The responsibility to record civilian casualties

The responsibility to record civilian casualties in both armed conflict and civil disturbances must be an integral element of the responsibility to protect, particularly in the application of the just cause principles. The first part of this article examines the threshold issue of the possibility of large-scale civilian casualties which triggers the international community’s responsibility to react. The reports recommending the responsibility to protect emphasise the need to establish the actuality or risk of ‘large scale’ loss of life which is not possible in the current context without a civilian casualty recording structure. The second part of the article outlines the international legal obligation to record civilian casualties based on international humanitarian law and international human rights law. Thirdly, the responsibility to protect and the legal obligation to record casualties are brought together within the framework of Ban Ki-moon’s reports on implementation of the Responsibility to Protect. The fourth and final part of the article reviews the situations in Sri Lanka and Syria. Both states represent egregious examples of governments hiding the existence of casualties, resulting in paralysis within the international community. These situations establish, beyond doubt, that the national obligation to record civilian casualties must be part and parcel of the responsibility to protect.

Identifying and recording every casualty of armed conflict

This article discusses the international legal obligation to identify and record every casualty of armed conflict that finds its basis in the treaties and customs of international humanitarian law and international human rights law. The article applies the various facets of the legal obligation to the armed conflicts in Iraq and Sri Lanka and argues that the parties in these conflicts failed in their international legal responsibility to civilians.

The Copenhagen principles on the handling of detainees: implications for the procedural regulation of internment

The Copenhagen Principles on the Handling of Detainees in International Military Operations were released in October 2012 after a five-year long process involving states and certain organizations. The Principles address a number of issues concerning the handling and transfer of detainees. They apply in military operations conducted by states abroad in the context of non-international armed conflicts and peace operations. This article focuses on those principles that address the procedural regulation of internment (ie preventive, security detention), as it is here that the current law is particularly unclear. On the one hand, the treaty provisions applicable in non-international armed conflicts contain no rules on the procedural regulation of internment, in comparison with the law of international armed conflict. On the other hand, the relevant rules under international human rights law (IHRL) appear derogable in such situations. This article demonstrates that the approach taken to this issue in the Copenhagen Principles is one which essentially draws on the procedural rules applicable to civilian internment in the international armed conflicts. These rules adopt standards that are lower than those under IHRL. Reference is then made to other recent practice, which illustrates that the Copenhagen Principles do not apply in a legal vacuum. In particular, two recent judicial developments highlight the continued relevance of human rights law and domestic law, respectively, in regulating detention operations in the context of international military operations. Compliance with the Copenhagen Principles may not, therefore, be sufficient for detention to be lawful.

Gendered struggles over land: shifting inheritance practices among the Serer in rural Senegal

Although women's land rights are often affirmed unequivocally in constitutions and international human rights conventions in many African countries, customary practices usually prevail on the ground and often deny women's land inheritance. Yet land inheritance often goes unnoticed in wider policy and development initiatives to promote women's equal access to land. This paper draws on feminist ethnographic research among the Serer ethnic group in two contrasting rural communities in Senegal. Through analysis of land governance, power relations and 'technologies of the self', this article shows how land inheritance rights are contingent on the specific effects of intersectionality in particular places. The contradictions of legal pluralism, greater adherence to Islam and decentralisation led to greater application of patrilineal inheritance practices. Gender, religion and ethnicity intersected with individuals' marital position, status, generation and socio-ecological change to constrain land inheritance rights for women, particularly daughters, and widows who had been in polygamous unions and who remarried. Although some women were aware that they were legally entitled to inherit a share of the land, they tended not to 'demand their rights'. In participatory workshops, micro-scale shifts in women's and men's positionings reveal a recognition of the gender discriminatory nature of customary and Islamic law and a desire to 'change with the times'. While the effects of 'reverse' discourses are ambiguous and potentially reinforce prevailing patriarchal power regimes, 'counter' discourses, which emerged in participatory spaces, may challenge customary practices and move closer to a rights-based approach to gender equality and women's land inheritance.

Structural challenges in a multipolar and multicultural global legal era : BRICS’ global legal politics beyond cultural and economic partnerships

New emerging international dynamics introduce a global poly-axiological polycentric disorder which undermines the tradition of a unique global legal order in international law. Modern Era was characterized by Western European civilizational model – from which human rights is a byproduct. This consensus had its legitimacy tested by XXst century’s scenario – and the ‘BRICS factor/actor’ is a symptom of this reality. Its empowerment in world politics lead to the rise of distinct groups of States/civilizations provided with different legal, political, economic and social traditions – promoting an unexpected uprise of otherness in international legal order and inviting it to a complete and unforeseeable reframing process. Beyond Washington or Brussels Consensus, other custom-originated discourses (Brasília, Moscow, New Delhi, Peking or Cape Town Consensus, among other unfolded possibilities) will probably henceforth attempt shaping international law in present global legal disorder.

Direito à moradia em cidades sustentáveis: parâmetros de políticas públicas habitacionais Natal 2013

The right to housing is included in several international human rights instruments and in Brazilian legal system integrates the constitutional catalog of fundamental social rights (art. 6) and urban development policy (art. 182 and 183). Besides, it is for all federative governments its effectiveness by building programs and improvement of housing conditions and sanitation (art. 23, IX), which justifies the investment in urban planning and public policy of housing affordability because they are tools for achieving this right. Newer strategies in this area have been based on tax incentives, combined with the mortgage as a way to induce the construction of new housing units or reform those in a precarious situation. However, there is still a deficit households and environmental soundness, compounded with the formation of informal settlements. Consequently, we need constant reflections on the issue, in order to identify parameters that actually guide their housing policies in order to meet the constitutional social functions of the city and ensure well-begins of its citizens (art. 182). On the other hand, the intervention of the government in this segment can not only see the availability of the home itself, but also the quality of your extension or surroundings, observing aspects related to environmental sanitation, urban mobility, leisure and services essential health, education and social assistance. It appears that the smoothness and efficiency of a housing policy condition to the concept of adequate housing, in other words, structurally safe, comfortable and environmentally legally legitimate, viable from the extensive coordination with other public policies. Only to compliance with this guideline, it is possible to realize the right to housing in sustainable cities

A plurifuncionalidade da segurança alimentar no meio ambiente como dever de solidariedade agroambiental

O presente trabalho trata da análise teórica da plurifuncionalidade da Segurança Alimentar e Nutricional (SAN) no meio ambiente, que se sustenta como um dever de solidariedade agroambiental. O trabalho foi dividido em três partes, cada uma com dois capítulos, que foram desenvolvidos inicialmente com o estabelecimento do contexto em que se encontram os assuntos abordados, e finalizados com observações acerca das principais ideias estudadas, até a elaboração de considerações finais, que demonstram os resultados alcançados pelo trabalho. Utiliza-se a metodologia teórica e o raciocínio indutivo-crítico, pois se parte do estudo de um fenômeno individualizado, a SAN, para se prejetarem hipóteses que considerem seus efeitos e interações com o meio ambiente natural, para ao final buscar generalizar as soluções encontradas, notadamente a solidariedade em sua dimensão de dever jurídico. Procura-se sustentar a argumentação com obras de referência bibliográficas e outras produções científicas de entidades nacionais e estrangeiras. Discute-se introdutoriamente alguns motivos que levaram à realização da tese, quais sejam os graves problemas que envolvem a alimentação humana na contemporaneidade, destaca sua aproximação com os direitos humanos, especialmente com o princípio da solidariedade e suas características de transdisciplinaridade metodológica, que gera necessariamente efeitos em vários outros campos do conhecimento. São revisados criticamente conceitos firmados pela Organização das Nações Unidas para Agricultura e Alimentação (FAO), especialmente os referentes ao direito à alimentação, direito a estar alimentado, soberania alimentar, Segurança Alimentar e Nutricional (SAN), desnutrição, subnutrição e má nutrição. Considera-se a SAN em sua dimensão plurifuncional porque implica necessariamente em repercussões éticas e jurídicas no âmbito dos direitos humanos, a partir da ideia teórica da solidariedade, que é estudada desde a sua formação antiga, quando associada à virtude, até à modernidade e a aproximação com a política e o direito, entendida no presente como princípio que sustenta o dever jurídico ligado à gestão racional de bens ambientais voltados à alimentação, delimitados em especial no direito agroambiental, percebendo-se a solidariedade então como fundamento de direitos, valor superior qualificada pela fraternidade, e ao mesmo tempo prevista em documentos internacionais de direitos humanos e em diversas constituições. Os interesses difusos são necessariamente examinados, pois a SAN é um interesse geral da sociedade humana, e implica na preservação dos bens ambientais alimentares, considerados indivisíveis na visão solidária, que deve ser integrada aos valores liberdade e igualdade, tornando-os princípios com interpretação mais humana, limitando seu exercício absoluto e ainda justificando-os. A ideia de solidariedade faz com que seja possível chegar aos direitos partindo do dever agroambiental e, diante das várias correntes teóricas que tratam do dever jurídico, considera-se que seja autônomo em relação ao direito subjetivo, mas traduzindo deveres ligados a finalidades sociais, de interesse público, que se manifestam em ambiente democrático, podendo o dever agroambiental ser considerado fenômeno com raízes de ética pública, com elevados valores ambientais, decisivos em sua dimensão jurídica de obrigações e responsabilidades, de todos em relação a todos, inclusive com normas objetivas nacionais e internacionais de proteção de bens agroambientais. Sustenta-se que nesse sentido a ética pública ligada à ética ambiental pode ser decisiva na observância ao direito, para além do convencimento meramente externo, mas enquanto manifestação também interna, ética, que carrega de sentido o dever jurídico solidário ligado à plurifuncionalidade da SAN. Também são elaboradas críticas à tradicional argumentação acerca dos direitos das gerações futuras, pela imprecisão e incerteza científica que os cinge, afastando-os da possibilidade de figurarem como objeto do direito, para assentar que os direitos de que se falam são precisamente traduzidos como deveres das gerações presentes, sendo estes deveres o vínculo jurídico entre gerações sucessivas. Nesse sentido, a solidariedade intergeracional passa a ter um liame jurídico contínuo, estudado através da teoria dos direitos fundamentais, o que lhe confere como característica a fluidez entre as gerações, e que por isso exige o aproveitamento racional dos recursos ambientais naturais, amparado nos princípios da precaução e informação, na ética da responsabilidade dirigida a todas as gerações, que demanda a incorporação de longo tempo nas ações humanas, que possibilite a ampla educação ambiental, e o desenvolvimento do pensamento altruísta, transtemporal, que considere problemas ambientais transfonteiriços e os bens ambientais naturais finitos, sendo indispensável conscientização da geração presente e de sua classe política para a afirmação da solidariedade. Estuda-se ainda que o dever de gestão racional dos bens ambientais naturais alimentares é dever de solidariedade, pois se considera que cada indivíduo usa uma parcela imaterial e indivisa desse bem coletivo, que pode ser público ou privado, mas que se sujeita à solidariedade. Nesse contexto só prevalece o direito de propriedade, em relação aos seus atributos tradicionais, se o objetivo comum de preservação dos bens ambientais alimentares não fornecer uma justificativa suficiente para impor readequação da atividade, abstenção de conduta, ou mesmo medidas sancionadoras decorrentes de responsabilização objetiva. Finalmente, enquanto contribuição científica, o trabalho apresenta um ensaio para a construção das características do dever de solidariedade agroambiental, quais sejam, o seu objeto e os sujeitos, a sua estrutura, que abrange a natureza das obrigações dele decorrente, e o regime principiológico. A conclusão geral apresentada é que o dever de solidariedade agroambiental, demonstrado sua ocorrência pela plurifuncionalidade da SAN, corresponde à ideia de justiça e moralidade política, fenômeno no qual é percebida intensa conexão entre o direito e a ética ambiental, compreensão relevante para resolução de conflitos que envolvam alimentação humana e a utilização de bens ambientais naturais.

A política externa em direitos humanos no governo Lula (2003-2010)

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

The Theory of Interhybridity: Socio-political Dimensions and Migration Experiences of Post-communist Western Balkan States

The Western Balkans integration within the EU has started a legal process which is the rejection of former communist legal/political approaches and the transformation of former communist institutions. Indeed, the EU agenda has brought vertical/horizontal integration and Europeanization of national institutions (i.e. shifting power to the EU institutions and international authorities). At this point, it is very crucial to emphasize the fact that the Western Balkans as a whole region has currently an image that includes characteristics of both the Soviet socialism and the European democracy. The EU foreign policies and enlargement strategy for Western Balkans have significant effects on four core factors (i.e. Schengen visa regulations, remittances, asylum and migration as an aggregate process). The convergence/divergence of EU member states’ priorities for migration policies regulate and even shape directly the migration dynamics in migrant sender countries. From this standpoint, the research explores how main migration factors are influenced by political and judicial factors such as; rule of law and democracy score, the economic liberation score, political and human rights, civil society score and citizenship rights in Western Balkan countries. The proposal of interhybridity explores how the hybridization of state and non-state actors within home and host countries can solve labor migration-related problems. The economical and sociopolitical labor-migration model of Basu (2009) is overlapping with the multidimensional empirical framework of interhybridity. Indisputably, hybrid model (i.e. collaboration state and non-state actors) has a catalyst role in terms of balancing social problems and civil society needs. Paradigmatically, it is better to perceive the hybrid model as a combination of communicative and strategic action that means the reciprocal recognition within the model is precondition for significant functionality. This will shape social and industrial relations with moral meanings of communication.

The 2011 Constitutional reform in Morocco: more flaws than merits. Jean Monnet Occasional Paper No. 07/2014

Introduction. In the speech given to both Houses of Parliament on 11 October 2013 during the first parliamentary session, King Mohammed VI said that the “Moroccan democratic model” was “a precursor in the region as well as on the continental level.”1 Similarly, with the purpose of stressing the “democratic exceptionalism”2 of the country, the new government, led by Abdeilah Benkirane, emphasised that Morocco represents a “third way” compared to countries such as Tunisia, Libya or Egypt since it “…has not embarked on a limited process of reform from the top, driven and controlled by the King. Nor has it experienced a revolution brought a angry citizens rising up against the regime. Rather, it has chosen an alternate path based on a genuine partnership between the King and the PJD (Parti de la justice et du développement) that promises to bring about more far-reaching reform than palace alone would grant, without the disruption caused by uncontrolled popular upheaval.”4 It should not be at all surprising that the regime and the new Government consider Morocco a “democratic model” or a “third way.” After all, they are refe country. What is harder to understand is that when discussing the Arab uprisings, even prominent Western political leaders, representatives of the European Union institutions and the mainstream media (when they do not forget about Morocc to praise the process of democratic reform carried out by Mohammed VI. For example, on 12 September 2012, Hillary Clinton, former US Secretary of State, said, “in many ways, the United States looks to Morocco to be a leader and a model […] On political reform, we have all seen remarkable changes taking place across North Africa and the Middle East. I commend Morocco and your government for your efforts to stay ahead of these changes by holding free and fair elections, empowering the elected parliament, taking other steps to ensure that the government reflects the will of the people.”5 Similarly, former French President Nicolas Sarkozy sang the praises of the process that led to the adoption of the new 2011 Constitution: “King Mohammed VI has shown the path towards a profound, peaceful and modern transformation of Moroccan institutions and society […] France fully supports this exemplary process.” Interestingly enough, even at the European Union level the constitutional reform that took more far-reaching reform than palace alone would grant, without the disruption caused by uncontrolled popular upheaval.”4 It should not be at all surprising that the regime and the new Government consider Morocco a “democratic model” or a “third way.” After all, they are refe country. What is harder to understand is that when discussing the Arab uprisings, even prominent Western political leaders, representatives of the European Union institutions and the mainstream media (when they do not forget about Morocc to praise the process of democratic reform carried out by Mohammed VI. For example, on 12 September 2012, Hillary Clinton, former US Secretary of State, said, “in many ways, the United States looks to Morocco to be a leader and a model […] On political reform, we have all seen remarkable changes taking place across North Africa and the Middle East. I commend Morocco and your government for your efforts to stay ahead of these changes by holding free and fair elections, empowering the elected parliament, taking other steps to ensure that the government reflects the will of the people.”5 Similarly, former French President Nicolas Sarkozy sang the praises of the process that led to the adoption of the new 2011 Constitution: “King Mohammed VI has shown the path towards a profound, peaceful and modern transformation of Moroccan institutions and society […] France fully supports this exemplary process.” Interestingly enough, even at the European Union level the constitutional reform that took place in Morocco was considered an extremely positive step taken by the country, as well as a means to strengthen the cooperation between the EU and Morocco. Indeed, according to the High Representative Catherine Ashton, this reform “constitute[s] a significant response to the legitimate aspirations of the Moroccan people and [is] consistent with Morocco’s Advanced Status with the EU.”7 When it comes to the media, it is worth noting that following the ratification of the 2011 Constitution, The New York Times headlined: “All Hail the (Democratic) King.” Even sections of the academic literature have commended the constitutional reform carried out by the Moroccan Sovereign.9 In this paper I argue against the aforementioned idea, according to which Morocco should be considered a model in the region, and in particular I show that the constitution-making process, the 2011 Constitution and its subsequent implementation have more flaws than merits. Accordingly, this paper proceeds in five steps. First of all, I examine the reaction of the regime to the upheavals that broke out in the country after 20 February 2011. Secondly, I analyse the process of constitution showing its main strengths and weaknesses, and comparing it with other constituent processes that took place in the region following the Arab uprisings. In the third section, I highlight the most significant elements of continuity and discontinuity with the previous 1996 Constitution. The fourth section deals with the process of implementation: specifically process is proceeding quite slowly and that in some cases ordinary legislation is in contrast with the new Constitution and international human rights treaties. Moreover, I discuss the role that the judiciary and the Constitutional Court can play in the implementation and interpretation of the Constitution. Finally, I draw some concluding remarks.

Citizenship Deprivation: A Normative Analysis. Liberty and Security in Europe No. 82, 19 March 2015

Most critical analyses assess citizenship-deprivation policies against international human rights and domestic rule of law standards, such as prevention of statelessness, non-arbitrariness with regard to justifications and judicial remedies, or non-discrimination between different categories of citizens. This report considers instead from a political theory perspective how deprivation policies reflect specific conceptions of political community. We distinguish four normative conceptions of the grounds of membership in a political community that apply to decisions on acquisition and loss of citizenship status: i) a ‘State discretion’ view, according to which governments should be as free as possible in pursuing State interests when determining citizenship status; ii) an ‘individual choice’ view, according to which individuals should be as free as possible in choosing their citizenship status; iii) an ‘ascriptive community’ view, according to which both State and individual choices should be minimised through automatic determination of membership based on objective criteria such as the circumstances of birth; and iv) a ‘genuine link’ view, according to which the ties of individuals to particular States determine their claims to inclusion and against deprivation while providing at the same time objections against including individuals without genuine links. We argue that most citizenship laws combine these four normative views in different ways, but that from a democratic perspective the ‘genuine link’ view is normatively preferable to the others. The report subsequently examines five general grounds for citizenship withdrawal – threats to public security, non-compliance with citizenship duties, flawed acquisition, derivative loss and loss of genuine links – and considers how the four normative views apply to withdrawal provision motivated by these concerns. The final section of the report examines whether EU citizenship provides additional reasons for protection against Member States’ powers of citizenship deprivation. We suggest that, in addition to fundamental rights protection through EU law and protection of free movement rights, three further arguments could be invoked: toleration of dual citizenship in a political union, prevention of unequal conditions for loss among EU citizens, and the salience of genuine links to the EU itself rather than merely to one of its Member States.

The National Constituent Assembly of Tunisia and Civil Society Dynamics. EUSpring Working Paper No. 2, 8 July 2015

The Tunisian constitution of 27 January 2014 was deemed essentially compatible with international human rights principles and standards. These were adopted at the outcome of a dual process, which was underway both inside the National Constituent Assembly (NCA) and outside it, between the NCA and civil society stakeholders. Three successive drafts fell considerably short of expectations (6 August 2012, 14 December 2012 and 22 April 2013). The fourth draft (1 June 2013) was still fraught with 20 or so fundamental divergences. These were resolved, thanks to the National Dialogue in cooperation with the ad hoc “consensus commission” (lajnet tawafuqat) within the NCA, which is chaired by Mustapha Ben Jaafar (President of the NCA). The final text was overwhelmingly adopted on 26 January 2014 by 200 votes, with 12 against and four abstentions. It was promulgated on 10 February.

Interviewing suspected offenders

Poor practices in interrogation and interviewing techniques, including those that the scientific literature suggests are counterproductive in eliciting reliable information, have led to many miscarriages of justice around the world, undermining the reputation and trust of the legal processes and organizations involved. This chapter provides a background and history of interrogation and interviewing, one that includes a description of current models and practices and highlights the fundamental differences in the two primary philosophies in Western countries. The chapter also explores the ultimate purpose of interviewing and interrogation together with the questioning strategies that science suggests are the most effective. It is argued throughout the chapter that modern, scientifically backed, interviewing approaches should be used at all times, no matter the challenge or situation, as a pathway towards both the collection of accurate information and diligent adherence to the standards of international human rights.

The gendered effects of family migration law: contextual interpretation as a possible judicial remedy

At all normative levels, family migration law can disproportionally and negatively affect immigrant women’s rights in this field, producing gendered effects. In some cases, such effects are related to the normative and judicial imposition of unviable family-related models (e.g., the ʻgood mother ̕ the one-breadwinner family, or a rigid distinction between productive and reproductive work). In other cases, they are due to family migration law’s overlooking of the specific needs and difficulties of immigrant women, within their families and in the broader context of their host countries’ social and normative framework.To effectively expose and correct this gender bias, in this article I propose an alternative view of immigrant women’s right to family life, as a cluster of rights and entitlements rather than as a mono-dimensional right. As a theoretical approach, this construction is better equipped to capture the complex experiences of immigrant women in the European legal space, and to shed light on the gendered effects generated not by individual norms but by the interaction of norms that are traditionally assigned to separated legal domains (e.g., immigration law and criminal law). As a judicial strategy, this understanding is capable of prompting a consideration by domestic and supranational courts of immigrant women not as isolated individuals, but as ‘individuals in context’. I shall define this type of approach as ‘contextual interpretation’, understood as the consideration of immigrant women in the broader contexts of their families, their host societies and the normative frameworks applicable to them. Performed in a gendersensitive manner, a contextual judicial interpretation has the potential to neutralize the gendered effects of certain family migration norms. To illustrate these points, I will discuss selected judicial examples offered by the European Court on Human Rights, as well as from domestic jurisdictions of countries with a particularly high incidence of immigrant women (Italy and Spain).