individual, non-Indian converts to acquire the social capital that is necessary for gaining acceptance as ‘Hindus’ in certain contexts.

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During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the excise taxes (Ungeld) paid by town residents on the consumption of beer, wine, mead and brandy represented the single most important source of civic revenue for many German cities. In a crisis, these taxes could spike to 70-80% of civic income. This paper examines civic budgets and 'behind-the-scenes' deliberations in a sample of towns in southern Germany in order to illuminate how decisions affecting consumer taxes were made. Even during the sobriety movements of the Reformation and post-Reformation period, tax income from drinkers remained attractive to city leaders because the bulk of the excise tax burden could easily be shifted away from privileged members of society and placed on the population at large. At the same time, governments had to maintain a careful balance between what they needed in order to govern and what the consumer market could bear, for high taxes on drinks were also targeted in many popular revolts. This led to nimble politicking by those responsible for tax decisions. Drink taxes were introduced, raised, lowered and otherwise manipulated based not only on shifting fashions and tastes but also on the degree of economic stress faced by the community. Where civic rulers were successful in striking the right balance, the rewards were considerable. The income from drink sales was a major factor in how the cities of the Empire survived the wars and other crises of the early modern period without going into so much debt that they lost their independence.

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During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the excise taxes (Ungeld) paid by town residents on the consumption of beer, wine, mead and brandy represented the single most important source of civic revenue for many German cities. In a crisis, these taxes could spike to 70–80% of civic income. This paper examines civic budgets and ‘behind-the-scenes’ deliberations in a sample of towns in southern Germany in order to illuminate how decisions affecting consumer taxes were made. Even during the sobriety movements of the Reformation and post-Reformation period, tax income from drinkers remained attractive to city leaders because the bulk of the excise tax burden could easily be shifted away from privileged members of society and placed on the population at large. At the same time, governments had to maintain a careful balance between what they needed in order to govern and what the consumer market could bear, for high taxes on drinks were also targeted in many popular revolts. This led to nimble politicking by those responsible for tax decisions. Drink taxes were introduced, raised, lowered and otherwise manipulated based not only on shifting fashions and tastes but also on the degree of economic stress faced by the community. Where civic rulers were successful in striking the right balance, the rewards were considerable. The income from drink sales was a major factor in how the cities of the Empire survived the wars and other crises of the early modern period without going into so much debt that they lost their independence.

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Until recently the role of the public drinking house has been approached from elitist, folkloric and anecdotal perspectives. The work of a new generation of social historians, however, has raised the tavern’s profile in the academic consciousness and confirmed its position within the mainstream of social and cultural history. It is now recognized that an understanding of the centrality of public drinking to the development of both elite and popular culture is vital to studies of social behaviour. The study of taverns has also been at the forefront of emerging interest in the history of consumption and material culture, and has contributed to a richer understanding of economic history. Constructions of gender and identity are also visible through research into the patterns of behaviour and discourse in and around the public house. This four-volume reset edition presents a wide-ranging collection of primary sources which uncover the language and behaviour of local and state authorities, of peasants and town-dwellers, and of drinking companions and irate wives. The documents are translated and set in their social and historical context, providing a multidisciplinary collection that will be of great importance to scholars of all areas of social and cultural history of the early modern period. The vast majority of this material is published here for the first time, ensuring that the collection will open up new avenues of research. Volume 1 draws heavily from the Parisian police archives and includes inspectors’ reports, complaints by the general public and details of court cases to build a picture of drinking in early modern France. Volumes 2 and 3 address public drinking in the Holy Roman Empire through a variety of chronicles, civic ordinances, court records, travel reports and surveys of public houses. Volume 4 locates taverns within a broader analysis of America’s public houses, drawing on visual material as well as journal entries, business reports and newspaper articles. Each volume is accompanied by editorial introductions and is annotated to provide readers with a high-quality resource of scholarly material.

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The main goal of this project was to identity whether an imported system of social policy can be suitable for a host country, and if not why not. Romanian social policy concerning the mentally disabled represents a paradoxical situation in that while social policy is designed to ensure both an institutional structure and a juridical environment, in practice it is far from successful. The central question which Ms. Ciumageanu asked therefore was whether this failure was due to systemic factors, or whether the problem lay in reworking an imported social policy system to meet local needs. She took a comparative approach, also considering both the Scandinavian model of social policy, particularly the Danish model which has been adopted in Romania, and the Hungarian system, which has inherited a similar universal welfare system and perpetuated it to some extent. In order to verify her hypothesis, she also studied the transformation of the welfare system in Great Britain, which meant a shift from state responsibility towards community care. In all these she concentrated on two major aspects: the structural design within the different countries and, at a micro level, the societal response. Following her analyses of the various in the other countries concerned, Ms. Ciumageanu concluded that the major differences lie first in the difference between the stages of policy design. Here Denmark is the most advanced and Romania the most backwards. Denmark has a fairly elaborate infrastructure, Britain a system with may gaps to bridge, and Hungary and Romania are struggling with severe difficulties owing both to the inherited structure and the limits imposed by an inadequate GDP. While in Denmark and Britain, mental patients are integrated into an elaborate system of care, designed and administered by the state (in Denmark) or communities (in Britain), in Hungary and Romania, the state designs and fails to implement the policy and community support is minimal, partly due to the lack of a fully developed civil society. At the micro level the differences are similar. While in Denmark and Britain there is a consensus about the roles of the state and of civil societies (although at different levels in the two countries, with the state being more supportive in Denmark), in Romania and to a considerable extent in Hungary, civil society tends to expect too much from the state, which in its turn is withdrawing faster from its social roles than from its economic ones, generating a gap between the welfare state and the market economy and disadvantaging the expected transition from a welfare state to a welfare society and, implicitly, the societal response towards those mentally disabled persons in it. On an intermediate level, the factors influencing social policy as a whole were much the same for Hungary and Romania. Economic factors include the accumulated economic resources of both state and citizens, and the inherited pattern of redistribution, as well as the infrastructure; institutional resources include the role of the state and the efficiency of the state bureaucracy, the strength and efficiency of the state apparatus, political stability and the complexity of political democratisation, the introduction of market institutions, the strength of civil society and civic sector institutions. From the standpoint of the societal response, some factors were common to all countries, particularly the historical context, the collective and institutional memories and established patterns of behaviour. In the specific case of Romania, general structural and environmental factors - industrialisation and forced urbanisation - have had a definite influence on family structure, values and behavioural patterns. The analysis of Romanian social policy revealed several causes for failure to date. The first was the instability of the policy and the failure to consider the structural network involved in developing it, rather than just the results obtained. The second was the failure to take into account the relationship between the individual and the group in all its aspects, followed by the lack of active assistance for prevention, re-socialisation or professional integration of persons with mental disabilities. Finally, the state fails to recognise its inability to support an expensive psychiatric enterprise and does not provide any incentive to the private sector. This creates tremendous social costs for both the state and the individual. NGOs working in the field in Romania have been somewhat more successful but are still limited by their lack of funding and personnel and the idea of a combined system is as yet utopian in the circumstances in the country.

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This project aimed to establish a comprehensive long-term projection of refugee migration trends in Serbia which would allow the different organisations engaged in caring for refugees to plan their work more effectively. Mr. Cvetkovic studied first the official records of numbers and origins of refugees and the various definitions used to describe refugees, exiled persons, etc., considering also the indication of nationality, i.e. Serb or Yugoslav, and the future intentions expressed by refugees. He concluded that more than three quarters of the total number of refugees in Serbia wish to remain in Serbia/Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, and only 20% wish to repatriate. He concludes that the situation in relation to the ethnic-national structure of Serbia is extremely complicated, even to the point of chaos. One certainty is that sooner or later a huge majority of the refugees in Serbia today will be granted full citizenship and will then participate in the choice of the political system and the dominant national values and institutions of the country. The experiences of the refugees, as well as of their fellow nationals in Serbia, make it relatively unlikely that they will make rational choices that could produce a balance between civil democracy and national totalitarianism. Insofar as overall political relations within Serbia and its Federation with Montenegro develop along democratic lines, the civic identity of Serbs (as opposed to their national/ethnic status) can be expected to become stronger, and the civil and national to become an integral part of thinking which does not represent a challenge to the democratic state. This would help ensure that the migratory movements of the Serbs and of other national and ethnic groups in the region are motivated by economic rather than political or ethnic reasons.