Challenges and confusion in media regulation: a four-country comparison

[Excerto] ln this chapter we discuss recent developments and challenges in European media and communication policy, focusing on the period following the 2008 global financial crisis. We are especially interested in the implications of the financial crisis and its political repercussions nationally (austerity measures and cuts to public services, growing anti-politics sentiments and widespread dissatisfaction with free-market capitalism and representative democracy) for media and communication policy, understood here in a broad sense, so as to include ali electronic communications, such as the Internet, mobile communications, social media etc. Our overarching concern is with the implications of developments in media and communication policy for the democratic functions of the media in Europe (...).

Experimental evidence that quorum rules discourage turnout and promote election boycotts

Many democratic decision making institutions involve quorum rules. Such rules are commonly motivated by concerns about the “legitimacy” or “representativeness” of decisions reached when only a subset of eligible voters participates. A prominent example of this can be found in the context of direct democracy mechanisms, such as referenda and initiatives. We conduct a laboratory experiment to investigate the consequences of the two most common types of quorum rules: a participation quorum and an approval quorum. We find that both types of quora lead to lower participation rates, dramatically increasing the likelihood of full-fledged electoral boycotts on the part of those who endorse the Status Quo. This discouraging effect is significantly larger under a participation quorum than under an approval quorum.

Políticas, processos e atores de privatização da educação em Portugal: apontamentos

Procurou-se contribuir para esboçar uma problemática de pesquisa em torno da privatização em educação, no quadro das relações entre o Estado e os domínios público e privado e tomando como horizonte a construção do direito fundamental à educação e do bem-estar social, situados no Portugal democrático. Argumentou-se que o Estado e as políticas públicas têm, nestes 40 anos, desempenhado um papel central naqueles processos. Durante muito tempo, com fases e combinações distintas, pode observar-se uma espécie de duplicidade na ação estatal, com o acento tónico ora na expansão e consolidação do sistema público, ora no apoio e sustentação de atores e dinâmicas de ampliação do espaço e da influência privados, às vezes assumindo simultaneamente uma e outra orientação em setores diferenciados. Sugere-se, no entanto, que, desde 2011, no quadro de políticas regressivas austeritárias de ajustamento estrutural, com origem na União Europeia, se assistiu a uma rutura em favor de um projeto societal neoliberal radical que, a ser bem sucedido, procura instituir um sistema educativo pobre para pobres e alterar o estatuto e o papel do direito à educação e do sistema público que constitucionalmente o realiza.

HPV DNA testing with cytology triage in cervical cancer screening: Influence of revealing HPV infection status

BACKGROUND: Knowledge of cervical human papillomavirus (HPV) status might influence a cytotechnician's assessment of cellular abnormalities. The authors compared original cytotechnicians' Papanicolaou (Pap) readings for which HPV status was concealed with Pap rereads for which HPV status was revealed separately for 3 screening populations. METHODS: Previously collected cervical Pap smears and clinical data were obtained from the Canadian Cervical Cancer Screening Trial (study A), the Democratic Republic of Congo Community-Based Screening Study (study B), and the Brazilian Investigation into Nutrition and Cervical Cancer Prevention (study C). Smears were reread with knowledge of HPV status for all HPV-positive women as well as a sample of HPV-negative women. Diagnostic performance of Pap cytology was compared between original readings and rereads. RESULTS: A total of 1767 Pap tests were reread. Among 915 rereads for HPV-positive women, the contrast between "revealed" and "concealed" Pap readings demonstrated revisions from negative to positive results for 109 women (cutoff was atypical squamous cells of undetermined significance or worse) and 124 women (cutoff was low-grade squamous intraepithelial lesions [LSIL] or worse). For a disease threshold of cervical intraepithelial neoplasia of grade 2 or worse, specificity significantly declined at the atypical squamous cells of undetermined significance cutoff for studies A (86.6% to 75.3%) and C (42.5% to 15.5%), and at the LSIL cutoff for study C (61.9% to 37.6%). Sensitivity remained nearly unchanged between readings, except in study C, in which reread performance was superior (91.3% vs 71.9% for the LSIL cutoff). CONCLUSIONS: A reduction in the diagnostic accuracy of Pap cytology was observed when revealing patients' cervical HPV status, possibly due to a heightened awareness of potential abnormalities, which led to more false-positive results. Cancer (Cancer Cytopathol) 2015. (c) 2015 American Cancer Society.

Serão as práticas policiais adequadas a uma resposta imediata ao crime?

Dissertação de mestrado em Administração da Justiça

Desafios de uma comunidade minoritária: os apoios sociais na comunidade cigana de Barcelos

Dissertação de mestrado em Crime Diferença e Desigualdade

O contrato para a assunção de encargos relativos a obras de urbanização (gerais e especiais): um contrato entre dois territórios jurídicos?

Dissertação de mestrado em Direito Administrativo

O contributo da semiótica na análise da política contemporânea

Este trabalho procura mostrar quais os contributos da semiótica social para a compreensão de alguns traços da relação entre política contemporânea e os meios de comunicação. Partiremos da ideia de que a introdução às tecnologias de comunicação e informação, juntamente com o desenvolvimento de várias técnicas de comunicação política e marketing político, convergem para a acentuação da grande complexidade semiótica dos discursos políticos. Desta forma, iremos recorrer à análise de episódios recentes que envolveram políticos portugueses e às suas repercussões na opinião pública portuguesa. Pretendemos, assim, contribuir para um mais esclarecimento da relação entre a política contemporânea e os meios de comunicação na atualidade em sociedades democráticas, particularmente, na sociedade portuguesa.

Do kemalismo ao neo-otomanismo: o desenvolvimento político e a «Nova Turquia» de Recep Tayyip Erdogan (2003-2014)

Dissertação de mestrado em Ciência Política

Enfoques sobre la ciudadanía. Philosophical Perspectives on Citizenship.

La necesidad que da origen al presente proyecto se relaciona con la ausencia de un tratamiento de la cuestión de la ciudadanía que haga interactuar distintos enfoques filosóficos -el principal indicador de esta carencia es la ausencia de producciones académicas que den cuenta de la complejidad que adquiere la temática si se la aborda desde los problemas que nos proporcionan otras perspectivas filosóficas y políticas-. En este sentido, el problema general del proyecto apunta a hacer discutir diferentes abordajes conceptuales para pensar la ciudadanía. Específicamente, trabajamos a partir de dos enfoques: 1) la discusión entre liberales y comunitaristas y sus actuales derivas y 2) la cuestión de la biopolítica y su relación con la temática de la ciudadanía. Se procura revisar la discusión liberales-comunitaristas propia de las ciencias políticas, interpelándola a partir de conceptos como los de dominación, relaciones de poder, control sobre la vida, disciplina, entre otros provenientes de la filosofía práctica, la teoría social, las ciencias de la educación, etc. Nuestra investigación parte de la hipótesis de que hacer discutir las problemáticas que se disputan liberales-comunitaristas, con la Teoría Crítica de la Escuela de Frankfurt y con los recientes fenómenos biopolíticos, permite un abordaje que atiende a la efectiva complejidad de las prácticas de ciudadanía en nuestra vida en común en las sociedades democráticas contemporáneas. Esto permitirá complejizar los presupuestos con los que tradicionalmente se ha pensado la ciudadanía, a partir sobre todo de los fenómenos socio-políticos más recientes, como los nuevos movimientos sociales, las discusiones acerca de la legislación del aborto y la eutanasia, los esfuerzos de los estados nacionales por incrementar medidas de seguridad que van desde la imposición de fuertes barreras a la inmigración hasta la realización de guerras preventivas. Entendemos que estos, entre otros fenómenos, desafían la hermenéutica tradicional sobre la ciudadanía. Es de esta manera que se buscará comprender los límites y alcances de las ideas de ciudadanía, entendiéndola como un concepto histórico formador de subjetividades. La metodología se basa en una perspectiva interdisciplinaria que proporciona las herramientas para un análisis conceptual de la temática de la ciudadanía. Esta metodología está orientada al desarrollo de un marco teórico que resulte productivo para investigaciones de campo en las ciencias sociales, así como también para la elaboración de un material bibliográfico destinado a docentes abocados a la ciudadanía. Otro de los propósitos fundamentales es el de formar una red entre diferentes equipos de investigación a nivel nacional a partir de las “I Jornadas Nacionales sobre Ciudadanía” y de la organización de un seminario especializado con un profesor visitante. As far as the general topic of citizenship concerns philosophy, the theoretical problem of how to reconcile the different perspectives, assuming that this is an enterprise that can be done, remains an open question. Furthermore, the absence of academic material dealing with the problem seems to be a good indicator of this tendency. The main focus of the present Project aims at coping with some of the most notorious theoretical approaches to citizenship. More specifically, we will analyze the next two approaches: 1) the debate libertarians-communitarians and 2) the relationship between biopolitics and citizenship. Our purpose is to revise the discussion libertarians-communitarians incorporating concepts such as domination, power-relationships, life-control, among others that find their roots in practical philosophy, social theory, education and so on. To the extent that theories of citizenship are only provided with the usual conceptual machinery, some of the most remarkable phenomena of our democratic societies will stand for them out of reach: the existence of new social movements, abortion and euthanasia, inmigration, etc. Our hypothesis is that by making the debate libertarians-communitarians interact with the Critical Theory as well as with biopolitical concepts, we will be in a better position to try to understand these diverse phenomena. With the development of some sort of a new hermeneutics, we expect to criticize the old ideas related to citizenship and to re-elaborate them in a way that allows us to understand this concept in a less-fundamental, historical sense. Methodologically, we will adopt a multi-dimensional approach which expects to be fruitful to many other investigations in the area of social sciences. The Project pretends to be useful as a consultation resource for educators in a bibliographical index to design their curricula. At the same time,a seminar with a visiting profesor, the organization of a Congres will be our main objectives.

Polarization in the chilean party system: changes and continuities, 1990-1999

The focus of this thesis is the evolution of programmatic polarization in the post-authoritarian Chilean party system at the elite level. It shows the distance/proximity between parties located along the left-right ideological continuum on three sets of issues. The paper demonstrates that important changes have taken place in the meaning of the right and, especially, left poles. This implies convergence on socio-economic issues between parties, but persistence of differences on religious-value issues, and on issues related to the authoritarian/democratic cleavage. Distance between the poles has been reduced, and as a result the center has lost its own political space. In addition, the paper shows that the pattern followed by programmatic polarization at the elite level is explained by the authoritarian experience, the institutional framework, and socio-economic transformations. Together with this factors, the degree of negotiability of the issues and the cross-cutting nature of the cleavages have also shaped polarization.

El dret a l'educació i la igualtat d'oportunitats. Perspectiva històrica

La importància del sistema educatiu per a la formació d’una consciència democràtica és un tema ja present en el pensament il•lustrat i recollit en la Constitució de 1812 on es pretenia que, amb els plans d’instrucció, a partir de l’any 1830 sabessin llegir i escriure tots els ciutadans. L’objectiu d’aquesta recerca és analitzar com el dret a l’educació és determinant per al desplegament de la nostra personalitat i per a la igualtat d’oportunitats. Molts dels problemes i de les tensions presents en la configuració d’un model de sistema educatiu per a la nostra societat democràtica són conseqüència de plantejaments no resolts des de fa dos segles. La consolidació, per primer cop en la nostra història, d’un ordenament jurídic democràtic, exigeix un esforç per part de tots els agents implicats en el sistema educatiu per a possibilitar una societat on sigui vigent el principi d’igualtat d’oportunitats.

The Key party in the catalan government

This paper analyzes the different compositions of the catalan governing coalitions during the current democratic period, and offers some predictions about the coalitions that can be expected in the future. During this period, in catalan politics, there have been two main political issues over which the different parties have taken positions: rightist versus leftist with respect to economic policy, and sovereign versus centralist with respect to the power distribution within the state. I find that for any allocation of parliament seats there is a key party: a party that has a clear advantage in terms of being able to decide the composition of the governing coalition. I show the features that allow a party to become the key party and those that affect the size of the advantage of the key party.

The European Union Police Mission: The Beginning of a New Future for Bosnia and Herzegovina?

The creation, reform and/or restructuring of the police in post-conflict societies remains one of the key challenges for practitioners and scholars in the contemporary fields of peace and security, particularly due to the changing nature of conflicts. Since the 1990s the world has witnessed a proliferation of international police missions, with regional organisations gradually acquiring a prominent role. This paper analyses the 2003-2005 period of the European Union Police Mission (EUPM) in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Much is at stake in this mission, both in terms of the development of the EU´s external identity but also for Bosnia and Herzegovina’s road to EU membership and sustainable peace. This paper will argue that by 2005 the balance sheet was mixed. EUPM fell short of fulfilling its overall goal of ‘Europeanising’ Bosnian police services, and of its desire to be seen as providing that additional ingredient in police matters that would set it apart from the earlier UN mission. Nevertheless, despite its shortcomings, the Mission did not merit the harsh criticisms it was faced with. Its lack of success was not entirely the Mission’s doing. The paper focuses on three aspects: political and economic viability and sustainability, security levels in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and institution and capacity building. The explanatory framework used in this paper is based on the democratic policing discourse. In doing so the argument developed here will also shed light on the nature of so-called “best European practices” in police matters.

From e-voting to smart-voting : e-Tools in and for elections and direct democracy in Switzerland

To what extent do and could e-tools contribute to a democracy like Switzerland? This paper puts forward experiences and visions concerning the application of e-tools for the most traditional democratic processes- elections and, of special importance in Switzerland, direct-democratic votes.Having the particular voting behaviour of the Swiss electorate in mind (low voter turnout - especially among the youngest age group, low political knowledge, etc.) we believe that e-tools which provide information in the forefront of elections or direct-democratic votes offer an enormous service to the voter. As soon as e-voting will be possible in Switzerland (as planned by the government), those e-tools for gathering information online will become indispensable and will gain power enormously. Therefore political scientists should not only focus on potential effects of e-voting itself but rather on the combination of (connected)e-tools of the pre-voting and the voting sphere. In the case of Switzerland, we argue in this paper, the offer of VAAs such as smartvote for elections and direct-democratic votes can provide the voter with more balanced and qualitatively higher information and thereby make a valuable contribution to the Swiss democracy.