Subjectivació i interferència en l'evolució semàntica i en l'inici de la gramaticalització de "jaquir" (segles XI-XII)

Estudiem en aquest article els primers passos en l'evolució semàntica i en la gramaticalització del verb "jaquir". Aquest germanisme pertany a un estrat lèxic del català que va començar a fer-se menys usual a la darreria del segle XV, desplaçat per altres sinònims, en aquest cas lleixar-deixar. La recerca es fonamenta en un corpus de documentació en llatí i en català dels segles XI i XII. L'objectiu és descriure la gènesi dels significats que ja apareixen ben establits durant el període literari. Seguim un enfocament metodològic d'orientació cognitivista (estudi de la subjectivació i de la inferència com a mecanismes del canvi semàntic).

Promoción de salud para la generación de entornos saludables en un barrio vulnerable: el caso de Las Remudas, Gran Canaria

Las desigualdades sociales en salud se reflejan también en la segregación espacial de barrios que concentran desventajas estructurales generando entornos poco saludables. Este estudio describe las acciones y estrategias desarrolladas, dentro de un proceso de intervención socio-comunitaria en salud, para mejorar el entorno de un barrio desfavorecido y la percepción vecinal de las transformaciones vividas. Metodología: Se construye un estudio de caso a partir de entrevistas semiestructuradas a informantes clave. Resultado: los informantes reconocen la transformación del entorno en aspectos urbanísticos, ambientales y sociales y la importancia de su participación en ello. La apertura de nuevos comercios o la disminución de la criminalidad son indicadores objetivos de esta mejora. Conclusión: Las intervenciones de promoción de salud para mejorar el entorno deben considerar su multidimensionalidad y, por tanto, su abordaje multisectorial a través de metodologías participativas que involucren a los diversos actores sociales.

Open cluster Dolidze 25: Stellar parameters and the metallicity in the Galactic anticentre

Context. The young open cluster Dolidze 25, in the direction of the Galactic anticentre, has been attributed a very low metallicity, with typical abundances between −0.5 and −0.7 dex below solar. Aims. We intend to derive accurate cluster parameters and accurate stellar abundances for some of its members. Methods. We have obtained a large sample of intermediate- and high-resolution spectra for stars in and around Dolidze 25. We used the fastwind code to generate stellar atmosphere models to fit the observed spectra. We derive stellar parameters for a large number of OB stars in the area, and abundances of oxygen and silicon for a number of stars with spectral types around B0. Results. We measure low abundances in stars of Dolidze 25. For the three stars with spectral types around B0, we find 0.3 dex (Si) and 0.5 dex (O) below the values typical in the solar neighbourhood. These values, even though not as low as those given previously, confirm Dolidze 25 and the surrounding H ii region Sh2-284 as the most metal-poor star-forming environment known in the Milky Way. We derive a distance 4.5 ± 0.3 kpc to the cluster (rG ≈ 12.3 kpc). The cluster cannot be older than ~3 Myr, and likely is not much younger. One star in its immediate vicinity, sharing the same distance, has Si and O abundances at most 0.15 dex below solar. Conclusions. The low abundances measured in Dolidze 25 are compatible with currently accepted values for the slope of the Galactic metallicity gradient, if we take into account that variations of at least ±0.15 dex are observed at a given radius. The area traditionally identified as Dolidze 25 is only a small part of a much larger star-forming region that comprises the whole dust shell associated with Sh2-284 and very likely several other smaller H ii regions in its vicinity.

Assessing the Implementation of a Secondary Plan Using a Conformance-Based GIS Method: A Pilot Project in Winnipeg, Manitoba

This case study evaluates the implementation of a secondary land use plan in Winnipeg, MB. The area selected for this case study is the Northeast Neighbourhood located in Waverley West; the development of this neighbourhood was guided by the Northeast Neighbourhood Area Structure Plan (NNASP). This case study evaluates the implementation of the NNASP through a conformance analysis which answers the following research questions: 1) Does the developed land use pattern in the NNASP area conform to what was planned; and 2) Does the implementation of the NNASP conform to the goals, objectives, policies, and intent of the plan? The implementation of the NNASP was evaluated against 62 evaluation criteria which were generated based on the policies of the NNASP. Using this method, the development of the Northeast Neighbourhood is effectively evaluated against the requirements of the NNASP. This conformity test utilized threefold approach including GIS analysis, a site visit, and document analysis.

Strengthening the strategic choice offered to the EU’s southern Mediterranean neighbours. CEPS Commentary, 1 February 2013

Finding that the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) currently lacks a strategic vision that would offer states in the southern Mediterranean substantial returns in exchange for making tough reforms, this CEPS Commentary suggests that this weakness can be overcome through a concrete prospect of regional integration pro-actively driven forward by the European Union. Taking inspiration from current projects such as the Energy Community Treaty, the authors urge the EU to explicitly incorporate “legally binding sectoral multilateralism” into the ENP. This would provide the Union’s partners with a tangible prospect of reaping real long-term benefits from EU cooperation and reinvigorate the ENP for the next decade.

Castles in the sand: Mali and the demise of the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy. CEPS Commentary, 28 January 2013

The threat posed by the crisis in Mali is direct, multidimensional and without regard to geographical proximity or historical and colonial heritage, writes Giovanni Faleg. France’s solitary intervention in Mali and the EU’s absence there raise two important questions for the future of the EU’s supposedly ‘Common’ Security and Defence Policy. The first has to do with the crisis itself; its nature and the threat posed by the terrorist groups and militias that are being countered by French armed forces. The second concerns the causes and implications of yet another example of the EU’s inability to take responsibility for security matters in its neighbourhood and beyond.

Europe's continental regionalism. CEPS Working Document No. 375, February 2013

This paper reviews the multiple forms of European continental regionalism, which takes the overall shape of a complex set of concentric circles, with a substructure of a core group within the EU based on the euro and Schengen areas, and several rings of neighbours outside, including the European Economic Area, the regions of the EU’s neighbourhood policy and finally some pan-European organisations. While all world regions have their own unique features, the European case offers some important lessons that should be of interest to other world regions. The first is what appears to be a relatively robust model for single market integration. The second consists of the lessons currently being learned on the hazards on monetary integration without adequate fiscal and political integration. The third lesson is another warning, over the difficulties of anticipating the political dynamics of integration processes once set in motion, often described in Europe as a ‘journey to an unknown destination’. The fourth consists of the EU’s current efforts to develop a comprehensive neighbourhood policy, which is encountering difficult issues of matching ambitious objectives with incentives of adequate weight. Nevertheless, the policy sees a landscape of positive and constructive relations between the EU and its neighbours, in marked contrast to some ugly conflictual or coercive features seen in the cases of other continental hegemons – the three BRIC states of China, India and Russia, but not the fourth one, Brazil.

The EU and Brazil: Partnering in an uncertain world? CEPS Working Document No. 382, 13 May 2013

The international system is changing fast and both the European Union and Brazil will need to adapt. This paper argues that such a process of adjustment may bring the two closer together, even if their starting points differ considerably. Europe looks at the ongoing redistribution of power as a challenge, Brazil as an opportunity. Europe is coping with the detrimental impact of the economic crisis on its international profile; Brazil is enhancing its influence in its region and beyond. Their normative outlook is broadly compatible; their political priorities and behaviour in multilateral frameworks often differ, from trade to development and security issues. Despite the crisis, however, there are signals of renewed engagement by the EU on the international stage, with a focus on its troubled neighbourhood and partnerships with the US and large emerging actors such as Brazil. The latter is charting an original course in international affairs as a rising democratic power from the traditional South with no geopolitical opponents and a commitment to multilateralism. In testing the limits of its international influence, Brazil will need dependable partners and variable coalitions that go well beyond the BRICS format, which is not necessarily sustainable. This contribution suggests that the strategic partnership between the EU and Brazil may grow stronger not only as a platform to deepen economic ties and sustain growth, but also as a tool to foster cooperation in political and security affairs including crisis management, preventive diplomacy and human rights.

EU democracy promotion in Eastern ENP Countries

The paper finds out that the increased incentive structures under the ENP and the more intense socialization dynamics in which Eastern ENP countries have been brought in since the launch of the ENP are not reflected into their regime patterns. However, on the long run (1991-2010) the EU democracy promotion in the region under consideration appears to be largely consistent. In addition, a content analysis of Progress Reports released by the European Commission on the implementation process of ENP Action Plans (ENPAPs) reveals that most Eastern partners have considered in their reform agendas the democracy-related objectives of these documents and that some have also sought to adopt international democratic instruments as provided for in the ENPAPs. Though the record is far from satisfactory on norm internalization, content analysis of Commission's Reports suggests that one should be cautious while totally sweeping away the EU's democratization role.

Approximation to EU Technical Standards with and without the Promise of Membership: the Cases of Slovakia and Ukraine. EU Diplomacy Paper 02/2013

This paper aims to identify the extent to which the non-promise of membership of the European Union (EU) precludes the motivation of Ukraine as European Neighbourhood Policy country to adopt EU policies in the field of market access, namely technical standards and regulations. Its approximation approach is compared to the fast-tracked accession of Slovakia, which was driven by a clear-cut membership promise. Furthermore, the paper elaborates whether the conclusion of an Association Agreement between the EU and Ukraine, including a Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement, provides sufficient incentives for Ukraine to continue reforming its quality infrastructure in order to gain access to the Single European Market. Finally, scenarios of possible developments of EU-Ukraine relations are deliberated in the context of the EU-Ukraine-Russia triangle. The paper argues that market access provides sufficient stimulus for third countries to adhere to EU technical standards – even in the absence of a clear and credible promise of future EU membership. Yet, in the case of Ukraine, the country’s relations with Russia appear to compete with its EU approximation process, resulting for the time being in Ukraine attempting to pursue a balanced dual cooperation with both the EU and Russia.

The Governance Gap in European Security and Defence. CEPS Policy Brief No. 310, 19 December 2013

The true causes of the EU’s inertia as a security actor in its neighbourhood and beyond are not a lack of capability or even austerity measures, but the absence of a core group of states committed to driving integration forward, argues Giovanni Faleg. Member states are reluctant to set clear common strategic priorities and struggle to agree on a revision of the institutional rules. Their strategic cultures and interests differ significantly; they hold different visions of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) and are unwilling to use the CSDP instruments at their disposal.

The EU's Group-to-Group Dialogue with the Southern Mediterranean and ASEAN – How much have they achieved? A Comparative Analysis. EU Centre Singapore Working Paper No, 18, December 2013

Four decades of the EU's group-to-group dialogues with the Southern Mediterranean grouping of countries and with ASEAN have produced different dynamics and outcomes, despite the EU’s common strategy to use economic soft power to achieve their goals for the partnerships. Diverging conditions in the two regions created inconsistency in the EU's application of the common approach. The EU's neighbourhood security concerns forced it to relax its political stand with their Southern Mediterranean partners. For ASEAN, geographical distance dilutes the EU’s security concerns it that region and has afforded the EU to be more ideological and assertive on democracy and human rights practices. These issues have provoked disagreements in EU-ASEAN dialogues, but both sides have also tried to remain pragmatic in order to achieve some progress in the partnership. In contrast, the protracted the Arab-Israeli conflict continues to hamper the Euro-Mediterranean dialogue, resulting in little progress. Social upheavals in the Southern Mediterranean also brought their partnership to a standstill. The EU's cooperation with former authoritarian regimes like Libya and Syria have only caused damage to its credibility in the Southern Mediterranean, and future Euro-Mediterranean dialogues are likely to be affected by it.

An Arab Springboard for EU Foreign Policy? CEPS Paperbacks. January 2012

The EU has not been perceived as reacting very rapidly or effectively to the so-called Arab Spring. Events do appear to validate the idea underpinning the European Security Strategy (ESS) and the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP): only where governments guarantee to their citizens security, prosperity, freedom and equality, can peace and stability last – otherwise, people will revolt. But in practice, in its southern neighbourhood the EU has acted in precisely the opposite manner, so the Arab Spring is occurring in spite of rather than thanks to EU policy. The ENP stands at a crossroads therefore: Can a new start be made? Which instruments and, in times of austerity, which means can the EU apply to consolidate democratization? And, finally, can the EU continue to wage an ENP without addressing the hard security dimension, especially as the US seem to be withdrawing from crisis management in the region – or shall it continue to leave that to others?

Common Security and Defence in 2014: Revise and resubmit. CEPS Commentaries, 27 March 2014

The conclusions of the December 2013 European Council on defence sounded like a ‘revise and resubmit’ recommendation for the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). That outcome was not too disappointing in itself, because precise technical guidelines were provided to revamp Europe’s defence, with good prospects of real progress. But it was not too ambitious either, as a clear indication of Europe’s future role in global security was in effect postponed until 2015, thus requiring ‘resubmission’ at a later date. Furthermore, member states did not seem particularly committed to reaching a formal agreement on a common strategic narrative; a sign that the governance gap continues to affect CSDP. Giovanni Faleg asks whether the European Council on defence marked the twilight of CSDP, or whether we will now see a new phase of cooperation, characterised by escalating external pressures in the southern neighbourhood and a resurgent Russian threat in the east.

Can Ukraine be saved at this 11th hour? CEPS Commentary, 2 May 2014

With Ukraine disintegrating before our eyes, Michael Emerson calls for the EU to convene again the Geneva Quad with the utmost urgency, and proposes a peacekeeping operation by a jointly flagged tripartite brigade of Ukrainian, EU and Russian troops and police to clean up the Maidan in Kyiv, moving on into Donetsk and Lugansk. This short-term action should also have long-term consequences for the European order, if it initiated a switch by the EU and Russia into a cooperative mode over their common neighbourhood.